German People's Union

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German People's Union
Logo of the DVU as a party
Honorary Chairman Fritz von Randow (†)
founding 1971 (association); March 5, 1987 (party)
Place of foundation Munich
fusion January 1, 2011
(incorporated in: NPD - Die Volksunion )
Headquarters Hamburg
Youth organization Young rights
Alignment Right-wing extremism ,
nationalism ,
ethnic nationalism ,
EU skepticism
Government grants 108,612.40 €
Number of members 3,000 (2010)

The German People's Union (abbreviation: DVU , also List D ) was a right-wing extremist party in the Federal Republic of Germany (see section Political Classification ). It was founded in 1971 as an association and in 1987 as a political party . Over a period of 38 years it was run authoritatively by the publisher Gerhard Frey , who was chairman from the time it was founded in 1971 to 2009. Matthias Faust held this office from 2009 until its dissolution in 2011 .

As a rule, the party only ran for elections in which it considered entry into the respective parliament to be likely. She was able to move into state parliaments nine times . In the election to the state parliament in Saxony-Anhalt in 1998 , it achieved the highest result ever achieved by a right-wing extremist party at state level, with 12.9% of the vote.

Following the decision of the DVU party congress on December 12, 2010, the DVU merged with the right-wing extremist National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) on January 1, 2011 . The merged party was called NPD - The People's Union , meanwhile only NPD again. The legal force of the merger was controversial in court for a long time and was stopped by an injunction after several DVU state associations had sued against the merger. They only withdrew the lawsuit on May 25, 2012.

Content profile

Basic setting

The convictions, views and opinions of the DVU came to the fore in the National-Zeitung much more clearly than in their party program, which rather obscured the party's right-wing extremist stance (see structure ).

With regard to immigration policy, the DVU demanded, according to the program, "Limiting the proportion of foreigners, stopping the increasing influx of foreigners, accelerating the asylum procedure [and] expelling criminal foreigners" . Further goals of the party were the protection of unborn life and the revision of the Oder-Neisse border . In addition, the program consistently contained defusing statements such as "The fact that those who are genuinely politically persecuted are protected corresponds to our view of human dignity." , "We deeply regret National Socialist and Communist injustice and want to ensure that such crimes are never repeated" or "Regardless of this, we advocate the use of food surpluses by the European Community to alleviate famine in the Third World."

Relationship to National Socialism

Although the party did not fully deny the crimes of National Socialism , it tried to set them off against the crimes of other countries and peoples, and in this context denounced what it believed to be an “extremely one-sided coming to terms with the past” . Historical events such as the bombing of Dresden , the almost complete extermination of the Indians in America, the millions of Stalin's murders or the expulsions after World War II were also referred to as the “ Holocaust ”, which tried to deny the unprecedented genocide of the Jews.

In the section “Equal Rights for Germany”, the program said: “We remind you that serious war crimes were also committed by the victorious powers. Human suffering prohibits mutual offsetting, but the duty to truth also forbids the Germans to keep silent about this suffering. ” In addition, greater respect for German soldiers was demanded: “ The reputation and honor of the German soldier must be better in our legal system be protected. Anyone who denies or scorns the achievements and suffering of the front generation sins in the memory of the fallen, violates the human dignity of the survivors and deprives Bundeswehr soldiers of the motivation that is indispensable for fulfilling their tasks. "

In this context, the party showed itself to be an opponent of further Holocaust memorials and instead demanded memorials for the "war victims of their own people". In the National-Zeitung , which is close to the party, topics from the National Socialist era were repeatedly taken up, such as: “Forever guilty about Auschwitz? - The systematic disenfranchisement of our people ” , “ Do the Germans have to atone forever? How a people is enslaved. ” , “ Atone for Hitler forever? ” . The newspaper saw itself as a vote against the “left press”, which, according to the DVU, spoke of a so-called collective guilt of the Germans.

Relationship to other organizations and structures

At the federal party conference in November 1992, the DVU passed the following resolution to delimit neo-Nazi parties and associations as well as free comradeships . However, since the DVU has cooperated with the NPD and other right-wing extremist forces in many cases, there are doubts from many sides about the actual binding force of the resolutions:

Accordingly, there were incompatibility decisions:

"1. Membership in organizations that oppose or disregard the Basic Law or persistently and culpably violate the existing legal system, especially criminal provisions, is incompatible with membership in the DVU.
2. Incompatible with membership in the DVU is simultaneous membership in the following political parties or associations in particular: FAP , National List […], Nationalist Front […] as well as replacement or successor organizations and groups, etc. a. the following people: Röder , Busse , Reitz, Pape , Althans , Worch . [...]
4. Incompatible with membership in the DVU is the simultaneous membership of groups of skinheads .
5. It is incompatible with membership in the DVU to advertise and support publications whose work is directed against the Basic Law or the legal system, in particular against criminal provisions. "

In contrast to this, however, the DVU had formed an alliance of the NPD from 2004 and later merged with it.

Political classification

As early as 1984, right-wing extremism researchers Peter Dudek and Hans-Gerd Jaschke spoke at the DVU of one of the “largest right-wing extremist associations” in Germany. It was included in handbooks on the extreme right such as the handbook for right-wing radicalism by Thomas Grumke and Bernd Wagner . The political scientist Armin Pfahl-Traughber summed up in the handbook of the German parties in 2007 : “The DVU is a right-wing extremist party that has a relatively high number of members and large financial resources, but because of its rudimentary political program and organizational weaknesses The status of a comparatively insignificant fringe party has not got beyond. " Eckhard Jesse , who conducts intensive research on extremism in Germany, stated:" The DVU, which externally pledges its loyalty to the free democratic basic order, is nationalist oriented and conscious of ethnic demarcation. Their slogans are aimed at xenophobic simplification. ”In the Handbook of Antisemitism it is stated that the DVU, through its press organs, fomented both xenophobia and anti-Semitism . She spread "a negative image of Poland, turned against a united Europe, relativized and played down the Holocaust, agitated against demands for reparation, suppressed German war guilt and used other topics of secondary anti-Semitism for propaganda purposes."

Until its dissolution in 2011, the party was assigned to right-wing extremism by large parts of specialized political science (party and extremism research). a. Hans-Joachim Veen (1998), Wolfgang Gessenharter (1998), Arno Waschkuhn (1999), Frank Decker (2000), Everhard Holtmann (2002), Johannes Kuppe (2003), Malte Lübker / Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer (2004), Lars Rensmann (2005), Armin Pfahl-Traughber (2006), Richard Stöss (2008), Hajo Funke (2009), Oskar Niedermayer (2010), Lothar Probst u. a. (2011), Eckhard Jesse (2011) and Christoph Kopke (2011).

Accordingly, the DVU was also classified as right-wing extremist by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution . Shortly after its formation, the DVU appeared in the reports on the protection of the constitution of the federal and state governments. Most recently, before it was dissolved, it was listed in the 2011 report by the Federal Ministry of the Interior under “Right-wing extremism: political parties”.

organization structure

Associations and party structure

The DVU was based in the Munich district of Pasing until 2009 , then in Hamburg. In contrast to other parties, it did not have large organizational structures and sub-organizations such as political working groups. The party's youth organization was called Jungerechte and was founded on July 5, 2009. In all federal states, there were state associations and various district associations, but most of them were inactive. The state associations with the largest number of members were North Rhine-Westphalia (1200 members), Baden-Württemberg , Berlin , Brandenburg , Bavaria , Lower Saxony and Hesse . Like other parties, the DVU also had several so-called action groups, the participants of which were committed to certain political issues. Examples include the People's Movement for General Amnesty (VOGA) , Initiative for the Limitation of Foreigners (left to right) , Aktion Oder-Neisse and Ehrenbund Rudel (Association for the Protection of Frontline Soldiers ).


The DVU was headed by its long-time chairman Gerhard Frey in an authoritarian manner and was largely co-financed, which is why it was repeatedly referred to as the “Frey Party” . He decisively determined the personnel and material policy of the party and also the candidates of the DVU before parliamentary elections. When voting within the party, he almost always received an absolute majority for his party-political decisions.

Most recently, its members were middle-aged and older, the younger ones were in the minority. Since the beginning of the nineties the membership of the DVU has stagnated or has mostly declined. Member recruitment was mainly done through the National-Zeitung published by the publisher Frey . The electorate of the DVU consisted in many cases of so-called protest voters against the governing parties and their policies. The core electorate was - as with many smaller parties - rather small.

As the main financier of the party, the newspaper publisher Frey had granted the party large loans. The party was completely dependent on him financially. In 1997 he said:

I am actually the only party leader since the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany who finances his party. "

- Gerhard Frey

This financial dependency of the party prevented an internal pluralism or even political contradictions. Since Frey regularly combined election advertising with publishing offers, the DVU was also a financially strong party. Due to Frey's position as long-time party chairman of the DVU and as publisher of the National-Zeitung , the print medium could also be viewed as the party's unofficial press organ. Due to this constellation, there was no clear separation between party, newspaper and newspaper publisher.

In a judgment of June 1, 1999, the Berlin Regional Court (Az. 27 O 64/99) condemned the Cornelsen textbook publisher following a lawsuit by the DVU, "to refrain from, literally or analogously, to assert or disseminate the demand 'foreigners out' belong to the program of the DVU or be collected by it ”. The corresponding assertion in a book by Cornelsen Verlag was classified by the Berlin Regional Court in the reasons for the decision as an “untrue factual assertion”. Also found in the statements of the DVU are "indications that the vast majority of foreigners do not commit criminal offenses and are integrated and rooted here". It also states on page 8 of the judgment: "Ultimately, it is neither demonstrated nor otherwise evident that the plaintiff, contrary to its outward-looking publications and statements, takes positions that would justify the contested claim."


Corporate investments and real estate

The party had shares in a real estate fund, which it described as "worthless" by its own account. In addition, the party itself owned land in the form of farmland on the island of Usedom. The party was closely associated with the publishing house of the national newspaper. However, this belonged directly to Gerhard Frey and was not part of the party’s assets.

Cash flows

According to the announcement of the annual accounts of political parties for the year 2005 of the German Bundestag, the party achieved revenues of around one million euros in 2005, including 112,000 euros in contributions and 420,000 euros from elected representatives and donations. Around 245,000 euros flowed from state funds. In 2005 the party generated a surplus of around 500,000 euros. In 2005 the party received a large donation of 10,900 euros from a right-wing extremist in Bremen. The party received 125,000 euros from an inheritance, and another inheritance brought it around 16,500 euros.

In 2007, the income was around 772,000 euros. Of this, 92,000 euros were contributions and around 419,000 euros were mandate holder contributions and donations. There was a donation of around 20,000 euros that required identification.

Net worth

The party's net worth was recently negative. Due to the high indebtedness of the party to its former chairman Gerhard Frey, it amounted to around −1.2 million euros.

State funds

Most recently, EUR 108,612.40 was set for the DVU for the year 2010 as part of the state partial financing of the parties.


Gerhard Frey, founder of the DVU and its federal chairman until 2009

The DVU as an association (1971–1987)

On January 18, 1971, the publisher Gerhard Frey and the chairman of Aktion Oder-Neisse Erwin Arlt founded the German People's Union (DVU) in the Hotel Deutscher Kaiser in Munich . Other prominent founding members were Walter Brandner and the (Sudeten German) writer Wilhelm Pleyer . Frey was elected chairman of the new association and remained so for almost four decades. The DVU, which was founded as an association, was intended as a catchment basin for disappointed NPD members, as the NPD constantly lost votes after its electoral success in the 1960s. Some CDU members were also involved in founding the association. In the early years, the association's activities were directed primarily against Brandt's Ostpolitik . In particular, the CDU and CSU should be supported in their opposition to this policy.

In the following years Frey founded several action groups (see structure of the DVU ), which were converted into pure recruiting organizations of the DVU in 1979 and 1980. From then on, membership in one of the action groups also meant membership in the DVU.

After Frey was disappointed by the Kohl government , which came to power in 1982, especially with regard to the continuation of the social-liberal Ostpolitik and domestic policy, he decided to convert the DVU into a party and therefore agreed to cooperate with the for organizational reasons NPD.

Founding as a party and subsequent years (1987–1994)

Bundestag election results
Bundestag election 1998 1.2%
Bundestag election 2009 0.1%
European election results
European elections 1989 1.6%
European elections 2009 0.4%

The DVU was founded as a party on March 5, 1987 under the name "Deutsche Volksunion - Liste D" (DVU-Liste D) ; the association DVU eV has since continued to exist alongside the party. The cooperation with the NPD was aimed at not competing with each other in elections and allowing members of the other party to stand for election. In the founding year, the DVU was able to move into the state parliament of Bremen with a single member elected in the Bremerhaven area . In the European elections of 1989 , she achieved only 1.6% despite a financially expensive election campaign. This resulted in a very high financial deficit for the party, which, according to observers, has never been overcome.

In February 1991, the DVU deleted the addition “List D” and since then has only called itself “German People's Union (DVU)” . In the general election in Bremen in the same year, she achieved a result of 6.2% and entered the parliament with six MPs, including two NPD members. By 1993, three MPs left the DVU and founded the so-called National Conservative Group (NK) , which was to be the nucleus for founding a party. At the beginning of 1992 the DVU became the third strongest party in the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein with 6.3%. Due to the great media interest and public mutual hostility, in addition to personal quarrels and quarrels with the federal party, this parliamentary group also disintegrated after only one year. In both state parliaments, it lost its parliamentary group status during the legislative period. Around the same time, the alliance with the NPD disintegrated, as, among other things, the personal resistance to Frey that existed in the NPD had increased. In 1992 and 1993 the number of members of the DVU reached its highest level of 26,000. In the Hamburg state election of 1993 , the DVU received 2.8% of the vote.

In August 1994 Frey met with the REP Federal Chairman Franz Schönhuber . Both agreed to recommend their parties to work together in elections. However, this alliance did not last long, as Schönhuber encountered resistance in his own party and was overthrown as chairman of his party.

Election successes in Saxony-Anhalt and Brandenburg (1995-2001)

After the parliamentary groups of Bremen and Schleswig-Holstein had disintegrated, the DVU failed in the elections of 1995 and 1996 in both places with 2.5% and 4.3% respectively. In 1997 she failed in the Hamburg state elections with 4.98%, only barely passing the 5 percent hurdle and in retrospect suspected election manipulation.

In 1998, after a material-intensive election campaign in the state elections in Saxony-Anhalt , the DVU received 12.9% of the votes and 16 seats. After the nationwide membership had meanwhile dropped to 15,000, it rose again briefly to 18,000 after this election success. However, in the 1998 Bundestag election , which took place six months later, it did not exceed a result of 1.2%. At the end of 1998, Frey met with Rolf Schlierer, who has been President of the REP since 1994 . Both agreed that their parties should not compete against each other in the next few years.

In 1999, the DVU benefited from the election agreements with the Republicans in two cases: On June 6, it returned to Bremen with a member of parliament in the local elections there; in Brandenburg it achieved 5.3% of the vote in the state elections on September 5 and moved into the state parliament there with five members. In Thuringia , however, it failed a week later with 3.1% of the 5 percent hurdle. At the end of 1999 there were quarrels within the party because Frey, contrary to the wishes of the party base, decided not to allow his party to participate in the Schleswig-Holstein state election on February 27, 2000 .

The first signs of disintegration occurred in the Saxony-Anhalt parliamentary group as early as the beginning of 1999; several MPs resigned from the parliamentary group who were no longer tenable for the DVU. In 2000 it split for good. The new parliamentary group leader Claudia Wiechmann , who inherited her predecessor Helmut Wolf , founded the Freedom German People's Party (FDVP for short) together with eight other DVU MPs after the fall of Federal Chairman Frey at the DVU federal party conference in early 2000 failed. The new members of the FDVP mainly criticized the tutelage by the party headquarters in Munich, named by Frey. The new party should be a counterpart to Jörg Haider's Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ for short) .

In the run-up to the state elections in Hamburg on September 21, 2001 , the DVU got into a legal dispute with the hip-hop band " Die Fantastischen Vier " because one of their slogans there alluded to the band and their hit "Die da" made in 1992. In the election itself, the DVU only achieved 0.7%, as it had received competition from the Schill party founded in 2000 .

Consolidation and Germany Pact with the NPD (2002–2009)

In the Saxony-Anhalt state election on April 21, 2002 , she did not stand again due to the negative appearance of her MPs there, and she also decided not to participate in the 2002 federal election .

In the state elections of Saxony and Brandenburg in 2004, both of which took place on September 19, the DVU agreed with the NPD for the first time in more than ten years . It was agreed that the DVU should only compete in Brandenburg and the NPD only in Saxony in order to avoid a mutual blockade.

Frey (back row, 2nd from left) at the NPD federal party conference in 2006

In the election campaign for the Brandenburg state elections on September 19, 2004 , she also made headlines because she advertised in a television commercial with a picture of the deceased former Brandenburg Minister of Social Affairs, Regine Hildebrandt, claiming that she would “protest today” what she would vote for at her request Widower Jörg Hildebrandt was prohibited by a court. In Brandenburg, the DVU was able to increase its share of the vote to 6.1% and received six mandates. The Brandenburg parliamentary group was the only one that did not disintegrate.

In addition, both parties agreed again on an alliance, the Germany Pact . This included, among other things, that both parties no longer want to compete in any future elections. In contrast to the NPD, however, the DVU hardly benefited from this agreement. In 2006 in Saxony-Anhalt with 3.0% and in 2008 in Hamburg with 0.8%, it failed both clearly at the 5-percent hurdle. Because of these electoral defeats, the Germany Pact was often questioned by NPD members in the period that followed.

In 2003 and 2007 , after 1999, the member of parliament, Siegfried Tittmann, moved into the parliament again in Bremen's general election. This left the party, however, in July 2007, as it was considering running there with a new top candidate in 2011 . Thus the DVU was no longer represented in the Bremen citizenship.

Frey's withdrawal and merger with the NPD (2009–2012)

At the federal party congress in early 2009, Frey no longer ran for chairmanship; Matthias Faust , the former federal organizer, was elected as his successor . A little later, when trying to take over the chairmanship of the NPD, Andreas Molau also came to the head of the DVU and became the party's new press spokesman.

There were already media reports that the Germany pact with the NPD had cracks. For example, it was subsequently agreed that in the Thuringian state elections in 2009 - contrary to the original plan - not the DVU but the NPD should run, as the latter is better anchored in this state. However, the DVU voluntarily agreed to renounce in favor of the NPD, so that initially it was planned to continue the alliance. In the European elections , the DVU only achieved 0.4% of the vote despite the NPD's waiver, which prompted the NPD to terminate the German Pact early and to compete with the DVU in the state elections in Brandenburg in September of that year . The DVU then decided to run against the NPD in the 2009 Bundestag election, where it received only 0.1% of the vote. In the state elections in Brandenburg taking place at the same time, the DVU failed with 1.2% of the five percent hurdle and failed to make it into the local state parliament again.

With the accusation that he had publicly announced a merger with the NPD without consulting the rest of the party leadership, Matthias Faust was withdrawn from the DVU in June 2010. Faust then announced legal action against the party.

A member survey was carried out in July 2010, in which the merger of DVU and NPD was approved. 90.95% of the members voted for the unification of both parties. In October 2010, Frey donated an amount of over one million euros to the party he had previously headed by waiving the repayment of a loan he had granted. Frey did not make a statement on this. Possibly he wanted to pave the way for the planned merger, since the DVU's debts had been an obstacle. At their party conference in Hohenmölsen in November 2010, the NPD decided to unite with the DVU. This should decide at a party congress on November 28, 2010. A ballot should then be held between the members of both parties. The DVU party conference was canceled initially, but was rescheduled on December 12, 2010. The party leadership's merger plans were unanimously adopted there after opponents of the merger had left the room prematurely. In the subsequent member survey, 87.5% of those questioned agreed to the merger, so that the merger agreement was signed on December 29th. The merger itself was provisionally completed on January 1 of the following year. The new party was to be called NPD - The People's Union , but the name was not changed in accordance with the statutes.

However, due to several irregularities, the merger was challenged by the state associations of Lower Saxony, Schleswig-Holstein , Berlin and North Rhine-Westphalia. The merger was stopped by the Regional Court of Munich I in January 2011 as legally ineffective. It accepted the application of the four regional associations for an injunction , as there were significant deficiencies in the ballot vote in the DVU. On May 26, 2012, the state associations who filed the action withdrew their lawsuit and declared the DVU no longer to exist. While some of the remaining DVU functionaries called for support for the so-called pro-movement , a group around Christian Worch founded a successor party under the name Dierechte .

Political activity

Parliamentary activity in general

The DVU was represented by members of the opposition in various state parliaments . She only ran for elections where there were realistic chances of entering the respective parliament. Paragraph six of the statutes was interesting in this context: "A member who [...] participates in the election of a subdivision without the written consent of the federal executive board [...] forfeits membership in the GERMAN PEOPLE UNION."

In the parliaments, the DVU MPs often made identical motions, so that the assumption is often made in the public media that the MPs are not free in their decisions, but are remotely controlled from the Munich party headquarters. In the Landtag of Brandenburg the DVU has been represented with 5 mandates since 1999 and 6 since 2004; in the citizenship of Bremen until July 2007 with one member. In Bremen she benefited from a special feature in the state election law. Since she had passed the 5 percent vote hurdle in the city of Bremerhaven alone , she made it into the Bremen state parliament. The parliamentary work of the DVU members often revealed gaps in knowledge. For example, the Brandenburg DVU parliamentary group submitted a motion to dissolve the “Brandenburg State Office for the Protection of the Constitution” , although such an office does not exist in Brandenburg.

After a short period of success, the DVU mostly became insignificant as a political force in the countries in whose state parliaments it was represented.

Parliamentary activity at local level

After the last local elections in 2009 , the DVU had 14 seats in independent cities and districts . In Bremerhaven , where it had been represented in the city council assembly without interruption since 1987, the party had only one city councilor after internal disputes, as two city councilors left the DVU parliamentary group. The DVU was also represented by MPs in local parliaments in Dortmund and Potsdam (each with one seat) and in several districts in Brandenburg (a total of eleven seats).

The DVU MPs also repeatedly made headlines in the municipal town halls. A DVU member of parliament in Bremen , who had also been a member of the Bremerhaven city council since 1991, reacted to an insult to an SPD member who had called him a "Nazi" by associating the SPD with communist dictators like Stalin and put them in their traditions. The SPD responded with a charge of incitement to hatred, which the public prosecutor had already rejected because no one had been personally insulted. In Dortmund, a DVU city council made headlines at the beginning of 2004 when it spoke of "brave deeds" by the Wehrmacht in World War II .

Extra-parliamentary activity

The inner-party life was mostly limited to round tables and party conferences; According to the party, the latter were not made public for security reasons. Up until 2001, the party held a mass rally in the Nibelungenhalle in Passau , against which the city defended itself unsuccessfully in over 50 legal proceedings. The main speaker was always Chairman Frey.

During election campaigns, the DVU tried above all to address the financially disadvantaged people. One of her main topics was immigration to Germany: “Even more foreigners in? No! ” The DVU tried to win votes with catchphrases like “ Snout full? ” , “ Sauerei Hartz IV - Defend yourself ” or “ Vote this time protest! ” . She avoided personnel presence almost completely in election campaigns. The party justified this with the fact that in the past it had often been publicly insulted and physically attacked by its political opponents.

On June 15, 2009, the party sent a letter of congratulations to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the occasion of the Iranian presidential election .

State election results

State election results in percent
1987 3.4 n / A n / A n / A n / A
1988 n / A n / A
1989 n / A
1990 n / A n / A n / A n / A. n / A n / A n / A n / A n / A
1991 6.2 n / A n / A n / A
1992 n / A 6.3
1993 2.8
1994 n / A n / A n / A n / A n / A n / A n / A n / A
1995 n / A 2.5 n / A n / A
1996 n / A n / A 4.3
1997 4.9
1998 n / A 2.9 n / A 12.9
1999 n / A 5.3 3.0 n / A n / A n / A 3.1
2000 n / A n / A
2001 n / A n / A 0.7 n / A
2002 n / A n / A
2003 n / A 2.3 n / A n / A
2004 6.1 n / A n / A n / A n / A
2005 n / A n / A
2006 n / A n / A n / A n / A 3.0
2007 2.7
2008 n / A 0.8 n / A n / A
2009 1.2 n / A n / A n / A n / A
2010 n / A
  Entry into the state parliament
  highest result in the individual federal states, without entering the state parliament
n / A not started
  • The move into the Bremen citizenship results from a special regulation in the Bremen electoral law. There it is stipulated that exceeding the 5 percent hurdle in Bremen or Bremerhaven is sufficient.


Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Constitutional Protection Report 2010 ( Memento from January 20, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
  2. a b Determination of the state partial financing for the year 2010 according to §§ 18 ff. PartG (PDF; 186 kB)
  3. DVU votes for merger with NPD ( Memento from December 15, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  4. Say goodbye as you say goodbye: DVU decides on its own end
  5. a b Merger of DVU and NPD is legally ineffective Tagesspiegel from January 27, 2011
  6. Archive link ( Memento from November 2, 2014 in the Internet Archive )
  7. ( Memento from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF, p. 45; 362 kB)
  8. Peter Dudek , Hans-Gerd Jaschke : Origin and development of right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic. To the tradition of a particular political culture . Volume 1, Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1984, ISBN 3-531-11668-1 , p. 52.
  9. Thomas Grumke , Bernd Wagner (Ed.): Handbuch Rechtsradikalismus . People - Organizations - Networks; from neo-Nazism to the middle of society . Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, ISBN 3-8100-3399-5 , p. 368 ff. (See: Organizations , p. 353 ff.).
  10. ^ Armin Pfahl-Traughber : German People's Union (DVU) . In: Frank Decker , Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15189-2 , pp. 250–255, here p. 254.
  11. a b Eckhard Jesse : Extremism in Germany . In: Eckhard Jesse , Tom Thieme (ed.): Extremism in the EU countries . VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2011, ISBN 978-3-531-17065-7 , p. 92.
  12. ^ Juliane Wetzel : German People's Union . In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus . Hostility to Jews in the past and present . Volume 5: Organizations, Institutions, Movements . On behalf of the Center for Research on Antisemitism at the Technical University of Berlin. De Gruyter Saur, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-598-24078-2 , pp. 171–173, here p. 172.
  13. Hans-Joachim Veen : The dwindling predictability of voters and the future of the German party system - also an analysis of the federal elections after unification . In: Heinrich Oberreuter (Ed.): Uncertainties of power. Parties, voters, voting decisions . Olzog, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-7892-9354-7 , p. 47.
  14. ^ Wolfgang Gessenharter : New radical right, intellectual rights and right-wing extremism . In: Wolfgang Gessenharter, Helmut Fröchling (eds.): Right-wing extremism and new rights in Germany. Re-measurement of a political-ideological space? Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-2053-2 , p. 50.
  15. ^ Arno Waschkuhn : Politics in East Germany - political lines of conflict, institutional questions and democratic profile . In: Arno Waschkuhn, Alexander Thumfart (ed.): Politics in East Germany: Textbook on Transformation and Innovation (=  textbooks and handbooks in political science ). Oldenbourg, Munich 1999, ISBN 3-486-23560-5 , p. 112.
  16. Frank Decker : Parties under pressure: The new right-wing populism in Western democracies . Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2000, ISBN 3-8100-2860-6 , p. 180.
  17. See Everhard Holtmann : The adapted provocateurs. The rise and fall of the right-wing extremist DVU as a protest party in the polarized party system of Saxony-Anhalt . Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, ISBN 3-8100-2973-4 .
  18. ^ Johannes Kuppe : State of Saxony-Anhalt . In: Uwe Andersen , Wichard Woyke (Ed.): Concise dictionary of the political system of the Federal Republic of Germany . 5th edition, Opladen 2003, ISBN 3-8100-3670-6 , p. 370.
  19. Malte Lübker , Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer : The Brandenburg State Parliament . In: Siegfried Mielke , Werner Reutter (ed.): Land parliamentarism in Germany. History, structure, functions . VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-3893-8 , p. 160.
  20. ^ Lars Rensmann : Democracy and the image of the Jews. Anti-Semitism in the political culture of the Federal Republic of Germany . VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2005, ISBN 3-531-14006-X , p. 262 (see: Die DVU , p. 262 ff.)
  21. ^ Armin Pfahl-Traughber : Right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic (=  Beck'sche Reihe . 2112). 4th edition, Beck, Munich 2006, ISBN 978-3-406-47244-2 , p. 28.
  22. ^ Richard Stöss : The party system Brandenburg . In: Uwe Jun , Melanie Haas , Oskar Niedermayer (Hrsg.): Parties and party systems in the German states . VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2008, ISBN 978-3-531-15439-8 , p. 176.
  23. ^ Hajo Funke : Right-wing extremist ideologies, strategic orientations and violence . In: Stephan Braun , Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster (eds.): Strategies of the extreme right. Background - analyzes - answers . VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 29.
  24. ^ Oskar Niedermayer : The Brandenburg state election of September 27, 2009: The state SPD defies the federal trend . In: Journal for Parliamentary Questions 41 (2010) 2, p. 256 (258).
  25. ^ Bastian Bullwinkel , Felix Kalvelage , Iris Krimmel , Lothar Probst , Johannes Stracke , Johanna Vogt: Elections in the state of Bremen . In: Lothar Probst (Ed.): Political institutions, parties and elections in the state of Bremen (=  politics and participation . Vol. 5). Lit Verlag, Berlin [u. a.] 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11145-6 , p. 123.
  26. Christoph Kopke : Right-Wing Extremism and Democracy in Brandenburg - A Foreword . In the S. (Ed.): The limits of tolerance. Right-wing extremist milieu and democratic society in Brandenburg. Balance sheet and perspectives . Universitätsverlag, Potsdam 2011, ISBN 978-3-86956-038-0 , p. 19.
  27. See: Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (ed.): "Deutsche Volksunion" (DVU). Structural analysis of a right-wing extremist party . Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Press and Public Relations, Cologne 1998.
  28. Jürgen Hoffmann, Norbert Lepszy: The DVU in the state parliaments: incompetent, quarreling, politically incapable. A balance sheet of right-wing extremist politics after ten years (=  internal studies . 163). Edited by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung , Research and Consulting, Sankt Augustin 1998, ISBN 3-931575-77-2 , p. 15.
  29. Federal Ministry of the Interior (ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2011 . 2nd edition, Berlin 2013, p. 101 f.
  30. a b ( Memento from August 8, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  31. ^ Founding announcement of the Young Right ( Memento from July 8, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
  32. ↑ The Office for the Protection of the Constitution of the State of North Rhine-Westphalia for 2007
  33. ^ ( Memento from May 21, 2006 in the Internet Archive )
  34. Bundesdrucksache: 16/5230 Announcement of the annual reports of political parties for the year 2005 (2nd part - Other parties entitled to claim) (PDF file; 28.1 MB)
  35. Bundesdrucksache: 16/12551 Announcement of the statements of accounts of political parties for the year 2007 (2nd part - Other entitled parties) (PDF file; 17.3 MB)
  36. a b ( page no longer available , search in web archives: study by the SPD Brandenburg on the DVU )@1@ 2Template: Toter Link /
  37. ^ Annette Linke: The multimillionaire Frey and the DVU
  38. Christoph Seils : The right-wing radicals do not benefit from the decline of the CDU. In: Berliner Zeitung . February 3, 2000, accessed July 10, 2015 .
  39. ^ DVU - Frey party broke ?, Spiegel, November 22, 1999
  40. ^ Constitutional Protection Report of the State of Saxony-Anhalt 2001: Page 55 (PDF document). ( Memento from September 30, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  41. NPD blog: Frey withdraws: DVU soon under new leadership ( Memento from January 13, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
  42. Maerkische Allgemeine: Right-wing extremists: Landtag without DVU and NPD ( Memento from September 29, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
  43. on June 9, 2010
  44. The vote of the members ( Memento of July 27, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  45. 1 million euro donation paves the way for party merger of DVU and NPD ( Memento from November 1, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  46. Info about the failure of the party congress
  47. [1] , ( Memento from December 15, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  48. a b Merger with reservation ( Memento from December 31, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  49. NPD decides to merge with DVU , n-tv
  50. NPD decides to merge with DVU ,
  51. ^ Homepage of Dierechte
  52. ^ Nürnberger Nachrichten, February 11, 2003 ( Memento from October 21, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  53. ( Memento from September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  54. Federal Agency for Civic Education
  55. ^ Hamburger Abendblatt, August 14, 2004
  56. "Alles Gnatzwähler!" By Ute Semkat, Welt Online
  57. ^ Reinhard Mohr: A Slibowitz on Ahmadinejad., June 27, 2009