State election in Baden-Württemberg 2011
In the state elections in Baden-Württemberg on March 27, 2011, the 15th state parliament of Baden-Württemberg was elected. The election took place simultaneously with the state elections in Rhineland-Palatinate and the local elections in Hesse and one week after the state elections in Saxony-Anhalt .
With a turnout of 66.3%, the CDU achieved 39.0% (60 seats), the Greens 24.2% (36), the SPD 23.1% (35) and the FDP 5.3% (7). Although the strongest faction, the CDU had to hand over government responsibility to a coalition of the Greens and the SPD after 58 years; With Winfried Kretschmann , a Green politician was elected head of government of a German state for the first time.
After the state elections in 2006 , a coalition of CDU and FDP was formed. Günther Oettinger headed the cabinet from 2006 to 2010 . From 2010 Stefan Mappus took over the office of Prime Minister. The opposition was formed by the SPD and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen.
With the beginning of the new electoral period on May 1, 2011, there were some fundamental changes: The previous " after-work parliament " became a full-time parliament . The state pension will no longer apply from 2011, and in future MPs will have to pay for their own pension.
A characteristic of the electoral process in Baden-Württemberg is that no state or district lists are drawn up, as is customary in other federal states. The voter has only one vote. The state parliament with a nominal 120 members is elected every five years. Whoever gets the most votes in one of the 70 constituencies receives the direct mandate for this constituency and moves into the state parliament. The 120 seats will be distributed nationwide in the Sainte-Laguë / Schepers procedure to all parties that have achieved at least 5% of the votes. After that, the seats of each party - again to Sainte-Laguë / Schepers - will be distributed among the four administrative districts of Baden-Württemberg . If a party is entitled to more seats in a government district than it has achieved direct mandates here, the other seats of the party within the government district are allocated to inferior constituency applicants with the highest percentage of votes within their party. These mandates are called second mandates .
Anyone who was eligible to vote and was not excluded from eligibility was allowed to stand. Nominations for election could be submitted to the responsible election officer by January 27, 2011, 6 p.m. 19 parties and six individual applicants were allowed to vote.
Candidates from 19 parties and six individual applicants ran for the state elections. In addition to the CDU, SPD, Greens and FDP parties represented in the state parliament, the Left, the Republicans and the Pirate Party ran in all 70 constituencies.
The 2011 state elections led to a change of government in Baden-Württemberg, which was often viewed as "historic": the previously ruling parties CDU and FDP only had 67 out of 139 seats in the new state parliament, three too few for a majority. The CDU was thus in the opposition for the first time since 1953 and no longer provided the Prime Minister of Baden-Württemberg .
The SPD and Greens together achieved 71 seats, with the Greens with 36 seats one seat ahead of the SPD. Winfried Kretschmann was elected the first Green Minister-President in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany on May 12, 2011 with 73 votes . His party was able to win nine out of a total of 70 constituencies, almost all of which are located in cities dominated by universities and their surrounding areas as well as in the state capital Stuttgart . In constituency Mannheim I was SPD successful, the remaining 60 constituencies were of the CDU won. The Baden-Württemberg state parliament has the lowest proportion of women of all state parliaments in Germany at 20.3%. The State Women's Council of Baden-Württemberg is working towards change.
The turnout rose significantly by 12.9 points to 66.3 percent after having reached an all-time low in the previous state elections.
According to the official final result, the votes were distributed among the parties as follows:
|Political party||be right||%||Seats||be right||%||Seats||be right||% Pts.||Seats|
|The left a||139,700||2.80||121,753||3.07||+17,853||−0.27|
|PIRATES||103,618||2.08||n / A||n / A||+103.392||+2.08|
|ON||10,420||0.21||n / A||n / A||+10,421||+0.21|
|BIG||3,463||0.07||n / A||n / A||+3,463||+0.07|
|THE VIOLETS||1,862||0.04||n / A||n / A||+1,860||+0.04|
|FAMILY||1,285||0.03||n / A||n / A||+1,280||+0.03|
|BüSo||307||0.01||n / A||n / A||+307||+0.01|
|DKP||105||0.00||n / A||n / A||+105||+0.00|
|other parties 2006||n / A||n / A||23,641||0.60||−23,641||−0.60|
a) 2006 as WASG ; na = not started
From the second half of 2010 it became apparent that the Stuttgart 21 project, which was heavily criticized by parts of the population and in the course of which the Stuttgart main station was to be rebuilt, was becoming increasingly explosive in the state election campaign. In Stuttgart, for example, there were more and more demonstrations against it, and there was great media attention to arbitration talks broadcast live by the Phoenix broadcaster (see also Protest against Stuttgart 21 ). While the CDU and FDP endorsed the project, it was rejected by the GREEN, LEFT and pirates. The SPD, which also supported the project, finally called for a referendum on this issue (see also referendum on Stuttgart 21 ).
Another topic was the “phase out of nuclear power plants ”, i.e. the extension of the service life of German nuclear power plants : If the red-green federal government decided to phase out nuclear power by 2022 in 2001 , the Merkel II government extended the operating times by 8 and 14 respectively in October 2010 Years. The Philippsburg and Neckarwestheim nuclear power plants and Obrigheim, which was taken off the grid in 2005, are located in the state .
On March 11, 2011, over 15,000 people died and a nuclear power plant was damaged in the severe seaquake and tidal wave in Japan. The subsequent nuclear disaster in Fukushima moved the debate about a nuclear phase-out in Germany to the center of the election campaign issues. In a demonstration that was planned long before the next day, 60,000 people protested against nuclear power in Baden-Württemberg instead of the expected 40,000 participants. Representatives of the CDU and FDP, including in particular the CDU top candidate Stefan Mappus , had emphatically pleaded before Fukushima for a significant extension of the operating times of the nuclear power plants. After the start of the catastrophe, both the country's CDU and FDP declared that they were in favor of a “medium-term to long-term” exit from nuclear power. SPD, DIE LINKE, GRÜNE and most of the small parties called for a quick exit.
According to a survey on behalf of the Stuttgarter Zeitung, 90% of voters considered education policy to be “important or very important”, which put it ahead of energy and environmental policy (88%) or economic policy (86%). The CDU and FDP wanted to keep the tripartite school system and further expand all-day care. a. through the establishment of all-day schools. The Greens and the SPD also wanted to promote the establishment of all-day schools, but called for a gradual abandonment of the three-tier school system and the introduction of a ten-year comprehensive school (which would then be followed by a three-year upper secondary school). With regard to university funding, the previous government coalition wanted to continue to levy tuition fees, but the FDP planned to levy these in the future based on income, so that no fees are incurred during the course. The SPD, Greens and Pirates wanted to abolish tuition fees and replace the universities' lack of income with grants from the state budget.
On December 6, 2010, the state government announced that it would buy 45.01% of the shares in EnBW (including the operator of the two nuclear power plants in Baden-Württemberg ) from Électricité de France . Prime Minister Stefan Mappus initially announced that it would cost 4.67 billion euros, but had to admit in a closed meeting of the finance committee in the state parliament that the share purchase actually cost 5.9 billion euros - a good 1.2 billion more than initially claimed.
The state government had decided on the purchase on the basis of the finance minister's right of emergency without asking parliament for approval before the binding contract was signed. The parliamentary groups of the SPD and the Greens are suing the state court .
Other circumstances of the purchase were also criticized by the Greens and the SPD: The sale was not made by LBBW or a consortium of Baden-Württemberg banks, but by Dirk Notheis , Germany head of the US investment bank Morgan Stanley , assessor in the CDU state executive and best man of Prime Minister Stefan Mappus. The amount of the remuneration is treated confidentially; around 0.8 percent of the transaction volume would be usual.
The interest on the loan to purchase the EnBW shares should be financed by the dividends from EnBW. The nuclear moratorium announced by Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU) after the nuclear accidents in Japan led to the shutdown of two of the nuclear reactors operated by EnBW. According to a calculation by the Öko-Institut , EnBW is losing at least 45 million euros in revenue per month. If this leads to lower dividend payments from EnBW, tax money from the state budget must be used instead for the interest payment.
A Freedom of Information Act (IFG) at the state level, which is intended to give citizens an insight into official actions, is advocated by the SPD, the Greens, the FDP, and the pirates. The CDU has rejected an IFG in the past.
The SPD paid for the most expensive election campaign with 2.3 million euros, which was a similar amount to 2006, when the SPD did not fully exhaust 2.4 million euros. In 2011, 75% of the budget was spent on posters, advertisements and brochures. The events cost a further 20%, the remaining 5% flowed into election campaign support on site. The CDU spent around two million euros; the FDP 850,000 euros, 100,000 euros more than in 2006. The Greens 600,000 euros, 250,000 euros more than in 2006. The funding of the state parties consists of membership fees, donations and state party funding.
A Wahl-O-Mat was switched on for the state election . This was called up almost a million times until shortly before the election, which represents a multiplication of the use compared to previous elections and is seen as evidence of the extraordinary interest in the election in Baden-Württemberg.
Around 490,000 viewers in Baden-Württemberg followed the TV duel between Nils Schmid and Stefan Mappus, which was broadcast on SWR's third program . The audience rating of 12.3 percent was almost three times higher than the ratings on an average Wednesday evening. The duel five years earlier between Günther Oettinger (CDU) and Ute Vogt (SPD) had a rate of 13.3 percent.
In a survey by infratest dimap, 47 percent of those questioned said that nuclear and environmental policy were the most important problem in the country (2006: 7 percent), while only 17 percent said this about unemployment (2006: 65 percent). After the incidents at the Japanese nuclear power plant in Fukushima, the German government announced that it would review the extension of the service life of German nuclear power plants that it had implemented. This turnaround was viewed by 78 percent of voters as electoral tactical and implausible, only 20 percent considered the change of course to be credible. According to the survey, 87 percent of those questioned shared the opinion that the CDU had not taken citizens' concerns about nuclear power seriously; 89 percent said this about the FDP.
62 percent of the Baden-Württemberg residents surveyed criticized the fact that Prime Minister Stefan Mappus (CDU) did not know what politics he stood for; only 33 percent were satisfied with his political work ( Winfried Kretschmann / Greens: 44 percent, Nils Schmid / SPD: 42 percent). Nevertheless, the majority of Mappus was considered to be more managerial and more economically competent than Kretschmann, who in turn is viewed as more personable and credible. About the FDP, 80 percent said that they cared too much about certain groups of voters, and 77 percent were of the opinion that they wanted tax breaks that could not be financed. Overall, only 41 percent were satisfied with the state government (2006: 58 percent, 2001: 66 percent) and only 37 percent thought that the CDU and FDP should continue to govern.
Voters with a lower level of education were more likely to vote for the CDU , while the majority of the more educated people voted for the Greens . However, this is mainly due to the age structure of the electorate.
The CDU was again by far the strongest force, but lost 5.2 percentage points and achieved its second-worst result in an election for the Baden-Württemberg state parliament with 39.0 percent of the vote. The CDU was most strongly elected in Catholic areas as well as in areas with low unemployment and in areas with a low population density. According to voter groups, the CDU achieved below-average results for the unemployed (23 percent), first-time voters (30 percent), young voters (18 to 24 years old: 31 percent) and employees (34 percent), while it achieved above-average results for the self-employed (43 percent) and pensioners (48 percent) and older voters (60 years and older: 50 percent) scored.
Alliance 90 / The Greens
The Greens were able to more than double their result from 2006, so that they achieved their highest share of the vote to date and at the same time their largest growth in a German state election. They became the second strongest party with 24.2 percent and can for the first time provide a prime minister. The voters considered the nuclear energy policy of the Greens, who have been campaigning for nuclear-free electricity generation since the founding of the party, to be the most credible and recognized them as having the best problem-solving skills in this matter. 59 percent shared the opinion that there could only be a real change of course in nuclear policy with the Greens, 60 percent said that the party was the party that ensures the correct use of nuclear power (CDU: 19 percent, SPD: 10 percent) . 68 percent found the Greens' participation in government and 51 percent a Green Prime Minister good. 50 percent said that the Greens are a good alternative for anyone who is disappointed with the CDU. Of all the coalition options, a green-red alliance was preferred with 52 percent most frequently (black-red: 47 percent, black-yellow: 38 percent, black-green: 28 percent). Compared to Mappus, Kretschmann was considered more personable and credible. The Greens were strong in large or university cities and mixed denominational areas with high population densities. Among the groups of voters, the Greens achieved above-average results for the unemployed (26 percent), women (27 percent), employees (29 percent), self-employed (31 percent) and middle-aged voters (35 to 44 years old: 32 percent), below average results for older voters (60 years and older: 14 percent), pensioners (16 percent), blue-collar workers (18 percent), spontaneous (19 percent) and men (22 percent).
The SPD lost another 2.1 percentage points compared to the already very poor result of 2006. With a share of the vote of 23.1 percent, the SPD had its worst result so far in the state elections in Baden-Württemberg, but was able to participate in government again for the first time since the end of the grand coalition in 1996, albeit as a junior partner of the Greens. According to infratest dimap, 74 percent of those surveyed stated that the SPD's position on Stuttgart 21 was unclear, and 52 percent said the same thing about the profile of the SPD in Baden-Württemberg as a whole. Nevertheless, in the case of a direct election of the Prime Minister, the SPD candidate Schmid would have been ahead with 50 percent against Mappus with 37 percent, while the lead would have been lower for the green candidate if the candidate had chosen between Kretschmann (47 percent) and Mappus (42 percent). The SPD was increasingly elected in areas with high unemployment, high population density and low voter turnout. According to groups of voters, the SPD received the most votes from older voters (60 years and older: 26 percent) and pensioners (27 percent), while it achieved the lowest percentage of votes from middle-aged voters (35 to 44 years old: 19 percent).
The FDP was at 5.3 percent on it in the history of the State of Baden-Wuerttemberg worst result. It lost half of its share of the vote (2006: 10.7 percent) and was only just able to move back into the state parliament. Compared to the 2009 Bundestag election , in which the FDP in Baden-Württemberg with 18.8 percent won almost as many votes as the SPD and significantly more votes than the Greens, the losses are even more drastic. The FDP was increasingly elected in Protestant areas as well as in areas with high voter turnout and in areas with low unemployment. The FDP was voted particularly strong by the self-employed, where it scored 10 percent.
All other parties, which together came to 8.4 percent, failed at the five percent hurdle . Among these, as in the previous state election, Die Linke received the most votes, but lost it slightly and, with 2.8 percent, was unable to move into the state parliament. 82 percent of the Baden-Württemberg residents surveyed shared the opinion that the left's ideas were unrealistic and unaffordable. According to groups of voters, the left achieved above-average results for the unemployed (12 percent) and blue-collar workers (5 percent), while it achieved only 1 percent for the self-employed.
The first time pirates , who achieved a total of 2.1 percent, received a particularly large number of votes from first-time voters (9 percent). The right-wing populist republicans , who were represented in the state parliament from 1992 to 2001, suffered losses for the fourth time in a row and only came to 1.1 percent. With a share of 0.97 percent of the vote, the right-wing extremist NPD narrowly failed to meet the one percent hurdle, which is important for party funding . The ÖDP , which achieved just under two percent in 1992 and has continuously lost in state elections in Baden-Württemberg since 2006, increased from 0.55% in 2006 to 0.85%. In the political segment of the Christian conservative small parties, the PBC , which had won 0.7% of the vote in 2006 but only ran in 10 constituencies in 2011, lost over 80% of its voters and ended up with 0.1%, including that of her Auf split off in 2008 only achieved 0.2% of the vote.
|Forsa||March 24, 2011||38%||24%||24%||5%||4%||5%|
|Research group elections||03/18/2011||38%||22.5%||25%||5%||4.5%||5%|
|University of Freiburg||02/26/2011||41.1%||22.7%||24.2%||6.0%||2.8%||3.2%|
|Research group elections||04/02/2011||41%||19%||25%||6%||4%||5%|
|Emnid||December 19, 2010||41%||19%||29%||4%||4%||3%|
|Research group elections||11/27/2010||39%||19%||26%||5%||4%||7%|
|Infratest policy research||07/27/2010||37%||25%||20%||7%||5%||6%|
|Infratest policy research||04/20/2010||41%||23%||17%||8th %||5%||6%|
When asked which Minister-President they would vote directly, the people of Baden-Württemberg answered as follows:
|Institute||date||Mappus||Schmid||Kretschmann||other / * none of them|
|Forsa||March 24, 2011||25%||22%||20%||33%|
|Research group elections||03/18/2011||37%||-||32%||-|
|Research group elections||03/18/2011||33%||37%||-||-|
|University of Freiburg||02/26/2011||39.4%||15.0%||13.3%||32.4%|
|Infratest dimap||02/03/2010||39%||36%||-||13% *|
|Infratest dimap||12/02/2010||46%||-||31%||16% *|
|Research group elections||11/27/2010||30%||9%||20%||41%|
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