Pirate Party Germany
|Pirate Party Germany|
|Party leader||Sebastian Alscher|
|Secretary General||Borys Sobieski|
|Deputy Chairman||Dennis Deutschkämer|
|Federal Managing Director||Daniel monk|
|Federal Treasurer||Detlef Netter|
|founding||September 10, 2006|
|Place of foundation||Berlin|
|Youth organization||Young pirates|
|newspaper||Message in a bottle, letter of war|
|Affiliate foundation||Foundation 42|
|Seats in state parliaments|
|Government grants||458,588.77 euros (2019)|
|Number of members||7,494 (total)
3,698 (entitled to vote)
(as of August 24, 2020)
|Minimum age||14 years|
|Average age||38 years|
|Proportion of women||Gender of members is not recorded.|
|International connections||Pirate Parties International (PPI)|
|European party||European Pirate Party (PPEU)|
|EP Group||The Greens / European Free Alliance (Greens / EFA)|
The Pirate Party Germany ( short name : Piraten , spelling: PIRATEN) is a German political party founded on September 10, 2006 in Berlin . The Minor party sees itself in accordance with the Swedish Piratpartiet as the party of the information society , is part of the international movement of Pirate Parties and member of the Pirate Parties International . It has a seat in the European Parliament and is represented in local parliaments with around 300 seats, and at times it was also in German state parliaments .
The Pirate Party was originally a one-topic party . Its founding myth is the copyright debate. As early as the 2006 founding assembly, the protest was extended to include the processing of network policy by the established parties, the dismantling of privacy and data protection and, in principle, the traditional form of politics. With this focus the character of a protest party was created.
Whether the Pirate Party should concentrate on a few core issues or offer a full program was already decided at the founding meeting in favor of the proponents of a full program. Criticism that the Pirate Party did offer a platform, but no or hardly any content, was intensified by the fact that its functionaries mostly limited themselves to the organization and communication of the current resolution situation. A perceived lack of clarity of content by the Pirate Party is offset by a clear idea of political participation through transparency , basic orientation, competence and pragmatism .
Understanding of politics
What was new about the Pirate Party was its understanding of how political processes work. The idea of a liquid democracy is of central importance . H. a “liquefaction” of the process of political decision-making. The starting point for criticism is the power that MPs have as soon as they have received a four or five-year mandate after a political election, which in the eyes of leading pirates makes them "temporarily elected oligarchs ". This picture takes up the theorem of the “ iron law of the oligarchy ”, according to which apparatuses such as political parties pursue their own interests over time instead of those of the citizens.
Logically, digital forms of direct democracy have been developed by the pirates , which are supposed to take into account the possibility of a fast flow of information in the computer age. High hopes are associated with the LiquidFeedback software in particular . For a long time , the pirates had a unique selling point in Germany's party spectrum with procedural approaches such as delegated voting .
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung , which is close to the SPD, praises the "breath of fresh air that they [the pirates] bring into politics", but at the same time states that "they made themselves available primarily as a nuclear weapons test site for democracy research". According to the FES, the pirates' plea for digitized voting got them into a “participation-transparency dilemma”: their three most important basic values, political transparency, political participation and data protection, did not want to merge in this triad. Political transparency and data protection can certainly be thought of as one. The prerequisite for this, however, is that there is a clear boundary between “politicians” and “citizens”. However, this separation does not exist in Liquid Democracy .
At this point, the difference in the programmatic orientation becomes clear: While the SPD assumes a continuation of a traditional, human-social democracy of the delegates in the long term, the Pirate Party basically strives for a stronger participation of the citizens through grassroots participation using digital voting platforms (" dare more democracy ”-“ this operating system needs an upgrade ”). In the long term, it would be quite conceivable to provide transparent and verifiable software as the core of free self-determination for people in the form of open source. The privacy of people, on the other hand, could be protected in an almost comparable way by anonymizing the individual client (voter) and, if necessary, the exercising mandate holder (votes in the board of directors, at meetings, in the arbitral tribunal) using cryptographic procedures. In addition to digital formats (eLearning), paper is also often used in practice (learning by doing).
The party sees itself as part of an international movement to help shape the change to the information society, which it describes with the term “ digital revolution ” . Even if the net politics formed the core of the identity of the party, it was programmatically more than a pure advocacy party of the “ digital natives ” and characterized itself as socially liberal- progressive .
The basic program proclaimed that from the perspective of the Pirate Party Germany in the wake of the digital revolution all areas of life by a pervasive network of objects of everyday life , the ubiquity of computer-based information processing and the development towards usability of information on the Web by computer the dignity and freedom of man would be endangered to an increased extent. In addition, this is happening at a pace that is just as overwhelming for the formation of public opinion and state legislation as it is for the individual. At the same time, the possibilities are dwindling to shape this process with democratically won rules at the level of an individual state.
Manfred Güllner from Forsa analyzed in October 2011: “The pirates are not a 'one-point party', but rather attractive to many because, unlike the Greens, they embody the breadth of the real world and spread optimism and progress in Society and politics promise. "
Like all pirate parties, the Pirate Party sees itself as part of an international movement and therefore does not target a specific population group. In the mass media it is described that the Pirate Party primarily represents the concerns of the so-called " Generation C64 " and the digital natives .
Strengthening civil rights
The Pirate Party is committed to maintaining and strengthening civil rights in general, which the party believes are increasingly restricted. Securing the secrecy of telecommunications is an important cornerstone of maintaining democracy. Telecommunications secrecy is threatened , among other things, by the introduction of data retention . Everyone has a private sphere that must remain free from surveillance. There should be no movement profiles , no state attacks, no eavesdropping and no computer searches. The control of the secret services should be improved.
A filtering of the Internet by government agencies is rejected, as this would lead to censorship in the long term and ultimately to the loss of the rule of law. Instead , the party advocates “ deleting instead of blocking ” in order to fight Internet crime.
The aim is to introduce better data security and privacy protection. Affected parties should in principle be able to determine the processing of their personal data by state and private-sector bodies themselves. Biometric passports , the electronic health card (eGK) and RFID are to be reconsidered: This puts data protection and privacy at risk. The expansion of video surveillance in public places should be stopped, as it only provides apparent security and is a waste of taxpayers' money.
Greater transparency at all political and operational levels generally leads to less corruption. In the opinion of the party, every citizen should have the right to obtain information about their activities from the administration in the interests of freedom of information. Exceptions are only advocated where the data protection rights of other citizens are affected. In addition, the Pirate Party wants to make officials more controllable. Voting computers should be banned because allegations of possible manipulation have not been cleared up. From the party's point of view, the use of voting computers would also make elections less transparent.
The Pirate Party advocates unambiguous, but the protection requirements of the officers corresponding number marking of police officers, as it was recently introduced in Berlin, in order to be able to identify the appropriate persons in the event of misconduct.
Patent and Copyright Law
The Pirate Party would like to adapt copyright law to changed framework conditions and rebalance the relationship between author and consumer. This should promote the free exchange of knowledge and creative works.
Due to technical advances, the free copying of digital works is a fact. Therefore “the opportunities of the general availability of works should be recognized and used”. This does not restrict the interests of the authors; rather, there are already “a large number of innovative business concepts” that use the free availability to the advantage of the authors and make authors more independent of existing market structures. The Pirate Party is in exchange with artists and is actively looking for him.
“That is why we call for the non-commercial copying, making accessible, storage and use of works not only to legalize, but also to be explicitly promoted in order to improve the general availability of information, knowledge and culture, because this is an essential prerequisite for social, technical and economic development of our society. "
The Pirate Party Germany demands “a right to private copying and an end to the criminalization of file sharing users ”. Due to the unilateral pressure of the music industry , the copyright has been tightened in favor of the collecting societies . This has led to large sections of the population being criminalized. The copyright protection for works ends seventy years after the author's death. This has nothing to do with the original meaning of copyright law, but leads to an artificial shortage of knowledge. This benefits the recycling industry at the expense of the citizens. Therefore, the Pirate Party calls for a "drastic shortening" of the protection periods for works protected by copyright; In return, the culture should be promoted in a more diverse way. In addition, consumer-hostile obstacles to copying, as they are created in the opinion of the Pirate Party through digital rights management, are to be abolished. A motto of the Pirate Party is “Free access to knowledge for all”. This applies in particular to schools and universities. According to the Pirate Party, knowledge can be conveyed more effectively without the narrow restrictions of copyright law. She wants to prevent knowledge from becoming a luxury good.
The patentability should be reduced, particularly in the areas of software , genetic engineering and business ideas, as it has in some cases already absurd patents and existed fundamental doubts about the positive effects of these patents. The Pirate Party Germany calls for a reform of the patent system, as this not only hampers innovation more than it protects, but also creates monopolies with a corresponding (often negative) effect on the markets (prices, employees) and especially on small businesses. In addition, patents are increasingly being used purely for the purpose of restricting access to a market for others and no longer for the direct realization or amortization of an investment made. This would turn the real meaning and purpose of patent law into its opposite. The patent law protects so less intellectual and / or creative property, but mainly serves to secure positions of power of large companies.
education and Science
The party advocates an educational policy based on learning goals instead of learning plans, which, according to the pirates, includes media literacy . One of the main demands of the party is basically free and free access to all educational institutions. This includes both early childhood education and the demand for comprehensive freedom from learning materials in schools and the rejection of tuition fees . In addition, the party calls for a democratization of the education system and an orientation of the system towards more individual support and promotion. She sees free access to information and education as a right that everyone has. The main concern of institutional education is therefore to support the individual “in developing into a responsible, critical and social person”. Free access to education and information is also an important economic resource, since "only by preserving, passing on and increasing knowledge can progress and social prosperity be secured in the long term".
In the area of academic teaching and research, the party calls for free access ( open access ) to the results of research and development financed by the state through taxpayers' money. This should enable every citizen to participate directly in the scientific progress they finance.
So that the entire population can participate in the knowledge and technology advances in society, the pirates advocate the nationwide expansion of a fast and modern internet infrastructure.
Health and social policy
The Pirate Party advocates solutions that individually and unconditionally guarantee a secure existence and social participation while maintaining and enabling economic freedom. According to the party, this is only possible in a money economy through an income, this should be guaranteed to everyone without direct consideration ( unconditional basic income ). The personal leeway thus granted ultimately benefits everyone. It also makes volunteer work easier and, in many cases, makes it possible in the first place. With regard to social policy, the program emphasizes: "We want to prevent poverty, not wealth."
The free self-determination of gender and sexual identity or orientation should be respected and promoted. External assignments to a gender or gender roles are rejected. For example, the registration of the attribute “gender” by state authorities as well as the obligation to use gender-specific first names are to be abolished. The registered partnership should also be opened to all forms of partnership, including more than two people. The registered partnership should be legally equated with marriage .
The Pirate Party sees drug bans as a failure. She wants to replace it with an addiction policy, which she describes with the keywords "ideology-free education", "help for risk consumers", "protection of non-consumers", "youth and consumer protection", "personal responsibility" and "enjoyment culture". She claims that such an addiction policy is based on scientific facts.
The party sees a "development of the European Union towards complete freedom of movement", which the social security systems must also take into account. For example, language learning opportunities and cultural diversity are “inevitably part of this development”. The pirate party therefore turns against racism and biological worldviews as well as against exclusion, segregation and discrimination . She turns against ideologies, "the entire population groups subordinate collective hegemony in order to propagate the alleged need for a clash of cultures ". Examples are “ anti-Semitism and hatred of Islam ”. In addition to labor migration, asylum from persecution and war should also be ensured.
The economic policy is often referred to as the great space of the Pirate Party. The general principles of the Pirate Party and the few concrete statements on economic policy allow for a classic liberal as well as a left or social democratic reading.
Nevertheless, there are some demands, such as the rejection of the gross domestic product or the growth rate as the sole benchmark for economic policy as well as the redefinition of the current concept of work and the demand for an unconditional basic income .
According to Felix Neumann in the book Die Piratenpartei published by Oskar Niedermayer , there are no system-critical, even revolutionary economic-political ideas in the party program.
In a fundamental motion on Europe, the Pirate Party recognizes the importance of European unification "for peace, freedom, prosperity and the rule of law on this continent". One sees oneself as a transnational political movement whose communication space knows no state borders and thus has a special responsibility for the further development of the European idea. The Pirate Party's European political goals are a common European constitution and the strengthening of citizen participation in political processes. These fundamental theses are to be expanded by six items in the EU Sixpack application - Democracy Add-on for Europe, European Economic and Monetary Union, European Energy Policy, Digital Agenda for Europe, European Internal and Security Policy, European Transport Policy.
In position papers, the pirates advocate, among other things, a legal regulation according to which it is possible for anyone to use, copy, change, merge, publish, distribute or distribute works ten years after their first publication, free of license fees and without authorization for sale". The UN Convention against Corruption , which was signed in 2003 “but has still not been fully implemented in German law”, must be ratified. Further demands are transparency and the fight against corruption in health care, politics, public administration and law enforcement.
In environmental and energy policy , it rejects the generation of electricity through nuclear fission and wants to " adhere to the agreed nuclear phase-out as a minimum requirement ". Only sufficiently safe nuclear facilities should receive an operating permit, while unsafe facilities should have their operating permit withdrawn immediately after the defects become known. A leaflet from an atomic energy-friendly working group of around 20 pirates caused quite a stir within the party in August 2012 and was an occasion to discuss diversity of opinion , freedom of expression and internal and external communication. For other parties, communications or position papers from such working groups would contain a formal note (also known as a disclaimer ) stating that they are not the position of the entire party.
They also advocate a new version of Criminal Code on members of parliament and the abolition of Criminal Code, which makes sexual intercourse between relatives a punishable offense. The Pirate Party campaigns for the restrictions on freedom of assembly to be withdrawn and for this to be extended to all people living in Germany.
In European and foreign policy, she criticizes the “democratic deficits that existed in the creation of the ESM Treaty ”. In an appeal for Europe as a “subset of a transnational political movement”, the Pirate Party advocates swiftly “creating and expanding the necessary structures in order to be able to develop and coordinate common political positions across national borders with the broadest possible participation of all members”. The European Union could “in its current form only insufficiently guarantee democratic control by its citizens” and therefore “met with little support from the population” because “increasingly important parts of national sovereignty are being transferred” and thus “democracy and with it European Unification as a central cultural achievement would gradually be lost ”.
Classification in the party spectrum
According to its own official classification, the Pirate Party combines viewpoints from different political directions, in particular a civil rights policy, which is usually attributed to the political center, with a social policy which is usually referred to as the left. The party therefore rejects classifying the party as a whole in a political direction; it describes itself as a social liberal civil rights party.
In terms of content, the Pirate Party overlaps with very different parties. The Pirate Party Germany has not been involved in any government so far, so there are no preferred coalition partners. Considerations to tolerate a government alliance made up of the SPD, Greens and SSW (the so-called Danish traffic light ) after the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein on May 6, 2012 , were ultimately not implemented. When the German Federal President was elected in 2017 , the Pirate Party initially sought talks with the SPD, the Greens and the left for a joint candidate, but these talks were unsuccessful.
At the local level, however, there are several parliamentary groups and parliamentary groups with different partners.
At the European level a fraction connection exists with the Greens, since Christian Engström from the Swedish Piratpartiet after his entry into the European Parliament of the Group of the Greens / EFA joined. Julia Reda , who moved into the European Parliament as the German top candidate for the Pirate Party in 2014, became the deputy chairwoman of this group. With the European elections in May 2019, four pirates entered the European Parliament, including Patrick Breyer for the Pirate Party Germany. You have again joined forces with the Greens / European Free Alliance.
Public attention and internal party controversy
Since the party was founded in 2006, there have been several gender debates about the Pirate Party. This debate is conducted both within the party and by the media.
The Pirate Party rejects gender attribution. She advocates a postgender position, according to which gender should no longer be relevant and the distinction between the sexes should ultimately be abolished. That is why there is no survey of gender when entering a party, no quota of women for appointments to office, no gender-equitable language in the feminist sense (for example by using the internal I ). The party regards the generic masculine as gender-neutral and therefore refers to members as "pirates" according to the statutes.
The starting point of the debate is the very low proportion of women in the Pirate Party. This is not exactly known, but is estimated at around 5 to 15 percent. On the one hand, the low proportion of women is reflected in the low number of female candidates and functionaries. In 2012, 14 percent of the federal executive board and 13 percent of the executive board members at the level of the regional associations were women. Several state boards had exclusively male members. On the other hand, it finds its counterpart in the electorate. Only about a third of the voters are female. Even if the proportion of women among the voters is significantly higher than that of party members, it is not similarly low in any of the established parties. One of the possible causes is the often rude culture of discussion in the Pirate Party, not least in online forums.
In an internal, non-representative survey, only 6 percent of the party members saw the claim to be a post-gender party as absolutely fulfilled. Around 12 percent each said that postgender as a social order is not desirable or unrealistic. In discussions, party members often argue that a quota for women is the top of sexism and discrimination .
The party-internal gender debate reached a climax in February / March 2010 when female party members announced a new network called “Pirates” in the press release “Make it clear to gender” and wanted to set up a mailing list only for women. In April 2012, the young pirates accused their party of sexism and racism in an open letter . This letter sparked another discussion. The heated, emotionally charged debate was taken up by the media in both cases.
Dealing with the political right
On April 28, 2012, the federal party conference of the German Pirate Party in Neumünster found almost unanimously that any denial or relativization of the Holocaust under the guise of freedom of expression contradicts the principles of the party.
The Pirate Party's dealings with individual right-wing extremist members and with right-wing media have been actively discussed since 2009 . The background to this is internal party differences of opinion about the correct weighting between a sharp demarcation from right-wing extremism on the one hand and an emphasis on freedom of expression on the other.
For example, historical revisionist statements by the party functionary Bodo T. became known, which ultimately led to the federal executive board removing him from office and resolving an exclusion procedure, which was initiated before the competent party arbitration court of Rhineland-Palatinate. However, according to the then federal chairman Sebastian Nerz, the party expulsion process failed due to a “ formal error ”. In the future, action will be taken against such and similar statements. There is no place for racism in the Pirate Party, according to Nerz. According to information from Spiegel Online, the party leadership is considering another application for expulsion because of later statements by Ts.
It was previously discussed that Andreas Popp, who was then deputy national chairman of the weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit, gave an interview. He apologized on the grounds that he was not aware of the paper and distanced himself from its orientation. The then federal chairman Jens Seipenbusch, who answered a personal questionnaire on the same paper, defended Popp in a blog, who in the interview had taken a “clear stand” against right-wing parties. The party's press team announced that they did not want to give the Junge Freiheit any more interviews, but could not find anything bad about the fact that the paper was right-wing conservative.
Dealing with former NPD members, including former functionaries, was also controversial in the party and its leadership. For example, the then federal chairman, Nerz, advocated pardoning NPD membership if it was a mere “youthful sin” and tolerating the person concerned with the pirates. His deputy Bernd Schlömer contradicted this and demanded that former members of the NPD generally not be accepted by the pirates. The then Federal Managing Director Weisband resisted calling something like this a “sin of youth”, as it initially sounds trivial. The discussion was preceded by two specific cases: the Freising district chairman Valentin Seipt, who was a member of the right-wing extremist NPD from 2007 to 2009, resigned from his office in 2011. The top candidate in the state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2011 , Matthias Bahner, who belonged to the NPD as a youth and had kept this secret, resigned as a district and state board member, but kept his district council mandate. In April 2012 Bahner was the first member to be excluded from the Pirate Party by the Federal Arbitration Court.
In January 2008 the party published a document that allegedly came from the Bavarian Ministry of Justice . The letter announced the prices for a spy software, the use of which a private service provider offered, and pointed out ambiguities in the assumption of costs. The ministry did not comment on the affair surrounding the so-called Bavarian Trojan , but the pirate party's press spokesman's house was searched in September 2008, which was based on the violation of official secrecy and the obstruction of investigative authorities.
Affair about Jörg Tauss
In March 2009, headed prosecutor Karlsruhe a criminal case against Jörg Tauss with possession and distribution of child pornography a scriptures. After Tauss' transition from the SPD in June 2009, the pirate party met exclusion demands with reference to the presumption of innocence ; In July 2009, she also spoke of an “absurd” charge. With increasing proximity to the 2009 Bundestag election, she spoke of a “dirty campaign” by the public prosecutor and “election campaign maneuvers”. After his conviction for possession of child pornography in May 2010, Tauss resigned from the pirate party and declared that he did not want to burden the party with a “Tauss debate” caused by the “unanimous 'Tauss-hostile' and authoritarian-oriented press landscape in Baden- Württemberg ”in the 2011 state election campaign was to be expected. Tauss' application to re-join the Pirate Party at the end of 2011 was rejected by the responsible district association in Karlsruhe on the grounds that it did not want to harm the peace and unity within the party.
Seizure of servers
Following the announcement of a request for legal assistance from the French authorities, the police seized files on servers of the Pirate Party Germany on May 20, 2011. During this action, the police took all servers of the federal association off the network and thus paralyzed almost all of the party's electronic communication and its work equipment. Allegedly, strangers planned a concerted hacker attack with the help of the Pirate Party-operated Etherpad instance "Piratenpad" on the website of a French electricity company. The national board of the Pirate Party criticized the procedure, saying that "massive political damage will be done" shortly before the general election in Bremen. However, on closer investigation, they found instructions on how an overload attack on a web server, a DDoS attack, can be carried out undetected. This type of attack is a method used by the Anonymous collective . An anonymous group later confessed to the attack on the websites of the police and the BKA , which took place as an action to shut down the servers. The Pirate Party distanced itself from this approach.
The reaction of German pirates to initiatives by other parties, especially the SPD, to use the LiquidFeedback program they originally sponsored is causing irritation . On July 11, 2012, on the initiative of District Administrator Sven Ambrosy (SPD) , the district council of the district of Friesland unanimously decided to use the LiquidFeedback software under the name LiquidFriesland for public participation in the district from November 6, 2012 . Janto Just ("pirate" who moved into the district council of the district of Friesland on the "Citizens for Citizens" list) initially complained that LiquidFriesland had nothing to do with the direct democracy he was aiming for. After the project began, he criticized that " the usual suspects romp around "and finally at the turn of the year 2012/2013 passed the district administrator's success as his own success. Just's initial assessment contradicts large parts of his own party and calls for the support of local pilot projects for digital participation based on the example of LiquidFriesland.
After no more activities had been registered since April 2015, the barely used platform was switched off at the end of April 2016.
“#Bombergate” and federal IT strike
A nationwide debate within the Pirate Party , which was mainly conducted via the short message service Twitter under the hashtag #Bombergate, was sparked by a protest on February 13, 2014 by Anne Helm , who ran for the party on position 5 in the 2014 European elections. Helm was photographed together with a Femen activist in Dresden. She had the words "Thanks Bomber Harris" painted on her torso. In doing so, she referred to Arthur Harris , who is considered to be the central figure of the British directive on area bombing of German cities. Helm initially denied being one of the two women in the photo. Since both faces were covered with cloths, the action could not be proven beyond doubt. Helm did not admit their participation until the weekly newspaper Jungle World . The federal board and some state boards took different positions on this action. On February 20, 2014, the computer administrators shut down the party's entire IT network and went on a warning strike to demonstrate against the internal disputes. Federal Chairman Thorsten Wirth commented on the state of his party with the words: "The uncertainty is palpable and threatens to tear us apart." Udo Vetter , a member of the party until March 2014 and elected to second place on the North Rhine-Westphalian state list for 2013, saw in the action an attempt by a "loud, anti- fascist wing" to occupy the party. The party left would engage in “brutal bullying ”. "They have a Stalinist approach - the end justifies the means."
Development since 2014
According to the scientist Carsten Koschmieder, the directional struggle in the Pirate Party was more of a political power struggle. In 2014 a progressive platform was founded within the party , in addition to the existing Frankfurt college . When it comes to foreign policy, the party made a name for itself. a. with the Pirate Security Conference , which is also supported by pirate parties in other countries and has been cooperating with the Munich Security Conference since 2016 . The pirate party is represented locally in many federal states. In Cologne and Bielefeld, " paprika coalitions " were concluded for the first time with Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen and the SPD. In 2017, the Brandenburg State Association held its first "online party congress"; it did not take place in the traditional form of a physical meeting, but rather the members communicated using voice conference software. The way in which political and intra-party debates are carried out via the web and in particular via the short message service Twitter is now ubiquitous in all of national and international politics. At the end of 2018, the party attracted attention when it flooded AfD reporting portals with quotes from AfD politicians. The action was called, based on the reporting portals set up by the AfD with the title “my teacher rushes”, “my MP rushes”. Due to the debate and protests against the copyright reform of the European Union from the beginning of 2019, the Pirate Party began to move more into the public focus again.
In spring 2019, the party and the civil rights organization freiheitsfoo sued against a pilot attempt by the Lower Saxony state government to monitor speed on roads through Section Control , whereby the license plates of all vehicles passing the monitored road section are automatically registered. In July 2019, the Pirate Party in Hesse filed a constitutional complaint with the Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe against the state trojan in the Hessian state police law, which was decided by the government coalition of the CDU and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen . In August 2019, the Pirate Party in Brandenburg filed a constitutional complaint against the practice of data retention carried out by the Brandenburg police on the Brandenburg motorways. In November 2019, it became known that a 17-year-old member of the Pirate Party was filing a complaint against the non-admission of 16-17-year-olds to the European elections before the Federal Constitutional Court. In 2020 the party published an overview of the state police laws in Germany.
The organizational structure of the Pirate Party is, as largely prescribed by the party law, classically oriented in the executive board, sub-associations, state associations and their chairmen, youth organizations and university groups. The party has been using the LiquidFeedback software since 2009 and in some cases still in the test phase as an Internet tool for internal-party opinion formation and decision-making. It is now hardly in use.
In September 2012, the developers of LiquidFeedback , Jan Behrens, Axel Kistner, Andreas Nitsche and Björn Swierczek, criticized the way in which the Pirate Party dealt with this program, in particular the use of the program in secret votes. The procedure is only safe from abuse if a vote is taken by name.
Since the beginning of 2018, the party has been using the Discourse forum software to offer a discussion platform for members and non-members. Applications for party conventions are collected in an application portal that is publicly available; it was used for the first time at the second party congress in 2019. Members can also comment on the proposals there.
The first board was elected at the founding meeting. Since then, the board has been re-elected every year at a federal party conference. In 2009, at the fourth federal party congress, the structure of the board was changed by amending the statutes. From 2009 to 2011 there were therefore four assessors instead of a political director and a general secretary . In 2011 the offices of political director and general secretary were reintroduced, while the federal executive board now only has two assessors. In 2012, the board of directors was expanded to include a deputy chairman and an assistant chair.
|Chairman||Deputy Chairman||Treasurer||Deputy Treasurer||Political Managing Director||Deputy Polit. executive Director||Secretary General||1. Deputy Secretary General||2. Deputy Secretary General||Assessor|
September 10, 2006
|Christof Leng||Jens Seipenbusch||Peter Bohm||Jan Huwald||Stefan Lamprecht|
May 20, 2007
|Jens Seipenbusch||Sven Riedel||Peter Bohm||Jan Huwald||Bastian Grundmann|
May 18, 2008
|Dirk Hillbrecht||Jens Seipenbusch||Sebastian Schäfer||Bernhard Schillo||Hauke Kruppa|
|Restructuring of the board of directors: from this point on, no more political director and no more general secretary , but four assessors|
July 4, 2009
|Jens Seipenbusch||Andreas Popp||Bernd Schlömer||-||-||* Aaron Koenig (resigned on May 10, 2010) ,
* Nicole Hornung ,
* Thorsten Wirth ,
* Jan Simons
15-16 May 2010
|Jens Seipenbusch||Andreas Popp||Bernd Schlömer||-||-||* Benjamin Stöcker (resigned August 5, 2010) ,
* Christopher Lauer ,
* Daniel Flachshaar,
* Wolfgang Dudda
|Restructuring of the board: from here on again a political manager and a general secretary , but only two assessors|
14th-15th May 2011
|Sebastian Mink||Bernd Schlömer||Rene Brosig||Marina Weisband||Wilm Schumacher||* Matthias Schrade ,
* Gefion Thürmer
|Restructuring of the board: from here on two vice chairmen and three assessors|
28th-29th April 2012
|Bernd Schlömer||* Sebastian Nerz,
* Markus Barenhoff
|Swanhild Goetze||Johannes Ponader (resigned May 10, 2013)||Sven Schomacker||* Klaus Peukert ,
* Matthias Schrade (resigned November 25, 2012) ,
* Julia Schramm (resigned October 26, 2012)
10-12 May 2013 (by-election)
|Bernd Schlömer||* Sebastian Nerz,
* Markus Barenhoff
|Swanhild Goetze||Katharina Nocun||Sven Schomacker||* Klaus Peukert,
* Andreas Popp,
* Christophe Chan Hin
|Restructuring of the board of directors: from here on only one deputy chairman , there are now two deputy general secretaries , but no more assessors|
November 30th – 1st Dec. 2013
(provisional from March 16, 2014)
|Thorsten Wirth||Carolin Mahn-Gauseweg||
Stefan Bartels (resigned March 16, 2014) ,
Veronique Schmitz (from March 17, 2014)
Björn Semrau (resigned March 16, 2014) ,
Carolin Mahn-Gauseweg (from March 17, 2014)
Stephanie Schmiedke (resigned March 16, 2014) ,
Alexander Zinser (from March 17, 2014)
|Veronique Schmitz||Gefion Thürmer|
|Restructuring of the board of directors: from here onwards one deputy treasurer and one deputy political director|
28th-29th June 2014
|Stefan Koerner||Carsten Sawosch||Stefan Bartels||Lothar Krauss||Kristos Thingilouthis||Bernd Schreiner||Stephanie Schmiedke||Mark Huger||Michael Ebner|
25th-26th July 2015
|Stefan Koerner||Carsten Sawosch||Stefan Bartels||Lothar Krauss||Kristos Thingilouthis||Astrid Semm||Stephanie Schmiedke||Mark Huger||Kristof Zerbe|
27.-28. August 2016
|Patrick Schiffer||Carsten Sawosch||Lothar Krauss||Steffen Heuer||Kristos Thingilouthis||Alexander Niedermeier||
Michael Kurt Bahr
(resigned November 1, 2016)
21. – 22. October 2017
|Carsten Sawosch||Sebastian Alscher||Lothar Krauss||Dorothea Beinlich||Ute Elisabeth Gabelmann||Astrid Semm||Thomas Knoblich||Tobias Stenzel||Petra Stoll|
17-18 November 2018
|Sebastian Alscher||Dennis Deutschkämer||Bernd Janotta||Detlef Netter||Daniel monk||Sascha Ruschel||Petra Stoll||Borys Sobieski|
09th-10th November 2019
|Sebastian Alscher||Dennis Deutschkämer||Detlef Netter||Andreas Lange||Daniel monk||Lorena May||Borys Sobieski||Tobias Stenzel|
2006 to 2007
2007 to 2008 and
2009 to 2011
2008 to 2009
2011 to 2012
2012 to 2013
2013 to 2014
2014 to 2016
2016 to 2017
2017 to 2018
|Baden-Württemberg||Borys Sobieski||0.4% ( 2016 )||0.5%||0.6%|
|Bavaria||Martin Kollien-Glaser||0.4% ( 2018 )||0.4%||0.6%|
|Berlin||Simon Kowalewski||1.7% ( 2016 )||0.6%||0.8%|
|Brandenburg||Katrin Koerber||0.7% ( 2019 )||not started||0.6%|
|Bremen||Arend Vogtländer||1.0% ( 2019 )||0.6%||0.9%|
|Hamburg||Arthur Kaiser||0.5% ( 2020 )||not started||0.8%|
|Hesse||Martina Scharmann||0.4% ( 2018 )||0.4%||0.6%|
|Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania||Dennis Klüver||0.5% ( 2016 )||not started||0.6%|
|Lower Saxony||Thomas Ganskow||0.2% ( 2017 )||0.4%||0.6%|
|North Rhine-Westphalia||Frank Herrmann||1.0% ( 2017 )||0.4%||0.7%|
|Rhineland-Palatinate||Marie Salm||0.8% ( 2016 )||0.5%||0.6%|
|Saarland||Klaus Schummer||0.7% ( 2017 )||0.5%||0.7%|
|Saxony||Steve King||0.3% ( 2019 )||0.4%||0.6%|
|Saxony-Anhalt||Sophie Bendix||not run ( 2016 )||not started||0.5%|
|Schleswig-Holstein||Joachim Rotermund||1.2% ( 2017 )||not started||0.9%|
|Thuringia||Oliver Kröning||0.4% ( 2019 )||0.5%||0.6%|
The structure of the individual divisions within the regional associations differs significantly in some cases. In Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg there are district associations in all government districts (with the exception of the government district Karlsruhe ), and in Hamburg there are six district associations. The state associations of North Rhine-Westphalia and Berlin have introduced the so-called crew system. In North Rhine-Westphalia it was originally anchored in the statutes, in Berlin it was only a voluntary regulation from the start. In addition to the usual district, district and local associations, so-called crews with a size of five to nine members can be formed. District associations exist in all federal states except in Berlin and Hamburg.
The chairman of the Pirate Party, Stefan Körner , immediately announced that the party would found a new youth organization. This finally happened on August 27, 2016 at a federal party conference with the founding of the Junge Piraten , which bears the same name as the predecessor organization.
The Green Youth was seen by the Pirate Party as the second youth organization since May 12, 2013. The Green Youth distanced itself from this decision in a press release. Since August 27, 2016, the Green Youth is no longer recognized by the Pirate Party as its youth organization.
The first university groups were founded shortly after the 2009 European elections. For example, in June 2009 at the University of Ulm , and in July 2009 at the universities of Jena , Karlsruhe , Mainz and Tübingen . In April 2010 there were university groups at around 30 universities, some with representatives in the corresponding student bodies .
In 2012 the trend towards wing formation increased in the Pirate Party: on December 12, 2012, party members who consciously see themselves as social liberal announced the establishment of a Frankfurt college in the Pirate Party . In February, for example, Gruppe42 formed as an independent interest group around the former party chairman Jens Seipenbusch, which wants to place more emphasis on the core issues of the “digital civil rights movement”. After the federal party conference in June 2014, pirates founded the Progressive Platform , which is supposed to open discussions without going public with it immediately.
The Pirate Party publishes several party newspapers. The letter of piracy is an election campaign newspaper that is distributed at information stands. The message in a bottle is aimed at party members and interested parties.
|Revenue of the Federal Association of the Pirate Party Germany in 2018||EUR||proportion of|
|Donations from natural persons||26,122.45||5.45%|
|Income from business activities and investments||0.00||0.00%|
|Donations from legal entities||0.00||0.00%|
|Income from events, distribution of pamphlets and
publications and other income-related activities
|Income from other property||0.00||0.00%|
|Mandate holder contributions and similar regular contributions||0.00||0.00%|
|Grants from outlines||6,009.56||1.25%|
On the basis of the election results, the party has met the requirements for receiving government grants (partial funding) since 2009 . A maximum rate of 840,554.51 euros was set for 2009, but this amount was capped on the sum of self-generated income in 2008 of 31,504.68 euros, which was entirely attributable to the state associations of Saxony and Schleswig-Holstein. In 2010 and 2011, due to a lack of self-generated income, the party was also unable to exhaust the maximum rate, but was able to increase the partial state funding to EUR 585,162.46 and EUR 578,219.55, respectively.
In May 2012, the federal party only had two paid employees (a press spokeswoman on an 800-euro basis and a branch manager on a 400-euro basis). After several resignations due to excessive work or the threat of burnout, there are voices calling for a more professionalized party structure in view of the 30,000 members.
According to the report by Wirtschaftswoche in August 2012, the Pirate Party was unable to deliver its 2011 annual report to the Bundestag administration on time. This jeopardized the receipt of state funds for party financing. Even a computer program bought for around 55,000 euros has not yet been able to ensure order in the party's bookkeeping. The ongoing bookkeeping is also jammed due to the software problems; there is a backlog of four to five months.
In the following years no abnormalities were observed. The party's budget can be viewed online.
Members and voters
The average age of the party members was given in April 2012 as 40 years. The gender of the members is not recorded, but the proportion of women is estimated at around 5 to 15 percent.
From June 2009 to October 2009 the Pirate Party experienced a strong increase in membership, so that the number of members increased roughly tenfold. The reasons for this are the increased awareness after the European elections in 2009 , the consequence of the debate about the planned restriction of access to websites with child pornographic content and the mobilization in view of the upcoming Bundestag election in 2009 . As of the beginning of September 2009, it was by its own account the seventh largest party in Germany and the largest of the parties not represented in the Bundestag. As of mid-April 2010, the party had more than 12,000 members. Between May 2010 and September 2011 the number of members stagnated and fluctuated around 12,000; this trend was broken with the success in the election of the Berlin House of Representatives in 2011 with a significant increase in membership. Within four months of the election, the membership rose to 20,000. After a peak in September 2012 of almost 35,000, the number fell continuously to below 26,000 members in October 2014, of which only around 9,000 were entitled to vote. In April 2015, the number of voting members fell sharply to just under 5,000. The number of members of the Pirate Party decreased from the maximum level in 2014 to a good 7,500 by mid-2020; of which only approx. 3,700 eligible voters.
Membership in the Pirate Party does not expire if the membership fees are not paid on time, rather the member initially only loses his voting rights. If the member is more than twelve months in default, it can be deleted from the member database after at least two reminders. In other parties, membership expires if the contributions are not paid.
Many of the former members of the Pirate Party subsequently joined other parties. A significant part of the former prominent members switched to LINKEN , and there were still several changes to the Greens , the FDP and SPD .
Voters for the Pirate Party come from all age groups with the exception of those over 60 and, contrary to other assumptions, come from “all strata of the population - including the lower social and educational strata [...]. Workers, employees and the self-employed, like schoolchildren and students, show sympathy for the pirates ”. They are also indistinguishable from other parties by a special Internet affinity, so supporters of the Greens have the same rate of Internet use as those of the pirates.
An analysis by the Forsa Institute published in October 2011 showed that pirate voters with a value of 4.7 on a scale from left (1) to right (10) are closer to the center than supporters of the Greens with 3.9 and also the SPD with 4.4. A large part of the pirate voters come from the camp of non-voters , the party competes most strongly with the Greens within this group of voters, Manfred Güllner von Forsa stated in October 2011:
“On the one hand, [the pirates] are more attractive to the young voters, who up to now have voted for the Greens more than average due to a lack of alternatives. On the other hand, they are also more attractive than the Greens, who have so far considered, out of desperation about the state of the bourgeois parties and the SPD, to give the Greens their vote despite various reservations. Many of these temporary 'New Greens' […] are now offered an alternative by the pirates with their refreshing, undogmatic way of wanting to pursue politics. The pirates seem to suck up these 'New Greens' and cut the Green Party back to their core constituency of the 'Old Greens'. "
According to a Forsa survey in November 2010, seven percent of those questioned believed the Pirate Party to have the greatest Internet competence among all parties. It was just behind the Greens (10%) and the CDU (8%).
While the Pirate Party achieved twelve percent among 18- to 24-year-old men in the 2009 federal election, it was just five percent among women of the same age, and in the age group of 25 to 34-year-olds the ratio was six percent for men to two Percent for women.
Potential voters in early 2013
When asked “Will the pirates still play a role in the future?” , 81 percent answered “no” in a survey published by the star on February 21, 2013. In the 18 to 29 age group, only 66 percent gave this answer. According to a survey by the online market research institute Mafo on behalf of Handelsblatt Online, 70.6 percent of those surveyed are of the opinion that German party democracy can do without the pirates. Of the 18 to 30 year olds, 64.3 percent see no loss if the party no longer exists.
Voter emigration to the AfD in the 2016 election for the Berlin House of Representatives
None of the parties that were elected to the Berlin House of Representatives in 2011 lost such a high proportion of their voters to the AfD as the pirates, namely 16% , in the following election in 2016 . This finding suggests that some of their voters see the Pirate Party, like the AfD, primarily as a protest party.
After the first successes of the Swedish Pirate Party and the founding of the Pirate Party of Austria , interested parties came together on the Internet via the text-based chat system IRC and worked out the statutes and party program. After that there was on 12-13. August 2006 a preparatory meeting to found the party in Darmstadt . The official founding meeting took place on September 10, 2006 with 53 participants in the Berlin c-base . On April 18, 2009 the JuPis were founded in Wiesbaden. The youth association has been the official youth organization since the federal party conference from May 15 to 16, 2010 in Bingen am Rhein . The first regional association was founded on December 30, 2006 in Berlin, the last on June 28, 2009 in Thuringia.
First participation in elections from 2008 to mid-2009
On January 27, 2008, the German Pirate Party took part for the first time in an election, the state election in Hesse , and received 6,962 valid votes (0.3%). In the state elections in Hesse in 2009, it increased to 13,796 votes compared to the previous year's election, which corresponds to 0.5% of the votes. With the transfer of Jens Knoblich, City Councilor of Strausberg , the Pirate Party was represented for the first time in a local parliament in January 2009 .
In 2009 the Pirate Party took part in the European elections for the first time and was able to unite 0.9% of the votes. The top candidacy was taken over by Andreas Popp.
With the federal election in September 2009, the Pirate Party entered a phase in which it achieved results of around 2% in elections above the municipal level for around two years. In the 2009 Bundestag elections , the party competed in all federal states except Saxony - here, according to the state association, they wanted to concentrate on the state elections. She got 2.0% of the second vote. As in the European elections, the top candidate was Andreas Popp. The first strongholds were university towns, especially in eastern Germany. For example, the party achieved 6.1 % of the second vote in Ilmenau and 4.8% in Jena . On November 25, 2009, the party received the Political & Communication magazine's political award for its political campaign in the special category “Campaigns by Political Institutions”.
When Jörg Tauss , the former member of the SPD , joined the party, a party member sat as a non-attached member of the German Bundestag from June 20, 2009 until the end of the 16th electoral term in October 2009 .
In the district assembly elections in Hamburg 2011, the Pirate Party won two seats in the Hamburg-Mitte district and, through a constituency mandate with 2.9%, one seat in the district assembly in Bergedorf . By the end of February 2011, the number of municipal mandates of the Pirate Party increased to 15 seats across Germany. Eight seats were won in elections with results between 1.6% and 4.7%, and seven seats were obtained through converts.
In the local elections in Hesse in 2011 , the party was able to win 31 seats, 23 of them in districts and urban districts. In the state elections in Baden-Württemberg in 2011 , the party achieved 2.1%. She achieved the best result with 3.6% of the vote in the Karlsruhe I constituency . In Mecklenburg-Vorpommern the pirates in reaching Vorpommern-Greifswald in the local elections in 2011 with 1.5% of the votes cast the only mandate in this State. In the state elections held at the same time , the party won 1.9% of the votes cast. In the local elections in Lower Saxony in 2011 , the Pirate Party won 59 seats, including 10 seats in the city councils of the six largest cities of Hanover (2), Braunschweig (2), Osnabrück (1), Oldenburg (1), Wolfsburg (2) and Göttingen (2) ).
After the Pirate Party had been in areas of around 2% for about two years, a series of successes followed in the eight months from September 2011 to May 2012 with results of around 8% each, with which the Pirate Party was able to move into four state parliaments: Berlin, Saarland , Schleswig-Holstein and finally North Rhine-Westphalia.
In the election for the Berlin House of Representatives in 2011 on September 18, 2011, the Pirate Party clearly overcame the five percent hurdle with 8.9% and moved into the state parliament with 15 members. The top candidate was Andreas Baum . On September 27, 2011, he was elected group leader. In addition to the House of Representatives, the pirates also moved into all twelve district council assemblies in Berlin in parliamentary groups. In five districts they won more seats than they could occupy.
In the state elections in Saarland on March 25, 2012, the Pirate Party received 7.4% of the votes and thus four of the 51 seats in the Saarland state parliament . At the beginning of May, the previously independent mayor of the municipality of Eixen , André Bonitz, joined the pirate party, which means that the party has a mayor for the first time.
In the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein on May 6, the Pirate Party achieved a result of 8.2% and thus six of the 69 seats in the Schleswig-Holstein state parliament . A week later, the party received 7.8% of the vote in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia and thus holds 20 of the 237 seats in the state parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia .
In the “ Sunday question ” for the federal election, the pirates achieved values over 10 percent in the spring and summer of 2012 and were thus on par with the Greens and well ahead of the FDP and the LEFT. From autumn 2012, however, it fell below the 5 percent hurdle again.
In the state election on January 20, 2013 in Lower Saxony , the Pirate Party received 2.1% of the second vote, which meant that it failed to pass the five percent hurdle . Eight months later, it achieved similar results in the 2013 federal election with 2.2% and in the 2013 state elections in Hesse and the state elections in Bavaria in 2013 with 1.9% and 2.0%, respectively. In the simultaneous district elections in Bavaria, she won four seats in three districts.
In the municipal elections in Bavaria in 2014 , the party only competed selectively and won one mandate each in the independent cities of Munich , Nuremberg and Regensburg , as well as four further city council and one municipal council mandate . A district council mandate in the Main-Spessart district was achieved on a joint list with the ÖDP and the Left .
In the local elections taking place in North Rhine-Westphalia in May , the pirates achieved 56 seats in the councils of all independent cities and many district assemblies, 25 seats in district councils of independent cities and 48 seats in councils of municipalities belonging to the district. In addition to factions of the pirates alone, fractions were formed with the FDP , the Free Voters , the Left , the PARTY and the ÖDP . As a result, they are now represented with parliamentary groups in the Ruhr Parliament and - together with the free voters - in the Rhineland Landscape Assembly and as a group in the Westphalia-Lippe Landscape Assembly. A seat could also be won in the Cologne Regional Council .
In the three state elections in late summer 2014, the party clearly failed in all three federal states because of the five percent hurdle . Due to the low percentage of votes in the previous elections, the Pirate Party was hardly mentioned in the reporting and treated as one of the "other parties".
In the election for the Berlin House of Representatives on September 18, 2016 , the party clearly missed re-entry with less than 2% of the vote. Most of their former voters turned to other parties, in particular the party Die Linke (22,000), the AfD (12,000) and the Greens (11,000) or migrated to the camp of non-voters (18,000).
For the first time, the pirates nominated a candidate for the election of the 12th Federal President of the Federal Republic of Germany . Together with PARTY Engelbert Sonneborn , the father of the satirist and MEP Martin Sonneborn , they proposed. In the state elections in Saarland in 2017 , the Pirate Party suffered a high loss and fell to 0.7%. In the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia in 2017 , the party fell back to 1.0% of the vote, leaving the last state parliament in which it was still represented. In the 2017 federal election , the party achieved 0.4%.
In the 2019 European elections , the party reached 0.7 percent and entered the European Parliament again with Patrick Breyer . She also defended her mandate in the Bremerhaven city council . In the municipal elections in Baden-Württemberg in 2019 , she was able to win mandates in Stuttgart , Lörrach , Göppingen and Ulm, among others . In the Northwest Mecklenburg district , the party was able to stabilize its local election result at 1.4% and has since formed a joint parliamentary group with the FDP. With just over 8% in the local council election in Welzheim , the party achieved its strongest result in a local council election in recent years. It is even exceeded by the result of 38.6% in the local council election in Merchingen (City of Merzig ).
|2008||n / A.||0.2||0.3||n / A.|
|2009||2.0||n / A.||0.5||n / A.||1.9||1.8||n / A.||0.9|
|2016||0.4||1.7||0.5||0.8||n / A.|
|Legend: n / a. - not started; italic font - best election result; orange - entry into parliament; Election results in percent)|
Pirate party congresses since 2006
|Founding party conference||September 10, 2006||Berlin|
|1st Federal Party Congress||19./20. May 2007||Stockheim|
|2nd Federal Party Congress||17./18. May 2008||Hanover|
|3rd Federal Party Congress||3rd to 5th October 2008||Bielefeld|
|4th Federal Party Congress||4th / 5th July 2009||Hamburg|
|5th Federal Party Congress||15./16. May 2010||Bingen am Rhein|
|6th Federal Party Congress||20./21. November 2010||Chemnitz|
|7th Federal Party Congress||14./15. May 2011||Heidenheim an der Brenz|
|8th Federal Party Congress||3rd / 4th December 2011||Offenbach am Main|
|9th Federal Party Congress||28/29 April 2012||Neumunster|
|10th Federal Party Congress||24./25. November 2012||Bochum|
|11th Federal Party Congress||10-12 May 2013||Neumarkt in the Upper Palatinate|
|12th Federal Party Congress||November 30th / 1st December 2013||Bremen|
|13th Federal Party Congress||4th / 5th January 2014||Bochum|
Federal Party Congress
|28/29 June 2014||Halle (Saale)|
|15th Federal Party Congress||25-26 July 2015||Wurzburg|
|16th Federal Party Congress||20./21. February 2016||Lampertheim|
|17th Federal Party Congress||27./28. August 2016||Wolfenbüttel|
|18th Federal Party Congress||25./26. March 2017||Dusseldorf|
|19th Federal Party Congress||21./22. October 2017||regensburg|
|20th Federal Party Congress||9/10 June 2018||Sömmerda|
|21st Federal Party Congress||17./18. November 2018||Dusseldorf|
|22nd Federal Party Congress||16./17. March 2019||Nuremberg|
|23rd Federal Party Congress||9/10 November 2019||Bad Homburg vor der Höhe|
Current and deceased members
- Angelika Beer (* 1957), former party leader of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen , former member of the German Bundestag and the European Parliament ; Leaving Alliance 90 / The Greens on March 28, 2009, joining the Pirate Party in November 2009
- Patrick Breyer (* 1977), member of the European Parliament and former member of the state parliament from Schleswig-Holstein, civil rights activist
- Gerwald Claus-Brunner (1972–2016), member of the Berlin House of Representatives
- Martin Haase (born 1962), Linguistics - a professor , board member of the Chaos Computer Club , director of the German Esperanto -Instituts
- Martin Heidingsfelder (* 1965), former American football player and co-founder of the VroniPlag Wiki
- Bruno Kramm (* 1967), German musician and producer
- Mikuláš Peksa (* 1986), Czech politician, former member of the Czech Parliament and current member of the European Parliament for Česká pirátská strana , also a member of the Pirate Party Germany
- Herbert Rusche (* 1952), founding member of the federal party Die Grünen, from 1985 to 1987 member of the German Bundestag, left Alliance 90 / Die Grünen in 2001. On August 24, 2009, he joined the Pirate Party.
- Lothar Schnitzler (* 1947), former member of the state parliament for the left until 2019 and current member of Saarbrücken City Council , joined the Pirate Party in 2019.
- Andreas Baum (* 1978), member of the Berlin House of Representatives, left in September 2015
- Maurice Conrad (* 2000), German climate protection activist and politician of the Pirate Party, initiator of the Fridays for Future movement in Mainz, resigned in May 2020
- Martin Delius (* 1984), chairman of the pirate faction in the Berlin House of Representatives, left in December 2015, joined Die Linke in September 2016 .
- Anke Domscheit-Berg (* 1968), management consultant, left in September 2014, switched to Die Linke.
- Daniel Domscheit-Berg (* 1978), network activist, left September 2014
- Anne Helm (* 1986), actress and voice actress, left in September 2014, switched to Die Linke
- Heiko Herberg (* 1987), member of the Berlin House of Representatives, left the beginning of 2015, joined the SPD in March 2016
- Dirk Hillbrecht (* 1972), Federal Chairman 2008–2009, founding member of the Lower Saxony State Association, left in August 2017
- Oliver Höfinghoff (* 1977), member of the Berlin House of Representatives, left in September 2014, switched to Die Linke
- Martin Kliehm (* 1968), city councilor in Frankfurt am Main, left in September 2014, switched to Die Linke
- Christopher Lauer (* 1984), member of the Berlin House of Representatives, left in September 2014, from 2016 to 2019 member of the SPD
- Pavel Mayer (* 1965), member of the Berlin House of Representatives, left in October 2015
- Sebastian Nerz (* 1983), Federal Chairman 2011–2012, left in February 2014, changed to the FDP
- Michael Neyses (* 1968), member of the Saarland Landtag, resigned in January 2015 and switched to Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen Saarland
- Katharina Nocun (* 1986), former political director, network activist, left in October 2016
- Joachim Paul (* 1957), member of the state parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia, resigned in December 2018
- Julia Reda (* 1986), MEP, left in March 2019
- Hanns-Jørg Rohwedder (* 1957), member of the state parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia from June 2012 to May 2017, left in December 2017, until further notice
- Carsten Sawosch (* 1968), Federal Chairman 2017-2018, left in July 2019, changed to the SPD
- Patrick Schiffer (* 1973), Federal Chairman 2016–2017, resigned January 2018, moved to the Greens
- Bernd Schlömer (* 1971), former federal chairman, moved to the FDP in October 2015
- Julia Schramm (* 1985), author, member of the federal executive committee in 2012, left in January 2016, switched to Die Linke
- Daniel Schwerd (* 1966), member of the state parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia, left in October 2015, switched to Die Linke
- Robert Stein (* 1979), member of the state parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia, left in February 2014, moved to the CDU
- Jörg Tauss (* 1953), member of the German Bundestag 1994–2009, SPD member until 2009. A little later he became a pirate. After his conviction, he resigned on May 30, 2010 so as not to incriminate the party; his reopening was rejected in October 2011.
- Udo Vetter (* 1964), specialist lawyer for criminal law, blogger, resigned in 2014
- Gerd Rainer Weber (* 1966), Saarland state chairman 2014–2017, left in April 2017, changed to the SPD
- Marina Weisband (* 1987), former political director, left in 2015, moved to the Greens
- Simon Weiß (* 1985), member of the Berlin House of Representatives, left in September 2014, switched to Die Linke
- Susanne Wiest (* 1967), basic income activist from Greifswald and petitioner of the ePetition "Reform proposals in social security - unconditional basic income from December 10, 2008"
- Thorsten Wirth (* 1968), Federal Chairman 2013–2014, left in summer 2014
- Stefan Appelius , Armin Fuhrer : Renew the operating system. Everything about the pirate party. Berlin Story Verlag, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-86368-056-5 .
- Henning Bartels: The Pirate Party: Origin, Demands and Perspectives of the Movement. (PDF; 2 MB) Contumax, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-86199-001-7 .
- Christoph Bieber , Claus Leggewie (ed.): Among pirates. Explorations in a new political arena . transkript Verlag, Bielefeld 2012, ISBN 978-3-8376-2071-9 .
- Fabian Blumberg: Party of the “digital natives”? An analysis of the genesis and establishment chances of the Pirate Party. (PDF; 149 kB) Konrad Adenauer Foundation , Berlin 2010.
- Astrid Geisler : pirate bride. My experiences in the wildest party in Germany. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2013, ISBN 978-3-462-04530-7 .
- Wolfgang Gründinger : My little people's party. By a soci who purposely became a pirate. Eichborn-Verlag, Cologne 2013. (self-promotion)
- Martin Häusler: The Pirate Party. Freedom we mean. Scorpio Verlag, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-942166-82-9 .
- Alexander Hensel, Stephan Klecha , Franz Walter: Mutiny on the Germany. Goals and opportunities of the pirate party. Suhrkamp, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-518-06211-1 .
- Carsten Koschmieder: Participation in the Pirate Party - The dark side of a sunny utopia. Barbara Budrich Verlag, Opladen et al. 2016, ISBN 978-3-8474-0515-3 .
- Tobias Neumann: The Pirate Party Germany Development and Self-Image. Contumax-Verlag, Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-86199-006-2 .
- Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): The Pirate Party. Springer, Wiesbaden 2013, ISBN 978-3-531-19474-5 .
- Simon Otjes: All on the same boat? Voting for pirate parties in comparative perspective. Politics, 40 (1), 2019, pp. 38-53 ( online ).
- Leopold Ringel: Transparency in Politics? Limits, problems and unintended consequences . In: KZfSS Cologne journal for sociology and social psychology. (2019) DOI: 10.1007 / s11577-019-00591-0 .
- Daniel Schwerd : Politics out of self-defense: The legacy of the pirate party. BOD - Books on Demand, Norderstedt 2016, ISBN 978-3-8423-3642-1 .
- Jan Seibert: The Pirate Party - The beginning of a new political era. Schwarzkopf & Schwarzkopf, Berlin, 2012, ISBN 978-3-86265-200-6 .
- Marie Katharina Wagner: The pirates. From an attitude to life to a power factor . Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh 2012, ISBN 978-3-579-06645-5 .
- Marina Weisband : We call it politics. Ideas for a contemporary democracy . Tropen-Verlag, Stuttgart 2013, ISBN 978-3-608-50319-7 .
- Udo Zolleis, Simon Prokopf, Fabian Strauch: The Pirate Party. Hype or a challenge for the German party landscape? (PDF; 5.1 MB) Hanns Seidel Foundation , Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-88795-364-5 ( current analyzes. No. 55).
- Homepage of the Junge Piraten - youth organization of the Pirate Party Germany
- Sabine Stoye / Sabine Pokorny: On the high seas - surveying the pirate party
- Foundation 42 - The Association
- Felix Neumann: Platform neutrality. On the program of the Pirate Party . In: Oskar Niedermayer (Hrsg.): The Pirate Party . Springer, Wiesbaden 2013, ISBN 978-3-531-19474-5 , here p. 184.
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