Alliance 90 / The Greens Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania

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Alliance 90 / The Greens Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania
Alliance 90 - The Greens Logo.svg
Chairperson Weike Bandlow
Ole Kruger
Treasurer Andreas Haubold
executive Director Denis Wermuth
Establishment date June 20, 1993
Place of foundation Guestrow
Headquarters Gaußstrasse 5
19055 Schwerin
Landtag mandates
0/71
Number of members 934 (as of Oct. 26, 2019)
Website www.gruene-mv.de

The regional association of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is the smallest of the green party in Germany with fewer than 800 members. In the course of the peaceful revolution in the GDR , on the one hand, groups of the citizens' movement of the GDR came into being, which merged in 1990 in Bündnis 90 , and on the other hand the Green Party in the GDR , which merged with the West German Greens in December 1990. In 1993, Bündnis 90 and the Green Party merged at the federal and state levels.

history

The citizens' movement in 1989/90 in the north of the GDR

Joachim Gauck from Rostock was elected to the Volkskammer for the New Forum in 1990

As in the whole of the GDR , there were also oppositional groups in the three northern districts of Rostock , Schwerin and Neubrandenburg , i.e. in the area of ​​the later federal state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, since the late 1970s. Most of the time under the umbrella of the Protestant church , mainly peace and environmental groups were formed . "Mobile peace seminars" organized by Heiko Lietz and Markus Meckel since 1981 and tree-planting campaigns in Schwerin , later also in Rostock , Güstrow , Neustrelitz and Parchim , which from 1979 marked a starting point for the independent environmental movement in the GDR, were particularly significant . Also in Schwerin, an ecology seminar became a permanent institution from 1982 onwards. Outside the church and within the state mass organization of the Kulturbund , urban ecology groups formed in society for nature and the environment , which became increasingly politicized.

During the Peaceful Revolution , the New Forum was also formed in the north in September 1989 and shortly afterwards other civil movements and party initiatives such as Democracy Now (DJ), the Green Party in the GDR , the Social Democratic Party in the GDR (SDP) and the Green League , the Independent Women's Association (UFV), the United Left (VL) or the Democratic Awakening (DA). From October 19, 1989, following peace prayers and reminder services under the direction of Joachim Gauck, weekly demonstrations against the SED regime took place in Rostock , in which up to 40,000 citizens took part. Around 40,000 sympathizers of the New Forum demonstrated in Schwerin on October 23. There were also large rallies in smaller towns, for example on October 27, 1989 in Güstrow and Parchim with 20,000 and 4,000 participants, respectively.

On March 2 and 3, 1990, the first state party conference of the Greens took place in Recknitzberg . Several months before the state of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania was constituted by the Land Introduction Act in July 1990, the Green Party of Mecklenburg and West Pomerania was chosen as the name. The first board consisted of Klaus-Dieter Feige , Hilde Krienke, Gerd Klötzer, Ruthild Lewek, Jörgen Fuchs and Manuela Pagels until August 19, 1990 .

Election results
choice %
Volkskammer election March 18, 1990 Greens 2.0%
Alliance 90 2.4%
Local election May 6, 1990 Greens 2.4%
Alliance 90 / New Forum 5.3%
State election October 14, 1990 Greens 4.2%
New Forum 2.9%
Alliance 90 2.2%
Bundestag election December 2, 1990 The Greens / Alliance 90 5.9%
Local election June 12, 1994 4.2%
European elections June 12, 1994 4.8%
State election October 16, 1994 3.7%
Bundestag election October 16, 1994 3.6%
State election September 27, 1998 2.7%
Bundestag election September 27, 1998 2.9%
Local election June 13, 1999 Greens 1.9%
Alliance 90 0.5%
European elections June 13, 1999 2.5%
State election September 22, 2002 2.6%
Bundestag election September 22, 2002 3.5%
Local election June 13, 2004 Greens 3.1%
Alliance 90 1.0%
European elections June 13, 2004 4.8%
Bundestag election September 18, 2005 4.0%
State election September 17, 2006 3.6%
Local election June 7, 2009 5.0%
European elections June 7, 2009 5.5%
Bundestag election September 27, 2009 5.5%
State election September 4, 2011 8.7%
Bundestag election September 22, 2013 4.3%
European elections May 25, 2014 5.1%
Local election May 25th June 2014 5.8%
State election September 4, 2016 4.8%

Greens, Alliance 90 and New Forum in the 1990 elections

In the first and last democratic parliamentary elections on 18 March 1990 consisting of the New Forum, Democracy occurred now and the Initiative for Peace and Human Rights existing Alliance 90 on and the Greens with their own electoral lists. Both lists achieved disappointing results between 1.6% and 2.7% in the districts of Rostock, Schwerin and Neubrandenburg. Extrapolated to the later state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, this meant a share of the vote of 2.4% for Alliance 90 and 2.0% for the Greens, with a turnout of 92.9%. This result did not differ significantly from the rest of the GDR.

The local elections of May 6, 1990 brought clear gains, especially for Bündnis 90 and the New Forum, with a total of 5.3% in the northern districts. The Greens were able to increase slightly to 2.4%. Despite the growth, the citizens' movement was seen as the loser in the local elections, as in the Volkskammer election.

Although the first two elections had shown that the citizens 'movement would only be able to safely overcome the five percent hurdle that applied in the first state election on October 14, 1990 , in contrast to the other new states, the groups that emerged from the citizens' movement occurred in Mecklenburg -Vorpommern and Brandenburg are not in a common list connection . It is true that Bündnis 90 in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania united Democracy Now, the Independent Women's Association, the Peace and Human Rights Initiative and the United Left. But the New Forum stayed away from the alliance and did not want to enter into a separate alliance with the Greens. In the New Forum as well as in the Greens there was a predominantly personally motivated negative attitude towards potential partners. On the part of the New Forum, Heiko Lietz in particular resisted working with left-wing groups, especially the United Left in Alliance 90. In addition, there was opposition to some former members of the state society for nature and the environment, many of whom found their way into the Green Party had a certain suspicion, especially because the GNU had been heavily riddled with unofficial State Security employees . Thus, the political camp of the citizens' movement was now even spread across three election lists. Even if the citizens' movement gained significantly overall and received 9.3% more votes than in any other eastern German state, no group was able to overcome the threshold clause. Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania was the only eastern federal state without parliamentary representatives of the citizens' movement. In this election, the Greens narrowly missed their entry into the state parliament with 4.2%. The top candidates for the Greens were Gerhard Poppei , a non-party member of the PDS state parliament in the second legislative period , and Klaus Schlueter from the Green League, previously a Minister without portfolio in the Modrow government .

In October 1990, the groups of the citizens' movement drew the consequences of their tactical error in the state election. A few weeks later in the first all-German federal election on December 2, 1990 , the list connection Die Grünen / Bündnis 90 took place. The United Left withdrew from the alliance, with the exception of a few individuals. The electoral alliance received 5.9% of the second vote nationwide . Sun won Klaus-Dieter Feige , a founding member of the Green Party in the GDR and the first Speaker of the National Association of the Greens in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, a seat in the Bundestag .

Alliance 90 and Greens merged in 1993

One day after the first all-German federal election, on December 3, 1990, the Green Party in the GDR merged with the West German Greens . On September 21, 1991, Democracy Now , the Peace and Human Rights Initiative and parts of the New Forum in Potsdam united to form the party-like political association Bündnis 90, which now met the requirements of the party law . In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the New Forum stayed away from the new party; only individuals joined it. A regional association of Bündnis 90 constituted on December 7, 1991.

Cooperation between the citizens' movement and the green party proved to be particularly problematic. As had already been shown in the run-up to the state elections in 1990, the relationship between the various groups in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (as in Brandenburg) was marked by strong personal tensions, so that the unification took place much more hesitantly than in the other federal states. In April 1992, a state delegate conference of the Greens confirmed the incompatibility of dual membership in the Greens and in the citizens' movements. The poor election results and the low number of members, however, left little option but to work together. Since new elections were not unlikely after Alfred Gomolka's failure as Prime Minister , the Greens, Alliance 90 and New Forum agreed on a list connection for the next state election . It was not until the unification of the Greens and Alliance 90 at the federal level that a merger was also forced at the state level.

On June 20, 1993, 45 out of 60 delegates from the regional associations of Bündnis 90 and the Greens voted for the merger to form Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen , thus following the merger to form a federal association on May 14th. The New Forum did not join the new party, but refrained from competing in the upcoming elections. Next to Heike Völcker, Heiko Lietz, who was elected against almost all of the Greens' votes, was the first board spokesman. A year later he resigned from the executive committee and resigned from the party in October 1996 following internal party differences and with great media coverage. His successor as party spokesman was Klaus-Dieter Feige.

Elections 1994

On June 12, 1994, European and local elections were held simultaneously . The Greens and the New Forum, some of which were taking part, were able to win a total of 4.2% and thus 25 seats in the district assemblies or city councils / citizenships. As in other countries, the successes have primarily focused on the larger cities. The best was achieved with 10.7% in Rostock and moved into the city councils in Schwerin , Greifswald , Stralsund and Neubrandenburg . Only in Wismar was the threshold clause clearly missed with 3.5%. In the counties Ludwigslust , Müritz , Bad Doberan and Güstrow lists results achieved between 6.0% and 9.0%, but failed in Demmin , Mecklenburg-Strelitz , Nordvorpommern , Nordwestmecklenburg , Ostvorpommern , Uecker-Randow and Parchim . In the European elections, which took place at the same time, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen received 4.8% of the vote.

The electoral list for the following state and federal elections on October 16, 1994 was also opened to members of the New Forum. Gisela Jacobs from the New Forum took the place of the top candidate at the side of Heiko Lietz . The state list for the federal election was again headed by Klaus-Dieter Feige. The bundling of forces could not make up for the lack of presence in the state parliament. The work was made more difficult by the generally weak anchoring of the Greens in the eastern German states. For example, the vote share of the party now running as Alliance 90 / Greens fell to 3.7% in the 1994 state elections. The federal elections that took place at the same time produced 3.6% in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, so that Klaus-Dieter Feige lost his mandate.

As a consequence of the election defeat, the state executive resigned in October 1994. New speakers were Annelie Katt and Klaus-Dieter Feige, who was able to prevail in a vote against Federal Board member Eberhard Wagner. With the support of the federal association, the board spokespersons of the state associations in the new federal states were able to be partially professionalized after 1994. Klaus-Dieter Feige, who was also a member of the national board from 1996 to 1998, also benefited from this. Without representation in the state parliament, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen had to continue to restrict itself to the extra-parliamentary opposition. The greatest success was to collect the 15,000 necessary signatures in order to introduce a bill for a public transport law into the state parliament through a popular initiative .

During the red-green federal government from 1998 to 2005

After the four elections in 1994, there were no elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania for four years. In 1994, 1998 and 2002 the federal and state elections took place on the same day, so that the results at state level were always closely linked to federal politics. But even when a red-green federal government was elected in 1998 , approval in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania fell again and remained very modest nationwide at 2.9% for the Bundestag and 2.7% for the Landtag and well below the national average.

In the following years, the public perception of the regional association was even more in the shadow of the federal association than before, since the Greens' participation in the federal government was added to the abstinence in the state parliament. The state association was faced with the dilemma of being reduced to the role of an extra-parliamentary opposition in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , but at the same time having to represent and mediate a partially unpopular federal and foreign policy. The deployment of the German armed forces in the Kosovo war , which a state delegates' conference discussed in May 1999, led to serious internal tensions . The state executive itself was divided and could not submit a joint resolution proposal. After a heated discussion, the delegates spoke out against the mission with 30 to 15 votes. In doing so, they followed a motion brought in by Klaus Feige and Jürgen Suhr, among others, and voted against the line of the federal board. The war in Afghanistan since 2001 , the nuclear consensus of 2000 and the Hartz IV reforms once again led to tensions within the party. Dramatic membership losses were the result. Among other things, Silke Gajek resigned from the party in this connection , which became party chairman after she rejoined in 2008.

The results of the local and European elections on June 13, 1999 were devastating . Only 1.9% for the Greens and 0.5% for Bündnis 90 in the cities and municipalities and 2.5% for Bündnis 90 / Greens in the European elections meant a low point for the party in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. In the district councils and city councils / citizenships, Bündnis 90 and the Greens, which continued to run with separate lists at the municipal level, were only represented with 13 mandates. Only in Rostock, there in the organizationally independent Bündnis 90, in the university town of Greifswald, in the state capital Schwerin and in the Müritz district, was the leap into a district representation.

Jürgen Suhr, State Chairman 2001 to 2002 and 2004 to 2011

How badly the lack of presence in the state parliament and the lack of prospects of entering parliament bothered the Greens became clear in the 2002 elections. On September 22nd, only 2.6% of voters voted for the Greens in the state elections , while at the same time 3.5% voted for the Greens in the federal election . The top candidates for the state parliament were Ulrike Seemann-Katz and Jürgen Suhr .

In the following elections, Alliance 90 / Greens gained significantly and achieved 4.1 % of the vote in the 2004 local elections and 4.8% in the European elections, which took place at the same time . With 32 seats now, the Greens and Alliance 90 have more than tripled the number of their mandates in the district councils and city councils. These gains were favored by the elimination of the five percent hurdle at the municipal level. In Rostock, the Bündnis 90 community of voters moved into the citizenship with 10.6% . In the first direct election of the Lord Mayor of Rostock in 2004, Harald Terpe achieved the third-best result with 19.1 percent.

Elections 2005 and 2006

Harald Terpe, member of the Bundestag since 2005

In the early federal election in 2005 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved 4.0% nationwide. For the first time since 1994, Harald Terpe , a Green MP from Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, moved into the Bundestag.

In view of the increases in the last elections, the 5% hurdle for Alliance 90 / Greens seemed to be moving within reach. That is why 3.6% in the state elections in 2006 meant a bitter disappointment for the party. For the Greens, it was particularly detrimental that the new elections in 2005 meant that the Bundestag and Landtag elections were decoupled for the first time since 1990. So far, prominent federal politicians had always been involved in the federal election campaign in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and were able to partially compensate for the fundamental problem of low media presence and low awareness of the green state politicians. Surveys in the run-up to the state elections showed that the top candidates Ulrike Seemann-Katz and Hendrik Fulda were only known to 20% and 12% of voters respectively. In addition, the state association, which has few members, proved to be hardly capable of campaigning on its own and without the support of a simultaneous federal election campaign.

Super election year 2009

After three years without an election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, there were three elections in the super election year 2009 . Initially, Alliance 90 / Greens received 5.0% of the votes and 41 seats in the local elections on June 7, as well as 5.5% in the European elections on the same day.

The relatively good result was repeated a few weeks later in the Bundestag election on September 27 with another 5.5%. Harald Terpe was able to move into the Bundestag again.

Entry into the state parliament in 2011

In the state elections in 2011 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved 8.7 percent of the vote with a gain of a good five percentage points. Thus, the party was able to move into the Schwerin state parliament for the first time with seven members . This was the best result in an eastern German state since Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen was founded. The Greens were able to benefit from the federal trend, which in 2011 after the Fukushima nuclear disaster also brought record results in other federal states.

The most important issues in the election campaign were climate-friendly politics, education, basic security for citizens and social justice . The claims are to be financed by reallocating the budget. Barth Airport is an example of pointless subsidies . Especially in view of the strong sector of renewable energies and to tourism in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern the Greens protested the yellow black by the federal government decided lifetime extension of nuclear power plants (which was withdrawn even during the election campaign) and against the Castor transports by Lubmin . In the opinion of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania could be the first federal state to cover all of its electricity needs from renewable energies by 2015.

Since the two state chairmen Jürgen Suhr and Silke Gajek as well as board member Ulrike Berger gave up their offices after moving into the state parliament due to the principle of the separation of office and mandate , the state association elected a new state board. Here sat Kerstin Felgner and Andreas Katz through a new dual leadership.

One of the most important concerns of the parliamentary group in the first months of the legislative period was to stop the transport of asbestos sludge to the state's own hazardous waste dump in Ihlenberg near Schönberg . The parliamentary group initially failed with a corresponding motion on November 17 after a heated plenary debate. After protests by residents and environmentalists, the state government refused to accept the garbage a little later on the basis of a legal opinion.

Program

Environment, energy and transport policy

Naturally, the Greens set their own priorities, especially in the area of environmental policy . At the beginning of the environmental movement in the north-east, the Greifswald nuclear power plant , and later the construction of the north storage facility for the storage of radioactive waste, was the focus of activities. The Greens speak out against the planned coal-fired power plant in Lubmin and instead rely on the promotion of renewable energies . Especially in view of the strong sector of renewable energies and to tourism in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern , the Greens oppose decided by the black-yellow government lifetime extension of nuclear power plants and against the Castor - transport to Lubmin. In the opinion of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania could be the first federal state to cover all of its electricity needs from renewable energies by 2015.

The strict rejection of a number of major projects such as the A 20 coastal motorway , the Berlin-Hamburg Transrapid line , the Rostock coal-fired power station or the Rostock-Laage airport expansion due to a lack of ecological and economic sustainability, hit the population, who expected such investments to provide an economic upswing and jobs. often a lack of understanding.

Disputes about the Schönberg landfill led to detailed concepts for waste policy from the start . In recent times, genetic engineering has become the focus of the green program, for example the only German Amflora cultivation site in Zepkow .

Economic policy

In the field of economic and labor policy , there are clear overlaps with other parties. The focus is on ecological modernization and the publicly funded employment sector . The energy policy is the program of the Greens a key cross-cutting issue between environmental and economic policies. The state and the municipalities are assigned an important role as an employer and, through the possibility of green procurement, as a promoter of ecological , economic and social sustainability .

For Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, renewable energies, energy efficiency , building renovation and ecological agriculture are the starting points for ecological structural change . In addition, jobs are to be created by investing in the education sector , in a socially fair health system , in long-term subsidized employment subject to social security contributions , in tourism that depends on unspoilt nature, and by reducing undeclared work.

Domestic, legal and local politics

A focus in the tradition of the citizens' movement of the GDR are civil and human rights . In this area as well as in that of consumer protection , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen have earned a certain reputation in the country, but are in close competition with the SPD and the Left Party . There are also issues such as transparency in city administration or more citizen participation. The party is very committed to opposing the right-wing extremism that is virulent in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania .

In principle, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen support the controversial regional and administrative reform in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.

Party structure

year Membership numbers
1990 254
1991 250
1992 144 (Greens)
125 (Alliance 90)
1993 160 (Greens)
130 (Alliance 90)
1994 382
1995 375
1996 359
1997 403
1998 415
1999 350
2000 311
2001 253
2002 259
2003 263
2004 277
2005 288
2006 302
2007 305
2008 307
2011 550
2012 560
2014 580
2016 645
2018 665
2019 792

Members

With just a few hundred members, every election campaign means an enormous challenge for the state association of Greens. With the small number of members, who also concentrate heavily on the few cities, nationwide campaigns are difficult to organize. However, the situation is easing: While the regional association only had around 250 members in the 2002 election and around 300 in 2006, the number rose to 550 in the 2011 state election. Rostock is by far the largest district association to which more than a third of the members of the regional association belong . The problem of the small number of members could hardly be compensated for until 2011 due to the lack of a professional center around a parliamentary group. In rural districts, the state executive is often forced to take on grass-roots tasks. The low number of members also makes it difficult to implement the alliance green principle of separating office and mandate and, in many places, finding candidates.

During the first government period of the red-green coalition at the federal level between 1998 and 2002, the regional association lost more than 40% of its members, including a particularly large number of under 30-year-olds. Since then the number of members has risen continuously again. Today among the party members there are equally actors from the civil movements of 1989/90, new West Germans and younger members who were only politically socialized after 1990 .

In view of the ongoing abstinence from the state parliament, no nationwide known politicians were able to distinguish themselves as the party's draft horses for a long time. The move Harald Terpes to the Bundestag in 2005 and again in 2009 at least has been a prominent face in the media after the country in the long Alliance 90 / Greens Green parliamentary group was not represented. The entry of a seven-member parliamentary group into the Schwerin state parliament in 2011 changed the previous situation.

Voters

There is a general urban-rural divide in elections for the Greens. In the area with the lowest population density, this is a serious problem for Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen. The lack of urbanity means that there is only a rudimentary alternative milieu and a larger class of the traditionally educated middle class. To make matters worse, among the more than 300,000 inhabitants that the country has lost since 1990, an above-average number were under 30 years of age. It is precisely in this age group that the Greens have achieved their best results so far. In combination with the country's economic problems, the lack of a parliamentary group and the associated low media presence, the party is faced with extremely difficult framework conditions.

Only in Rostock did Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen usually achieve double-digit results in local elections . Otherwise, the strongest constituency results usually remained well below 10 percent, so that even the university town of Greifswald and the state capital Schwerin can only be described as true strongholds to a limited extent . Overall, economic problems determine the country, while environmental issues only play a very subordinate role. In the structurally weak rural constituencies of West Pomerania (where the NPD achieved its strongest results), the Greens did not get beyond the role of a splinter party for a long time. In the state elections in 2011 , in which the Greens were able to increase their share of the vote from 3.6 to 8.7 percent compared to 2006 , the party achieved in Rostock III (19.1%), Rostock IV (16.8%), Greifswald (15 , 8%), Schwerin I (12.6%) and Stralsund II (10.7%) double-digit results. The by-election in the regional constituency of Rügen I was under special auspices, here Alliance 90 / The Greens became the strongest party with 24.8 percent. Only in Uecker-Randow I (3.7%) and Uecker-Randow II (4.7%) as well as in Demmin II (4.6%) did the party stay below five percent.

The rather low turnout in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, even if the federal election is taking place at the same time, tends to benefit the smaller parties. The fact that the Greens hardly benefited from it is likely to be related to the always dubious prospect of entering the state parliament. The close competition with the SPD and PDS or the Left Party has a particularly negative effect here. The fact that there is a higher number of potential Greens voters who cast their votes to stronger parties for tactical reasons seems to indicate that the result of the Greens in the federal elections that take place on the same day was always higher than in the state elections. However, these results mostly remained well below five percent. The parties on the political fringes benefit from protest votes, especially the Left Party and the NPD, but not the Greens.

structure

The regional association has been divided into eight district associations since the district reform in 2011 . At the level of the district associations, there are only a few local associations due to the small number of members, especially in rural regions.

Duration Spokesperson or chairperson
1990-1991 Gudrun Schubert, Michaela Weißhaupt, Detlef-Matthias Kross,
Thorsten Wichmann (Greens)
1993-1994 Heike Völcker and Heiko Lietz
1994-1996 Annelie Katt and Klaus-Dieter Feige
1996-1998 Katrin Starke and Klaus-Dieter Feige
1998-2000 Maren Klußmann-Fricke (retired in 1999) and Klaus-Dieter Feige
2000-2002 Jürgen Suhr (spokeswoman position vacant)
2002-2004 Carmen Lange and Johann-Georg Jaeger
2004-2006 Carmen Lange and Jürgen Suhr
2006-2008 Ulrike Berger and Jürgen Suhr
2008-2011 Silke Gajek and Jürgen Suhr
2011–2012 Kerstin Felgner and Andreas Katz
2012-2016 Claudia Müller and Andreas Katz
2016-2018 Claudia Müller and Johann-Georg Jaeger
2018-2020 Claudia Schulz and Ulrike Berger
Since 2020 Weike Bandlow and Ole Krüger

State Board

The state board manages the business of the state association on the basis of the decisions of the bodies and represents Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania internally and externally. All deliberations of the state board are generally public for the members of the state association.

The two chairmen with equal rights are currently Weike Bandlow and Ole Krüger . After moving into the state parliament in 2011, the regional association decided to partially professionalize the work of the board.

Parliamentary group

Parliamentary group from 2011 to 2016
Surname Constituency Function; Committee
Silke Gajek Schwerin I. Vice President of the State Parliament;
Work, health, equality and social issues
Jürgen Suhr Stralsund II Group chairman ;
European and federal affairs, justice,
constitution, rules of procedure, electoral review
and immunity matters
Ulrike Berger Greifswald Deputy Group Chairperson;
Education, Science and Culture (Chair)
Johann-Georg Jaeger Rostock IV Parliamentary Director ;
| Energy, Infrastructure and State Development
Ursula Karlowski Rostock I Agriculture, Environment and Consumer Protection
Johannes Saalfeld Rostock III Home committee; Finance committee
Jutta Gerkan Müritz I. Petitions Committee ; Economy, construction and tourism

After the state elections in 2011 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen set up a parliamentary group in the Schwerin state parliament for the first time in the 6th electoral term . Jürgen Suhr was elected chairman of the parliamentary group. Silke Gajek became Deputy President of the State Parliament. The Greens were represented by one member in each of the nine standing specialist committees. Ulrike Berger was chairwoman of the education committee.

In the state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2016 , the Greens failed at the 5% hurdle and are therefore no longer represented in parliament in the 7th electoral term.

Full-time and part-time staffed offices

Without a parliamentary group with an appropriate staff and in view of the financial difficulties of the regional association with few members, there were only a few full-time or part-time employees of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania until 2011. Since 2005, the party has benefited from the fact that a professionally manned staff office of the Bundestag member Harald Terpe is available in Rostock. Since 2009 there has also been a European office of MEP Reinhard Bütikofer in Schwerin, as he is responsible for Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. From 1996 to 2002 the parliamentary group had an office in Greifswald, which was closed for financial reasons. The regional office, which is managed by a full-time regional manager, is also located in Schwerin, and there are two regional offices in Stralsund and Neubrandenburg. In Rostock there is also an institute of the party-affiliated Heinrich Böll Foundation .

With the move into the Schwerin state parliament, the situation changed. The seven-member parliamentary group with several employees and constituency offices in Stralsund, Greifswald, Ludwigslust, Neubrandenburg, Rostock and Rostock-Warnemünde now formed a professional center of party work. Immediately after the election it was decided to professionalise the party leadership.

State Delegate Conference and State Delegate Council

The highest decision-making body of the regional association is the regional delegates' conference (LDK), which meets at least once a year and corresponds to the congresses of other parties. Each district association sends one seventh of its members (rounded up). Your most important tasks are the election of the board of directors, the candidates for federal and state elections as well as the resolution on the statutes, basic consensus and program of the state association.

The State Delegate Council (LDR) is the “small party congress” of the state association and the highest body between the state delegate conferences. It is composed of the members of the state board and the state council of the federal party as well as one or two representatives from the district associations. The State Delegate Council decides on the policy guidelines between the State Delegate Conferences and advises and controls the State Executive Committee, whose decisions it can revoke if necessary.

Other committees and working groups

The regional women's council plans and coordinates work on women's politics within the regional association. Between the state delegate conferences, it decides on the guidelines for women's policy. He advises the state board and deals with matters that the state delegates' conference delegates to him. The state women's council controls compliance with the federal women's statute at state level.

The state finance council is composed of all district finance officers, the state treasurer and the basic member of the federal finance council. He prepares the financial report and prepares the budget for the regional association.

Thematic content-related work on current political issues takes place in several state working groups (LAG). They also keep in contact with external experts and interest groups who deal with the respective topic. In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania there are currently working groups on the subjects of education, democracy, home affairs and law, right-wing extremism, agriculture, gay and lesbian politics, transport and settlement, migration and refugees, economy, culture as well as health and social affairs. The regional working groups also suffer from the low membership of the regional association.

Local politics

Alliance 90 / The Greens is more prominent than in state politics at the local level. With Hans-Joachim Lang in Kassow and Joachim Stein in Malchow , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen provides mayors in two smaller communities. In Ludwigslust , Hans-Jürgen Zimmermann was the full-time mayor from 1990 to 2009.

In some cases, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen enter into non-party alliances, for example in the local politics forum in the Stralsund citizenship. In Rostock , only the Bündnis 90 voter group, made up of the alliance green party, the New Forum and the Independent Women's Association, has stood in local elections since 1994. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen decided not to run independently in favor of the electorate. It was not until the local elections in 2009 that the party ran for the first time as a party. In Greifswald , the first black-green coalition caused a national stir in 1998 . Since the local elections in 2011 , the party has had parliamentary groups in all district assemblies.

Finances

The financial leeway of the Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is modest. The income in 1999 was only around 350,000 DM, of which 260,000 DM also came from grants from the federal association. In 2003 the total income was 240,000 euros.

The reimbursement of election campaign costs fluctuates considerably and amounted to only 29,000 DM in 1999, compared with around 188,000 euros after the federal and state elections in 2004. This high sum results from the practice of the federal party to pass on 70 percent of the state funds to the state associations, while the SPD only passes on 30 percent. In view of the weakness of the party's staff, membership fees make up only a small part of the income and only generated around 3,000 euros each between 2002 and 2005. Donation income is also low. In the election year 2005, 16,600 euros were received, in 2004 only 7,900 euros. A mandate holder contribution , an important financial item for other parties in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and other state associations of the Alliance Greens, was of course not made until 2011 due to a lack of mandate holders in the state parliament. A state-financed staff of a parliamentary group that could relieve the party was also missing.

The role of the regional association in the federal party

In accordance with the small number of members and the longstanding role as an extra-parliamentary opposition, the regional association's influence in the federal party is rather low. Only from 1993 to 1994 and 1996 to 1998 were alliance greens from Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Eberhard Wagner and Klaus-Dieter Feige, on the federal executive board. The regional association was only represented in the party council from 1999 to 2000 by Andreas Katz . However, the East German state associations are arithmetically overrepresented due to special quotas and exceptional provisions. This particularly applies to the number of delegates in the Federal Delegates' Conference and in the State Council .

Affiliate organizations

Green youth and college groups

The Green Youth Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and the green university groups are independent of the party's regional association. Speakers for the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Green Youth are Katharina Horn and Jana Klinkenberg.

Heinrich Böll Foundation

The Heinrich Böll Foundation , the party-affiliated foundation of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, maintains a conference center in Rostock.

literature

  • Karsten Grabow : The party system of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. In: Parties and party systems in the German states. Edited by Uwe Jun, Melanie Haas, Oskar Niedermayer, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2008, ISBN 3531154397 , p. 286.
  • Christoph Hohlfeld: The Greens in East Germany . In: Joachim Raschke; Gudrun Heinrich: The Greens. How they became what they are . Cologne, Bund 1993, ISBN 3-7663-2474-8 , pp. 395-416.
  • Michael Koch, Franziska Struck: Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . In: Politics in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , edited by Martin Koschkar, Christian Nestler and Christopher Scheele, Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2013, ISBN 978-3-658-02651-6 , pp. 109–126.
  • Lothar Probst: East German citizen movements and perspectives of democracy. Origin, meaning and future (also dissertation Bremen), Cologne, Bund-Verlag 1993, ISBN 3-7663-2429-2 .
  • Johannes Saalfeld, Carsten Socke: State political déjà vu - Alliance 90 / The Greens (PDF; 3.0 MB). In: The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2006. The parties in the election campaign and their voters , published by Steffen Schoon, Rostock, University of Rostock, Institute for Political and Administrative Sciences 2006 (Rostock Information on Politics and Administration 27), pp. 60–66 .
  • Johannes Saalfeld: Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1993 to 2006 - The long way to the party . In: Steffen Schoon, Britta Saß, Johannes Saalfeld: No country (day) in sight? Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Olzog, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-7892-8199-9 , pp. 59–114.
  • Britta Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, 1989 to 1993 . In: Steffen Schoon, Britta Saß, Johannes Saalfeld: No country (day) in sight? Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Olzog, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-7892-8199-9 , pp. 13–57.
  • Jochen Schmidt: Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . In: Political parties and politics in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , published by Nikolaus Werz and Hans Jörg Hennecke , Olzog, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-7892-8047-X , pp. 160–169.
  • Bernhard Schmidtbauer: In principle hope. The East German Citizens' Movements and their Contribution to the Change in 1989/90. The example of Rostock . Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1996, ISBN 3-631-46849-0
  • Steffen Schoon: The structural anchoring of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . In: Steffen Schoon, Britta Saß, Johannes Saalfeld: No country (day) in sight? Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Olzog, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-7892-8199-9 , pp. 115–147.
  • Steffen Schoon: Voter behavior and political traditions in Mecklenburg and Western Pomerania (1871–2002). An investigation into the stability and structural anchoring of the party system between the Elbe and the Baltic Sea . Düsseldorf, Droste 2007, ISBN 9783770052837 .
  • Steffen Schoon: Voter behavior and structural patterns of party competition in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania after the state elections in 2006 (PDF; 3.0 MB). In: The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2006. The parties in the election campaign and their voters , edited by Steffen Schoon, Rostock, University of Rostock, Institute for Political and Administrative Sciences 2006 (Rostock Information on Politics and Administration 27), pp. 9-20 .
  • Hendrik Träger: The East German regional associations in the federal parties. Personal, content-programmatic and financial relationships (1990-2007). Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main a. a. 2011, ISBN 978-3-631-63522-3

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b Ostsee-Zeitung, February 26, 2019
  2. ^ Schmidt: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, p. 161; Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 17 f.
  3. ↑ Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 18.
  4. ↑ Saß: From the Citizens' Movement to the Party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 19.
  5. ↑ Ehrhart Neubert: History of the Opposition in the GDR 1949–1989, Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin, second, reviewed, expanded and corrected edition 2000, p. 866 f.
  6. ↑ www.chronik-der-wende.de
  7. ↑ a b c Saß: From the Citizens' Movement to the Party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 26.
  8. ^ Results of all elections since the establishment of the federal state Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania on the website of the state returning officer ; Results of the Volkskammer election 1990 at www.wahlrecht.de
  9. ^ Extrapolated to the later federal state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. In detail, the Alliance 90 achieved 2.7% ( Rostock district ), 2.5% ( Schwerin district ) and 1.6% ( Neubrandenburg district ), the Green Party 1.9% ( Rostock district ), 2.4% ( Schwerin district ) and 1.8% ( Neubrandenburg district ). According to: The Association of Civil Rights, Ecological and Women's Movements in the 1990 election year, documentation compiled by Jan Wielgohs, in: From the illegality to the parliament. The career and concept of the new citizens' movements, edited by Helmut Müller-Enbers, Marianne Schulz and Jan Wielgohs, LinksDruck, Berlin 1991, p. 368.
  10. ^ Official final result of the Volkskammer election in 1990.
  11. ↑ The union of civil rights, ecology and women's movements in the election year 1990, documentation compiled by Jan Wielgohs, in: From the illegality to parliament. The career and concept of the new citizens' movements, edited by Helmut Müller-Enbers, Marianne Schulz and Jan Wielgohs, LinksDruck, Berlin 1991, p. 368.
  12. ↑ Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 32.
  13. ↑ Saß: From the Citizens' Movement to the Party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 37 ff.
  14. ^ Schmidt: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 162; Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, pp. 34, 40.
  15. ↑ Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 28 f.
  16. ↑ Saß: From the citizens' movement to the party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 47.
  17. ↑ Hohlfeld: The Greens in East Germany, p. 412 f.
  18. ↑ Hohlfeld: The Greens in East Germany, p. 415 f.
  19. ^ Saß: From the Citizens' Movement to the Party - Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1989 to 1993, p. 55.
  20. ^ Saalfeld: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 1993 to 2006 - The long way to the party, p. 68.
  21. ↑ Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania: Our story. Retrieved November 9, 2018 .
  22. ↑ Saalfeld: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1993 to 2006 - The long way to the party, p. 99.
  23. ↑ Steffen Schoon: The municipal elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, in: The municipal elections 2004 in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, University of Rostock, Institute for Political and Administrative Sciences (Rostock Information on Politics and Administration, Issue 22), p. 6. ( Memento from 16 January 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 644 kB)
  24. ↑ Robert Schulz, Sven Klüsener, Steffen Schoon: The citizenship election in the Hanseatic City of Rostock, in: The municipal elections 2004 in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, University of Rostock, Institute for Political and Administrative Sciences (Rostock Information on Politics and Administration, Issue 22), p. 22. ( Memento from January 16, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 644 kB)
  25. ↑ a b Saalfeld / Socke, Landespolitisches Déjà-vu - Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, p. 63.
  26. ↑ a b c Saalfeld / Socke, Landespolitisches Déjà-vu - Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, p. 61.
  27. ↑ a b c d e f ndr.de: Greens announce protest against nuclear policy (September 26, 2010; web link no longer available)
  28. ↑ Asbestos transport controversial , in: Landtag news , 9/2011, p. 6 (PDF; 2.7 MB)
  29. ↑ ndr.de: Three countries dispute: Nobody wants the asbestos , January 16, 2012
  30. ↑ No hard coal-fired power plant in Lubmin  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.gruene-mv.de
  31. ↑ Karsten Grabow: The party system of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , in: Parties and party systems in the German states , edited by Uwe Jun, Melanie Haas, Oskar Niedermayer, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2008, p. 286; Schmidt: Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 167.
  32. ^ For a GM-free Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania ( memento of March 8, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), Healthy Food - No Genetic Food on Our Plates ( Memento of March 8, 2011 in the Internet Archive ); New energy for new work ( Memento from November 15, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), Energieland MV: Using the power of the region ( Memento from November 15, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
  33. ^ A b Schmidt: Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 167.
  34. ↑ a b Bet on the future. How we want to create new jobs with investments in climate, justice and education  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.gruene-mv.de
  35. ↑ a b Saalfeld: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 1993 to 2006 - The long way to the party, p. 112.
  36. ↑ Topic package: Territorial and administrative reform in MV ( Memento from November 17, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
  37. ↑ Figures for 1990 and 1992 from Kuei-Hsiang Liao: The forms of participation of the Green parties at the municipal level. Germany, Austria and Switzerland in comparison, Dissertation Marburg 2000, p. 51 ( Memento from July 19, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 672 kB); Number of members 1993 (as of February 1993) according to Hohlfeld, Die Grünen in Ostdeutschland, p. 405 ;, for 1991 and for 1994 to 2007 according to Hendrik Träger, The East German state associations in the federal parties , Frankfurt am Main et al 2011, p. 103 the information for 2008 follows the information from the Federal Agency for Civic Education ; Information for 2011 according to Ostsee-Zeitung: Özdemir: "It's only over when it's over"  ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) (as of August 10, 2011); Information for 2012 according to Ostsee-Zeitung: Pfeiffer withdraws candidacy for the Greens state chairmanship  ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) (status: October 12, 2012); Information for 2014 according to (as of March 2014).@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.ostsee-zeitung.de @1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.ostsee-zeitung.de
  38. ^ Oskar Niedermayer : Party members according to federal states. Federal Agency for Civic Education , July 8, 2017, accessed on August 28, 2017 .
  39. ^ Ostsee-Zeitung , February 1, 2018
  40. ↑ Saalfeld / Socke, Landespolitisches Déjà-vu - Alliance 90 / The Greens, p. 60.
  41. ^ Saalfeld: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 1993 to 2006 - The long way to the party, p. 109.
  42. ↑ Saalfeld: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1993 to 2006 - The long way to the party, pp. 95, 99.
  43. ^ Schmidt: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, p. 160.
  44. ↑ Saalfeld / Socke, Landespolitisches Déjà-vu - Alliance 90 / The Greens, p. 60 f.
  45. ↑ Schoon: The structural anchoring of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 139, table 6.
  46. ↑ a b Official final result of the electoral districts at the regional returning officer
  47. ↑ Saalfeld / Socke, Landespolitisches Déjà-vu - Alliance 90 / The Greens, p. 65.
  48. ↑ Saalfeld / Socke, Landespolitisches Déjà-vu - Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, p. 62.
  49. ↑ List of district associations on the website of the regional association. ( Memento from March 29, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  50. ↑ gruene-mv.de: GREEN MV prepare the way (August 22, 2020)
  51. ↑ a b ndr.de: Greens in the northeast with new dual leadership ( Memento from October 3, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (October 1, 2011)
  52. ↑ www.boell-mv.de
  53. ↑ Overview of the regional working groups on the website of the regional association ( Memento from March 19, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
  54. ↑ Hans Jörg Hennecke: The CDU in Mecklenburg and Western Pomerania , in: Parties and Politics in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , published by Nikolaus Werz and Hans Jörg Hennecke, Munich 2000, p. 54.
  55. ^ A b Schmidt: Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 166.
  56. ↑ Karsten Grabow: The party system of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , in: Parties and party systems in the German states , edited by Uwe Jun, Melanie Haas, Oskar Niedermayer, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2008, p. 286
  57. ↑ a b Schoon: The structural anchoring of Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 125.
  58. ↑ a b Schoon: The structural anchoring of Alliance 90 / The Greens in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, p. 124.
  59. ↑ Hendrik Träger, The East German regional associations in the federal parties , Frankfurt am Main et al. 2011, p. 197.
  60. ↑ Hendrik Träger, The East German State Associations in the Federal Parties , Frankfurt am Main et al. 2011, p. 202.
  61. ↑ Hendrikträger , The East German regional associations in the federal parties , Frankfurt am Main et al. 2011, p. 194 ff.
  62. ↑ www.gruene-jugend-mv.de
  63. ↑ www.ghg-rostock.de
  64. ↑ Your state board of the Green Youth Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. In: GREEN YOUTH MV. Retrieved on April 13, 2019 (German).