State election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011

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2006State election 20112016
(Second votes in%)
Gains and losses
compared to 2006
 % p
Template: election chart / maintenance / notes
c 2006: PDS 16.8%, WASG 0.5%
g 2006 did not run
A total of 71 seats

Seating arrangements - 6th legislative term

The election for the 6th state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania took place in 35 of the 36 state electoral districts on September 4, 2011, in the constituency of Rügen I was only elected on September 18 due to the death of CDU candidate Udo Timm . The district reform in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania also came into force on September 4, 2011 . That is why local elections were held on that day , in which the district councils and district administrators in the six new districts were elected.

In the state elections, 51.5 percent of those entitled to vote, fewer people than ever before since 1990. The SPD won well ahead of the CDU and the Left . Alliance 90 / The Greens moved for the first time, the NPD back into the state parliament, the FDP failed at the five percent hurdle . After the election, the SPD and CDU agreed on a continuation of the grand coalition under Prime Minister Erwin Sellering ( Sellering II cabinet ).

Election result

16 parties competed in the election. The state election had the following result:

Constituency majorities (first votes) according to parties
Eligible voters 1,373,932
Voters 708.111
voter turnout 51.5%
Valid first votes 680,684 (96.1%)
Valid second votes 681,375 (96.2%)

Total seats
Gains /
SPD 240.368 35.3 242.251 35.6 24 3 27 +4
CDU 181.988 26.7 156.969 23.0 12 6th 18th −4
LEFT 126,960 18.7 125,528 18.4 14th 14th +1
GREEN 56.006 8.2 59.004 8.7 7th 7th +7
NPD 39,613 5.8 40,642 6.0 5 5 −1
FDP 22,054 3.2 18,943 2.8 −7
PIRATES 1,141 0.2 12,727 1.9
FAMILY 1,192 0.2 10,538 1.5
FREE VOTERS 10,038 1.5 7,782 1.1
The party 1,669 0.2
FROM 1,493 0.2
ON 270 0.0 1,133 0.2
APD 868 0.1
PBC 651 0.1
ÖDP 598 0.1
REP 579 0.1
Individual applicants 1,054 0.2

By-election in constituency 33

Due to the death of the CDU direct candidate Udo Timm , the election in constituency 33 (Rügen I) was postponed to September 18, 2011. The CDU nominated Thomas Gens , but excluded him from the party on September 5, 2011 or revoked his membership after it became known that he had been a functionary of the right-wing extremist DVU from 1998 to 2002 . The CDU called for people not to vote for Gens.

Before the by-election, various scenarios for postponing the election result were discussed. According to calculations, the Greens were able to win a mandate to the detriment of the NPD or the SPD compared to the preliminary result of September 4. The left called for the Greens to be elected in the by-election in order to reduce the number of seats in the NPD. If the FDP or another party not represented in parliament had won the direct mandate in constituency 33, the number of mandates distributed through second votes would have been reduced, which would also have been at the expense of the SPD or the NPD.

Ultimately, the SPD politician Susann Wippermann lost her mandate to the Greens, who were now represented by Jutta Gerkan with seven members of parliament. Furthermore, the SPD politician Dagmar Kaselitz lost her mandate to her party comrade Ingulf Donig , as he won the direct mandate for his constituency with the most valid first votes.

Election analysis

The ruling SPD was again the strongest force with 35.6 percent of the vote. Thanks to strong gains of 5.4 percentage points, it was also able to significantly expand its gap to the previous junior partner CDU. Prime Minister Erwin Sellering (SPD) achieved a high level of satisfaction of 79 percent, in a direct election he would have received 74 percent of the vote. Sellering was considered to be more personable (70 percent), stronger manager (66 percent), more credible and closer to the citizen (60 percent each) than his challenger Caffier. In contrast to the previous election periods, the majority of those surveyed were satisfied with the work of the state government for the first time. The SPD was given a higher level of competence than the CDU in the areas of economic, educational and family policy and was considered more competent than Die Linke on the subject of social justice. When asked which party best suited Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the SPD received the highest score at 73 percent.

The CDU lost 5.7 percentage points and only achieved a share of the vote of 23 percent. It was the historically worst state election result for the CDU in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The electoral research saw the general dissatisfaction with the work of the Federal Government at the time as the main reason, which accounted for 74 percent of the eligible voters in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. In state politics, too, the CDU, as a junior partner, was unable to take advantage of the successes in government work, as these were more likely to be associated with the SPD by the voters. Only 41 percent of those eligible to vote were satisfied with the work of the CDU top candidate Lorenz Caffier. Only twelve percent thought Caffier was stronger in leadership than Sellering, eleven percent each for more likeable and credible and ten percent for closer to the people. If the Prime Minister had been elected directly, only 14 percent would have chosen Caffier, even among CDU voters he would only have been elected with a narrow majority of 48 percent, while 43 percent of CDU voters would have opted for sellering. The motto "C for future", which was supposed to allude to Caffier's name, was considered controversial and not very successful.

The left was able to increase slightly to 18.4 percent. The fact that the party did not achieve any greater gains was justified in its own ranks by the continuing disagreement at the federal level, in particular the communism debate and the discussions about the letter to Fidel Castro and the appreciation of the victims of the Berlin Wall . 70 percent of those eligible to vote were of the opinion that the Left was too divided to be able to seriously shape politics. 37 percent of those eligible to vote were satisfied with the political work of the top candidate Helmut Holter .

Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen were able to more than double their value in the area code with 8.7 percent of the vote. It is the best result so far in an eastern German state (excluding Berlin). The party was thus able to continue the series of won state elections and move into the Schwerin state parliament for the first time. For the first time, the Greens were represented in all German state parliaments (until the state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2016 ), as the only party alongside the Union parties and the SPD.

The FDP only reached 2.7 percent and thus lost more than two thirds of its share of the vote. After only one election period in the Schwerin state parliament, the party clearly missed the re-entry. Electoral researchers see the reasons for the dramatic losses in the fact that the state FDP was unable to assert itself against the very poor federal trend, as most voters were dissatisfied with the work of the black-yellow coalition at the federal level. The vast majority of those eligible to vote said that the FDP lacked good politicians at the top (81 percent) and that they were too divided to be able to seriously shape politics (73 percent).

The right-wing extremist NPD came in at six percent and thus made it into the state parliament for the second time in a row, despite slight losses. The NPD achieved above-average values, especially in structurally weak rural areas of Western Pomerania. Election researchers said that a certain number of core voters had already formed here. 86 percent of all eligible voters were of the opinion that the NPD was seriously taking care of the local problems. 82 percent of the NPD voters were not satisfied with democracy, 62 percent considered themselves losers in the country's development. The NPD received the highest percentage of votes with 17 percent from male first-time voters and 18 percent from the unemployed.

Government formation

Two and a half weeks after the state elections and after exploratory talks with the CDU and the Left, Prime Minister Erwin Sellering announced that he would enter into coalition talks with the Christian Democrats. The coalition agreement was signed on October 24, 2011 after three weeks of negotiations.

Electoral process

The legal basis for the preparation and implementation of the election to the state parliament in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is regulated in particular by the constitution of the state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and the state and municipal electoral law (LKWG).

The state election is a personalized proportional representation similar to the federal election. The state parliament basically consists of 71 seats, which are distributed to the parties in proportion to the second votes according to the Hare-Niemeyer procedure . 36 mandates go to direct candidates elected with a relative majority of the first votes . The direct mandates - as far as possible - are credited to the parties' right to a seat, further mandates are awarded via closed state lists . If a party wins more mandates in the constituencies than it is entitled to according to the second vote ratio, these remain with the party ( overhang mandates ), the other parties receive compensatory mandates . There is a five percent hurdle and there is no basic mandate clause . The election period has been five years since the state elections in 2006, previously it was four years.

The active as passive right all adult Germans who for at least 37 days their main residence have in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Around 1.4 million people had the right to vote in the state elections.

In connection with the distribution of mandates objected to in Schleswig-Holstein before the state constitutional court there after the state elections in 2009 , calls for a change in the relevant legal regulation were also made in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Against this background, Die Linke and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen also demanded voting rights from the age of 16.

The member of the state parliament and direct candidate of the CDU in the constituency of Rügen I , Udo Timm , died two weeks before the election. The election in this constituency was therefore postponed to September 18.

Initial situation before the election

Parties and candidates

The signatures of at least 100 eligible voters of the respective area for which the nomination was submitted were required for state lists and district election proposals by parties not represented in the Bundestag or in the state parliament - as well as for district election proposals by individual applicants. 16 parties ran for election:

Abbreviation Political party Top candidate Direct / list
Number of

2006 result (in%)
SPD Social Democratic Party of Germany Erwin Sellering 36/32 2,802
(as of 2011)
CDU Christian Democratic Union of Germany Lorenz Caffier 36/50 6,013
(as of 2011)
THE LEFT The left Helmut Holter 34/34 5,460
(as of 2011)
FDP Free Democratic Party Gino Leonhard 36/28 1,050
(as of 2011)
NPD National Democratic Party of Germany Udo Pastörs 36/20 400
(as of 2009)
GREEN Alliance 90 / The Greens Silke Gajek 36/27 550
(as of 2011)
FAMILY Family party of Germany Arne Gericke 2/5 30
(as of 2011)
PBC Party of faithful Christians Uwe Seppmann - / 3 27
(as of 2011)
FROM Alternative alliance for social justice
Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania
Wolfhard Molter - / 3 40
(as of 2011)
APD Workers-Workers Party Germany Hartmut Rusin -/1 0.1
ON ON - Party for Work, Environment and Family Christian Hauser 1/10 -
REP The Republicans Karsten Wengelinski - / 11 -
FREE VOTERS Free voters Silvio Horn 18/18 65
(as of 2011)
ödp Ecological Democratic Party Christian Lantermann - / 5 16
(as of 2010)
The party Party for labor, rule of law, animal welfare, elite support
and grassroots initiative
Heike Zeilinger - / 6 50
(as of 2011)
PIRATES Pirate Party Germany Matthias Bahner 2/11 240
(as of 2011)
- - Individual applicants 4 / - - -
Erwin Sellering (SPD)

As the last of the established parties, the SPD chose its state list on May 14, 2011. As expected, the prime minister and state party chairman Erwin Sellering ran as the top candidate , followed by social affairs minister Manuela Schwesig , parliamentary group leader Norbert Nieszery and state parliament president Sylvia Bretschneider . Sellering, who only took over the office of Prime Minister in the middle of the legislative period from the popular Harald Ringstorff , is the first head of government with a West German biography in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.

Lorenz Caffier (CDU)

On September 18, 2009, the CDU state executive nominated the interior minister and state party leader Lorenz Caffier . On January 22, 2011, his top candidacy was confirmed at a state party conference in Güstrow with 90.8 percent of the vote and the state list was drawn up. The list places behind Caffier were taken by parliamentary group leader Harry Glawe , general secretary Vincent Kokert , MP Beate Schlupp and economics minister Jürgen Seidel . Two women were among the top ten candidates. With three exceptions, all direct candidates had been determined by the end of 2010.

Helmut Holter (The Left)

The Left voted the former Labor Minister Helmut Holter on April 10, 2011 with 93 percent approval on the first place in the list. When the list candidates were drawn up, “ Fundis ” who were on an opposition course had to accept defeats against the “ Realos ” aimed at government cooperation with the SPD . Birgit Schwebs , the member of the state parliament and representative of the anti-capitalist left proposed by an internal party search group for list position two, failed against the relatively unknown education expert Simone Oldenburg , who was nominated by the party executive . Schwebs also fell through against Jacqueline Bernhardt , Jeannine Rösler and Mignon Schwenke in the fight candidates for third, seventh and ninth place . As the only member of the anti-capitalist left, Torsten Koplin was elected to a promising place on the list (sixth place). Former Minister of Social Affairs Marianne Linke , who was considered to be Holter's opponent, failed in the election for fifth place on the list against the parliamentary manager of the left-wing parliamentary group Regine Lück . The party thinker, campaign manager and former MEP André Brie prevailed in eighth place against the former member of the state parliament and Holter critic Gerd Walther . The course of the list party conference and the clashes between the wings led to considerable unrest in the party. Birgit Schwebs, among others, resigned from all offices, and Gerhard Bartels , a long-time member of the state parliament and head of the left-wing parliamentary group in the Greifswald parliament , resigned from the party. The state board of the party Die Linke renewed a resolution from 1991, according to which all candidates for the state elections were obliged to publicly declare a possible Stasi cooperation in advance. In doing so, the party drew conclusions from revelations about the full-time state treasurer Renate Malchow, who had concealed her IM past for over 20 years and resigned from her post after her Stasi work became known. The 31-year-old state party leader Steffen Bockhahn sees the older generation of the party in particular - the average age nationwide at the time of the election was 68 years old. In the case of another “ salami tactic ” by older members when publishing previous stats, he even considered resigning from his position. Disclosed activities for the MfS, however, are not a reason for exclusion from the state list or from the state board. As the only one of the big parties, the Left did not run with direct candidates in all constituencies because the necessary election documents for two candidates were not submitted on time.

The FDP voted on a national representative meeting on 1 and 2 April 2011 in Klink previous parliamentary managing director of the state parliament, Gino Leonhard on list number one. Initially, the top candidate from 2006 and leader of the FDP parliamentary group in the state parliament, Michael Roolf , missed a majority at the party congress without opposing candidates. Thereupon he did not run again and declared that he no longer wanted to run for the state parliament. Thomas Heldberg , Toralf Schnur , Sigrun Reese , René Domke, Rolando Schadowski, David Wulff and Daniel Bohl were elected to the following list positions . The failed election of Roolf caused considerable unrest in the party and a power struggle between Roolf and party leader Christian Ahrendt . The aim of the state FDP was to confirm the result of the state elections in 2006 in the 2011 election with strongly state-related topics and a focused election campaign.

Udo Pastörs (NPD)

For the NPD it was a matter of entering the state parliament again. Except in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, it only had a parliamentary group in the Saxon state parliament . In the state elections in Saxony-Anhalt in March 2011, however , the party failed despite considerable effort because of the five percent hurdle. The state list of the NPD was drawn up in November 2010 at a state party conference that was held in a secret location. The top candidate was again Udo Pastörs , followed by Tino Müller , Michael Andrejewski and the state chairman Stefan Köster . On the other hand, the two members of the state parliament, Birger Lüssow and Raimund Borrmann , were no longer represented . All positions on the list, like all positions on the state executive committee, were occupied by men. Comradeships were represented more strongly than in previous years , which is why observers expected a more radical and significantly more aggressive election campaign than in 2006.

Jürgen Suhr (Alliance 90 / The Greens)

Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen anticipated a good chance of entering the state parliament for the first time and were aiming for a result of seven percent of the vote. The two state chairmen Silke Gajek and Jürgen Suhr were elected to the first two places on the list at a state delegates' conference on November 6, 2010. They were followed by Ulrike Berger , Johann-Georg Jaeger , Ursula Karlowski and John Saalfeld .

Election results in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania since 2006

In the fifth legislative period, a coalition of the SPD and CDU ruled Schwerin , which formed the Sellering I cabinet . Erwin Sellering took over the office of Prime Minister from Harald Ringstorff in October 2008 during the current legislative period . In addition to the SPD (23 seats) and the CDU (22 seats), the Left (13 seats), the FDP (7 seats) and the NPD (6 seats) were represented in the state parliament as opposition groups, while Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen were in the state election 2006 failed at the five percent hurdle .

The table below lists all parties that achieved at least 1.0% at the state level in one of the last elections since 2006.





SPD 30.2% 19.3% 16.7% 16.6%
CDU 28.8% 31.8% 32.3% 33.1%
The left PDS 16.8%
WASG 0.5%
21.6% 23.5% 29.0%
FDP 9.6% 8.7% 7.6% 9.8%
NPD 7.3% 3.2% - 3.3%
GREEN 3.4% 5.0% 5.5% 5.5%
PIRATES - - 0.8% 2.3%
REP - 0.0% 1.4% 0.2%
FAMILY 1.2% - 2.4% -
PENSIONER - - 1.6% -
Animal welfare party - - 1.3% -
DVU - - 1.0% -
voter turnout 59.1% 46.6% 46.4% 63.0%


For the Sunday question ("Who would you vote if there were state elections next Sunday?"), The opinion polls have given the following values ​​since 2009:

Institute date SPD CDU LEFT FDP NPD GREEN Others
Research group elections 08/26/2011 35% 28% 16.5% 4% 4.5% 8th % 4%
Infratest dimap 08/25/2011 36% 26% 17% 4.5% 4.5% 8th % 4%
Forsa 08/24/2011 34% 27% 17% 5% 5% 7% 5%
Infratest dimap 08/19/2011 37% 28% 17.5% 3.5% 4% 7% 3%
Emnid 08/14/2011 34% 28% 19% 4% 4% 7% 4%
Emnid 08/07/2011 34% 29% 19% 3% n / A 7% 8th %*
Infratest dimap 08/04/2011 34% 30% 18% 3% 4% 8th % 3%
Infratest dimap 06/29/2011 34% 30% 17% 4% 4% 8th % 3%
Infratest dimap 04/13/2011 34% 27% 20% 3% 3% 10% 3%
Emnid 03/03/2011 34% 29% 17% 5% 4% 6% 4%
Forsa 01/21/2011 32% 29% 15% 6% 5% 8th % 5%
Infratest dimap 05/15/2009 25% 32% 22% 10% 4% 5% 2%
polis + sinus 13/01/2009 27% 30% 23% 11% 4% 3% 2%

* of which for right-wing parties: 4%.

If the prime minister had been elected directly, polls show that the top candidates of the major parties would have achieved the following results:

Institute date Erwin Sellering (SPD) Lorenz Caffier (CDU) Helmut Holter (left)
Infratest dimap 04.09.2011 64% 15% n / A
Infratest dimap 08/25/2011 62% 17% n / A
Infratest dimap 08/19/2011 70% 17% n / A
Infratest dimap 06/29/2011 67% 12% n / A
Infratest dimap 04/13/2011 64% - 18%
65% 15% -
Emnid 03/03/2011 49% 11% 9%


Most important topics and assignments of competencies

Infratest dimap determined the most important issues in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in the opinion of the voters. A survey in the survey period from August 12 to August 17, 2011 yielded the following results:

theme Result
unemployment 69%
Education / school / training 25%
Wages / amount of salaries 12%
Family policy / child care 11%
Emigration from Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 7%
Economic situation 6%
Social injustice 6%
Pensions / old-age insurance 4%
health 4%

When asked which party they believed to have the greatest competence in which policy areas, respondents to a survey by infratest dimap in April 2011 answered:

theme SPD CDU LEFT FDP GREEN No party /
don't know
Secure jobs and create new ones 35% 29% 6% 1 % 2% 25%
Advancing the economy in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 32% 36% 6% 2% 2% 20%
Have a good school and education policy 39% 20% 14% 1 % 4% 20%
Ensure social justice 39% 14% 22% 1 % 4% 17%
Have a good environmental policy 17% 12% 5% 1 % 50% 14%
Provide reliable and affordable energy 24% 20% 3% 1 % 24% 27%
Solve the most important problems in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 32% 26% 8th % 1 % 3% 27%

Election programs and debates

The SPD's election program, known as the “Government Program 2011–2016”, focused on the issues of economy, work, energy transition, social justice, family and education.

In May 2011, at a party congress, the CDU unanimously decided on its 30-page election program entitled “Clear and determined”. In addition to education policy, the election campaign focused on finances and population change. In November and December 2010, around 20 percent of the Christian Democrats took part in a written survey of members that included thematic preferences.

In the first place in the 30-page program of the left were employment and economic policy demands with proposals for a change in economic development. Further goals of the left were more social justice , environmental protection and democratic participation. Various disputes in the party, in which content and personal differences were mixed, hampered the election campaign. After the wing dispute over the candidate list and a previous Stasi debate, this included disputes over the assessment of the construction of the wall , as well as differences between state party leader Steffen Bockhahn and the federal chairman Klaus Ernst .

At the beginning of April 2011 the election manifesto of the FDP was decided. The most important topics were Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania's economic catch-up process compared to the old federal states and the improvement of educational opportunities for children and young people in a nationwide comparison. Another focus was the preservation of civil liberties and data protection.

The broadest space in the election manifesto of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, which was passed on April 2 and 3, 2011, was occupied by the complex of economy and environment. Other important topics were climate-friendly politics, education, basic security for citizens and social justice . With 144 pages, the election manifesto of the Greens was by far the most extensive of all parties.

Economy, work, finance

A survey in April 2011 showed that 50 percent of those questioned saw the fight against unemployment as the most urgent problem in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Eight percent named the general economic situation in the country, three percent the development of wages. With very different accentuations in detail, all competing parties wanted to emphasize the topic of economy - work - finance in their election manifestos.

In its election manifesto, the SPD demanded equal wages for equal work by men and women in East and West as well as a statutory minimum wage of 8.50 euros. A social labor market with publicly subsidized employment subject to social insurance contributions would be required. According to the will of the SPD, funding should be used more specifically in the future. Above all, it relied on innovations, sectors with development opportunities (tourism, agriculture, healthcare and biotechnology, shipyards and ports, renewable energies as well as in the manufacturing sector) and on the economic centers of the country.

The CDU rejected the idea of ​​a minimum wage because the market decides on wages. The Christian Democrats spoke out against a public sector, but wanted to set up two new programs in the active labor market policy with “Training instead of Hartz IV” and “Work instead of Hartz IV” to help young people and the long-term unemployed find their way to the primary labor market with individual support plans level. The Union intended to strengthen small and owner-managed manufacturing companies in particular and to promote research and development. The CDU also emphasized the opportunities in tourism and in the health industry.

With a cross-sector minimum wage of ten euros, the Left wanted to counteract the low wages and the widespread precarious employment in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . A publicly funded employment sector should be reintroduced as an instrument of labor market policy . Financed from EU, federal and state funds, 1,500 jobs should be created in culture, social affairs, sport and environmental protection. The Left wanted to reduce the classic individual business support and instead direct returns from loans to a newly founded “Fund for Social-Ecological Innovation” with which the economy was to be restructured in a socio-ecological way.

The FDP made no statements on the subject of the minimum wage in its state election program, but the party resisted its introduction nationwide. In economic policy, the Liberals relied on the principle of “private before the state” and a “policy of open arms”, with which new investors should be lured into the country. The Liberals saw in a publicly funded employment sector an “expansion of the municipal and state economy” and relied primarily on temporary work and better training opportunities as a bridge to the primary labor market .

With a climate-friendly labor market program, the Greens wanted to create 26,000 new jobs within ten years. The Greens demanded a minimum wage and wanted to regulate temporary work more closely in order to protect the permanent workforce from cheap competition. In addition, they were in favor of a public employment sector and individual support programs, for which the areas of environmental protection, nature conservation and community work were particularly useful, as well as all the fields of activity that had been covered by those doing community service before the abolition of compulsory military service. Long-term unemployed people employed in this process should also be paid collectively. The claims should be financed by reallocating the budget. Barth Airport is an example of pointless subsidies . The Greens were in favor of promoting medium-sized companies, while large investors should not be attracted any further and settled on the greenfield.

The NPD only wanted to grant foreign workers a work permit if no German worker was available for the job to be filled. The party rejected the free movement of workers in the European Union and campaigned for Germany to leave the EU. She called for a generally applicable statutory minimum wage. Basically, the NPD warned against the "ruling capitalist system". State control was supposed to take back privatizations and preserve “public property”.


The Castor transports and the storage of radioactive waste in the northern interim storage facility near Lubmin were very present in the public debate and in the campaigns of the Greens, the Left Party and, increasingly, the SPD, while the regional associations of the CDU and the FDP are behind the nuclear policy of the black - yellow federal government. Wind energy is an important branch of the economy for Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . Wind turbine manufacturer Nordex is the country's top-selling company. In June 2010, 1,348 wind turbines were in operation; A second offshore wind farm in the Baltic Sea - Arcadis Ost 1 - is planned from 2014 (70 wind turbines, 350 MW). Accordingly, renewable energies were important topics in the programs of most of the parties.

In the area of ​​economic policy, the focus of the SPD program was on renewable energies. By 2020, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania should produce its electricity entirely from photovoltaics, bioenergy generation from waste and wind energy and also export electricity. This could create 20,000 newly qualified and well-paid jobs. The motor of the energy transition and a remunicipalisation of the supply networks are the municipal utilities . The Social Democrats were against underground CO 2 storage and against additional transports of radioactive residues to Lubmin.

A stable and affordable energy supply had priority for the CDU. This should be guaranteed by a balanced energy mix . The energy policy should be supplemented by green genetic engineering in order to support the cultivation of appropriate energy crops. Nuclear waste should not be stored in the Lubmin interim storage facility for longer than until 2039.

The left wanted to create independence from energy monopolies and increase the democratic control of the citizens. That is why it relied on a decentralized energy industry that is predominantly in public hands. The goal of 100 percent renewable energy supply should be achieved by 2020. The left rejected further transports of nuclear waste to Lubmin and underground CO 2 storage.

In terms of energy policy, the FDP advocated an energy mix, including nuclear energy, and supported the North Interim Storage Area in Lubmin. The FDP wanted to promote regenerative energies primarily in the form of wind power and placed particular emphasis on offshore plants in the Baltic Sea. The Liberals rejected any further “asparagus” of the landscape, ie the construction of wind turbines on land, against the will of the citizens. The FDP supported the Wendelstein 7-X research project on future energy generation through nuclear fusion . As the only one of the established parties, the FDP wanted to promote the use of CO 2 storage.

The Greens dedicated the first 14 pages of their election program to energy policy, which is also of crucial importance for economic and labor policy. In the opinion of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania was the first federal state to have been able to cover all of its electricity needs from renewable energies by 2015. They resisted new transports of nuclear waste to the northern interim storage facility near Lubmin. The Greens wanted to use underground cables to expand the grid and reduce the minimum size of wind farms from 75 to 30 hectares.

Education and family

Education policy was mentioned by all parties as one of the main issues of the election campaign.

The SPD wanted to expand joint learning from six to eight school years. The Social Democrats wanted in the case of an election victory, among others, a free lunch for all children in daycare centers introduce also a significant reduction in parental contributions was for Cribs provided. Families should be relieved significantly and an additional 40 million euros should be available for family support in the next legislative period.

The focus of the CDU program was on strengthening vocational training. The CDU rejected structural changes in the mainstream school system and the idea of ​​a single school with joint learning up to eighth grade, stating that the grammar school was tried and tested and must be preserved. In addition, the Union campaigned for denominational teaching in schools and the introduction of top notes for order and behavior. The Union's educational policy program differs from other parties, among other things, in its patriotic demands: For example, kindergarten should be compulsory for all children from the age of three whose parents do not speak German, all schools and other public buildings should be flagged every day and Students should learn the Mecklenburg and Pomeranian songs . The CDU's demand to issue a headscarf ban for teachers met with criticism , as not a single such case has been known to date.

A central topic of the left was the securing of a comprehensive educational offer with state schools in order to ensure more equal opportunities in education . The most important educational project is the introduction of a free lunch for all primary school students. The costs for this should be around seven million euros per year. Like the SPD, Die Linke wanted joint lessons up to and including eighth grade. At least 250 young teachers should be hired annually by 2016. Education policy should be coordinated nationwide.

Like the CDU, the FDP spoke out against structural changes to the current school system. The FDP did not plan to invest more money in state schools, but relied on competition between state and private schools .

In education policy, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen advocated longer learning together up to the first graduation after the tenth grade and suggested that schools could decide for themselves whether they would enable joint learning up to grade nine. According to the Greens, the federal government should be involved in financing education policy. Parents 'contributions in daycare centers should be financed entirely through taxes, so parents' contributions should be abolished entirely.

The NPD campaigned for a nationwide education system and for the free school and training. In order to counteract the “brutalization of the youth”, the party demanded uniform school clothes .


The SPD spoke out clearly in favor of the controversial expansion of the federal highway 96n on Rügen as well as the continuation of the federal highway 14 . Less controversial were the expansion of the Berlin-Rostock railway line, supported by the Social Democrats, and the construction of the Darßbahn , which was to run to Zingst in 2016 . The Social Democrats called for an end to subsidies for airports, which bypass the needs.

For the Christian Democrats, the fundamental right to mobility and the importance of good road connections were at the center of transport policy considerations. From this, among other things, the commitment to the expansion of the B 96n on Rügen and the A 14 from Schwerin to Magdeburg and the strict rejection of a car toll were derived.

For the Left, mobility was not primarily to be secured by expanding road traffic, but by improving local public transport . This includes a nationwide social ticket modeled on Brandenburg. The electoral program took no position on the construction of the B 96n on Rügen.

For the FDP, an efficient transport infrastructure was above all an important location factor. The needs of business and nature conservation should be given equal consideration. It is important to improve the port-hinterland connections and the flow of tourist flows. The expansion of the B 96n and the construction of bypass roads such as B. in Anklam were not up for debate for the Liberals.

Among other things, the Greens wanted to expand local public transport, introduce an integral timetable for public transport throughout Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and promote park and ride and bike and ride at train stations in order to enable mobility in rural areas as well. The initiative of the Greens against the construction of the Autobahn 14 from Magdeburg to Schwerin ensured unanimous, sometimes outraged rejection of all parties represented in the state parliament. According to the Greens, the estimated 1.3 billion euros should instead be put into much more urgent railway projects. The existing federal road should be expanded to two lanes for this.

Agriculture, environmental protection, consumer protection

Agricultural policy traditionally plays a special role in the agricultural country and, after the dioxin scandal at the beginning of 2011, also came into the public eye. There were disputes about factory farming , for example the construction of the largest rearing facility for sows and piglets in Europe in Alt Tellin and two broiler fattening facilities in Gallin-Kuppentin with 170,000 and 300,000 fattening places, or the cultivation of the genetically modified Amflora potato in Zepkow , the only one to date commercial growing area for green genetic engineering in Germany. Protests led to the fact that the BASF Group no longer wanted to grow Amflora in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2011. Organic farming takes place on almost nine percent of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania's agricultural area and renewable raw materials are grown on 100,000 hectares , so that there is a relatively strong lobby for sustainable agriculture.

Formerly state- owned land in federal ownership should, according to the Left, be bought up by the land in order to prevent price increases through speculation and thus to protect the local farmers.

Municipalities, rural areas

According to the left, the efficiency of the municipalities should be restored through better financial allocation.

Possible coalitions

Since the polls indicated that the SPD would in all likelihood be able to choose the coalition partner, the coalition question became the most important in the election campaign.

As a government option for the Social Democrats, either a continuation of the grand coalition with the CDU or a new edition of a red-red alliance with the Left Party came into question. According to the last survey results before the election, a red-green or a red-red-green coalition also appeared to be a computationally possible but unlikely option. The Social Democrats always assumed that they would again be the strongest force in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Erwin Sellering avoided committing to a coalition partner; Observers, however, expected the grand coalition to continue.

The CDU set the goal of becoming the strongest parliamentary group and wanting to provide the prime minister. In view of the SPD's stable lead in surveys, however, in the weeks leading up to the election it increasingly indicated that it wanted to continue the grand coalition as a junior partner. In addition, the problem arose for the CDU that there would in all probability be a red-red coalition if the Union were to become the strongest force in the state parliament. In September 2010, Caffier was still considering a black-green coalition if Alliance 90 / The Greens should jump the five percent hurdle and enter the state parliament. At the state party congress, however, he adopted the name of the Greens, which has meanwhile been used in the Union, as the “Against Party”. He ruled out coalitions with the NPD and the Left at an early stage.

Die Linke also announced at an early stage that it would become the strongest force in the state parliament and provide the prime minister. This would have been the first Prime Minister of the Left, after the first red-red coalition in a German state was in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania from 1998 to 2006 . The Left saw the Social Democrats moving closer to their positions, so that the SPD was once again acted as a possible coalition partner. The electoral program of the left was seen as a good basis for a red-red coalition, while using this program to profile the left against the SPD was seen as problematic.

The alliance greens wanted the election campaign to be based solely on content and without a coalition statement. The top candidate Gajek, however, spoke out against cooperation with the left. Suhr emphasized that the positions of the CDU and the Greens were very far apart on many points, and thus countered the deliberations of the CDU top candidate Caffier about a possible black-green coalition. Observers assumed that the party base preferred a red-red-green coalition . Shortly before the election, green federal politicians brought up the possibility of a red-green coalition for the first time in view of the favorable poll numbers , which had not previously been seen as a realistic option.

When asked about the desired coalition, the respondents answered in surveys:

Institute date SPD / CDU SPD / Left SPD / Greens CDU / FDP None of this /
no information
Infratest dimap
(multiple answers possible)
08/25/2011 54% 37% 38% 19% -
Infratest dimap 08/17/2011 59% 35% n / A n / A 6%
Infratest dimap
(multiple answers possible)
06/29/2011 61% 37% 48% 25% 5%
Infratest dimap 04/13/2011 54% 38% ? ? 5%
Emnid 03/03/2011 28% 24% 18% 14% 16%

Election campaign

Since the summer holidays in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania did not end until August 14th and the election strategists did not expect much from big appearances during the holiday season, there was only a short, hot election campaign phase. Because the CDU and SPD ruled together in a grand coalition , the two parties did not engage in a particularly fierce election campaign. The “short summer election campaign without highlights” was described as “tired”, “sluggish” and “dreary as never before”.

In total, the parties wanted to spend around 3.4 million euros on the election campaign.

Disputes over election posters

At the end of July 2011, the parties began advertising posters. A decree of the Interior Ministry from April 2011 allows the municipalities to keep city center areas free from party advertising in the run-up to the state elections. Rostock, Schwerin, Greifswald and other municipalities used this decree and tried to prohibit or limit the posting of posters in the inner cities because of the large number of tourists. The FDP state parliament member Toralf Schnur announced in July 2011 that he wanted to challenge the state elections because of the bans on election posters by municipalities and to have it declared invalid, because this would unconstitutionally restrict political competition and endanger freedom of choice. A poster ban for the inner city of Schwerin was lifted by the court, for Wolgast , Eggesin and Löcknitz the administrative court Greifswald rejected complaints from the FDP and NPD against the restriction of election advertising. In Löcknitz, close to the Polish border, the NPD did not stick to the designated election advertising space and placarded the whole place.

A CDU poster with the slogan "C for future" attracted an unusually high amount of attention, even nationwide. The reactions were mostly critical to mocking.

The NPD aggressively agitated against Poland on election posters near the Polish border.

Right-wing extremism as a topic in the election campaign

In September 2010, as in previous election campaigns, the NPD tried to distribute free CDs with the title “ Freedom instead of BRD ” to children and young people in schoolyards. However, the Federal Testing Office for Media Harmful to Young People put the CD on the index .

The satirical figure Storch Heinar was chosen as the leitmotif for the state election campaign of the SPD , which was created by the Jusos in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania to caricature the Thor Steinar clothing brand, popular with right-wing extremists .

The Amadeu Antonio Foundation organized a campaign under the motto “No place for neo-Nazis” to prevent the NPD from re-entering the state parliament. She was supported by Interior Minister Lorenz Caffier, the parliamentary group of the Left Party, the trade unions, churches, the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Youth Association , Hansa Rostock and the NPD blog . The DGB and the business associations also intervened in the election campaign with a joint brochure in which they blamed the NPD's presence in the state parliament for a loss of image for the state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, which is a disadvantage in terms of location and has direct negative consequences for the economy.

Pre-election violence

In the months leading up to the election, there were a series of attacks on the offices of state politicians, whose windows were broken at night with stones being thrown. From the beginning of the year to mid-July 2011, branches of left politicians were attacked 18 times, offices of the SPD and CDU ten times each, and an office of the Greens once. In 2010 there were 44 such attacks. The police suspected perpetrators from the right-wing scene. In 2010, the Schwerin public prosecutor's office investigated the deputy chairman of the NPD, David Petereit , who had called on his website to “visit” the party offices and listed their addresses. At the end of July 2011, the series of attacks suddenly broke off.

Several times before the state elections there were fights between left and right-wing youth, for example in Rostock, Greifswald, Stralsund and Bad Kleinen. In Rostock, the NPD member of the state parliament Raimund Borrmann was attacked in a restaurant by three masked people.

Television election campaign

On August 30, 2011, Erwin Sellering (SPD) and Lorenz Caffier (CDU) had a television duel on NDR . The Left criticized the fact that only the top candidates of the two coalition parties, but not Helmut Holter as a representative of the largest opposition party, had been invited. The two top candidates mainly emphasized similarities in the TV duel, there were hardly any points of contention.

Election campaign on the Internet

Voters had the opportunity to ask questions to politicians on the internet platform parliament watch , which is sponsored by the State Center for Political Education . The CDU and the NPD boycotted or ignored this possibility of communication as well as the interactive "candidate check" of the NDR .

See also


Web links

Individual evidence

  1. a b Election to the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania on September 4, 2011. Final result. The State Returning Officer for Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, accessed on July 3, 2014 .
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  3. State Parliament Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania: Seating Rules - 6th legislative period (2011 - 2016) (PDF, 806 kB), accessed on April 14, 2017.
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  6. Candidate with a right-wing extremist past. In: . September 3, 2011, archived from the original on June 13, 2013 ; Retrieved July 1, 2014 .
  7. CDU advises foreign voting on Rügen. In: Nordkurier . September 9, 2011, archived from the original on March 29, 2009 ; Retrieved September 9, 2011 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
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  29. a b Sellering, as expected, the top candidate. In: . May 14, 2011, archived from the original on April 5, 2012 ; Retrieved July 2, 2014 .
  30. a b CDU wants Lorenz Caffier to be the top candidate. In: . September 18, 2010, archived from the original on March 4, 2011 ; Retrieved July 2, 2014 .
  31. a b c d CDU names Caffier the top candidate. In: . January 23, 2011, archived from the original on January 24, 2011 ; Retrieved July 2, 2014 .
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  37. a b Stasi allegations: Left draws consequences ,, November 18, 2010
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  40. New Stasi suspicions on the left. In: Ostsee-Zeitung . November 11, 2010, archived from the original on March 6, 2012 ; Retrieved July 2, 2014 .
  41. Left party messes up election documents. In: . July 2, 2011, archived from the original on September 2, 2011 ; Retrieved July 2, 2014 .
  42. a b c d Northeast FDP: Ahrendt welcomes a new beginning. In: . April 4, 2011, archived from the original on May 7, 2011 ; Retrieved July 2, 2014 .
  43. ^ Max-Stefan Koslik: FDP election campaign start with obstacles. In: Schweriner People's Newspaper . April 3, 2011, accessed July 2, 2014 .
  44. ^ Northeast FDP disputes leadership ,, April 7, 2011
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  46. a b c d The NPD and the women's problem ( memento from March 29, 2009 in the Internet Archive ),, December 2, 2010
  47. a b Stefan Ludmann: Top duo should lead Greens in the election campaign. In: . November 7, 2010, archived from the original on July 30, 2011 ; accessed on June 30, 2014 .
  48. Landesliste ( Memento from December 7, 2010 in the Internet Archive ),
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  58. Caffier wants in State Chancellery ,, September 20, 2010
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  63. ^ Stasi allegations: Left draws consequences ,, November 18, 2010
  64. ^ Uprising of the Left Fundis ,, August 4th 2011
  65. ^ Northeast left unload party leader Ernst ,, August 1, 2011
  66. election program of the FDP (PDF; 591 kB)
  67. ^ Election program of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , (PDF; 935 kB)@1@ 2Template: Toter Link /  
  68. a b c Greens announce protest against nuclear policy ,, September 26, 2010
  69. a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi ( page no longer available , search in web archives: This is what the big parties want ) (June 18, 2011)@1@ 2Template: Dead Link /
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  72. ^ Resistance to foreign nuclear waste is growing on the Baltic Sea ,, November 18, 2010; MV rejects nuclear repository ,, November 17, 2010
  73. ^ Growth sector wind energy ( Memento of October 16, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, September 18, 2010
  74. Construction of the second Baltic Sea wind farm from 2014 ,, July 13, 2010
  75. Aida Cruise's largest employer in the country ( memento from March 7, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, December 22, 2010
  76. a b SPD promises relief for parents ,, February 27, 2010
  77. ^ SPD base discusses election program ,, October 9, 2010
  78. CDU wants headscarves to be banned in schools ( memento of May 18, 2011 in the Internet Archive ),, May 17, 2011
  79. a b c Holter wants to inherit Sellering as Prime Minister ,, April 17, 2010
  80. Roolf relies on seven percent for FDP ( memento of March 29, 2009 in the Internet Archive ),, December 29, 2012
  81. a b c A14: Green demand triggers outrage ( Memento from December 22, 2010 in the Internet Archive ),, December 22, 2010
  82. Alt Tellin: Piglet rearing can be built ,, October 7, 2010
  83. Citizens protest in front of the Diet (22 January 2011)
  84. Amflora harvest has started ,, September 29, 2010
  85. BASF sticks to the GM potato Amflora ,, January 31, 2011
  86. Information from the Ministry of Agriculture ( Memento from January 23, 2009 in the Internet Archive ),
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  88. a b Linke sees chance for red-red ,, September 8, 2010
  89. SPD enters the race as a favorite  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. ,, September 2, 2011@1@ 2Template: Toter Link /  
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  93. Merkel pleads for red-black in Schwerin ( memento of January 24, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, August 29, 2011
  94. C for Future and Z for Caffier ,, August 29, 2011
  95. ^ Cuddle election campaign on the coast ,, May 13, 2011
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  97. Claudia Roth: Red-green coalition is conceivable ,, August 20, 2011
  98. ^ Tired election campaign on the home stretch ,, August 28, 2011
  99. Election campaign dragging on on the Internet ( Memento from March 29, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) (August 30, 2011)
  100. Parties spend 3.4 million euros on election campaigns ,, 23 August 2011
  101. Rostock does not want election posters in the city ,, July 6, 2011
  102. ^ FDP politician Schnur wants to challenge state elections ,, July 28, 2011
  103. a b c CDU starts election campaign with dyslexia ,, July 26, 2011
  104. Administrative Court : election poster limit remains ,, July 29, 2011
  105. ^ Controversy over NPD posters - court decides ,, July 27, 2011
  106. How to provoke provocateurs ,, August 20, 2011
  107. a b NPD CD on the index ,, September 11, 2010
  108. SPD continues party conference - Gabriel cancels ( memento of March 5, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, March 12, 2011
  109. a b Campaign against NPD for the 2011 state election ( memento from February 5, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, September 1, 2010
  110. ^ No place for neo-Nazis ( Memento from June 25, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),
  111. FC Hansa Rostock shows the NPD the red card ,, September 21, 2010
  112. ^ Union and employers against NPD propaganda ,
  113. Download (PDF; 1.27 MB) of the brochure
  114. a b c d Hardly a night without an attack on politicians ' offices ( memento from February 11, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, July 23, 2011
  115. ^ Loud and dubious ,, 23 August 2011
  116. ^ State security determined after the incident in Rostock ,, July 19, 2011
  117. ^ Brawl by left and right in Greifswald ( Memento from February 22, 2012 in the Internet Archive ),, July 28, 2011
  118. ^ Right-wing attacks in the election campaign ,, July 27, 2011
  119. Violence escalates: NPD deputy beaten up ( memento from February 12, 2013 in the web archive ),, August 10, 2011
  120. NPD politicians attacked in Rostock - perpetrators politically motivated ( memento from November 15, 2011 in the Internet Archive ),, August 5, 2011
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  122. General election 2011: Not a duel, but a duet ,, August 31, 2011
  123. Northeast CDU shy away from Internet election campaigns ,, August 25, 2011