European elections 2009
Distribution of seats by parliamentary group upon constitution
|EPP||Christian Democrats, Conservatives||265||-23|
|SOZ||Social Democrats, Socialists||184||-33|
|EKR||Conservatives, EU skeptics||55||New|
|G / EFA||Greens, regionalists||55||+12|
|VEL / NGL||Leftists, socialists, communists||35||-6|
|EVS||EU skeptics, rights||32||New|
The 2009 European elections were the seventh direct election to the European Parliament and took place between June 4 and 7, 2009 . It was the first European elections in which all 27 member states of the 2007 enlarged European Union took part. The Christian Democratic-Conservative European People's Party (EPP) was able to assert itself as the strongest party, while the Social Democratic Party of Europe (SPE) suffered significant losses. The European Green Party (EGP) experienced the greatest gains . EU-skeptical and right-wing extremist parties were also successful in several countries.
Election date, voting mode and number of seats
The European elections took place separately in all member states of the European Union. National electoral laws applied in each case, but according to the "Act introducing general direct elections for members of the European Parliament" (so-called direct election act, last amended on September 23, 2002), certain European legal frameworks had to be met. National parties were elected, which then united in the European Parliament depending on their political orientation. The determination of the election results was also the task of the individual member states, the European Union itself only published a summary of it.
According to European electoral law, each member state had a fixed number of seats, whereby, according to the principle of degressive proportionality, larger states generally had more seats than smaller states, while smaller states had more seats per inhabitant than larger ones . Each member state had its own national electoral lists, on which citizens of other EU states could also vote, provided they were resident in that country. Pan-European, transnational political lists are not yet provided for in European electoral law; The first steps were taken in the 2009 European elections by the Libertas party and the Newropeans association , each of which ran under the same name in several member states. (For the respective elections in the individual states, see the individual articles on the European elections .)
The exact voting date followed the respective traditions in the individual countries: In Germany, Austria and other countries, where people usually vote on Sundays, the election took place on Sunday, June 7th. In Great Britain and the Netherlands, on the other hand, votes were held on Thursday, June 4th, in Ireland on June 5th, in the Czech Republic on June 5th and 6th, in Slovakia, Cyprus, Latvia and Malta on June 6th, in Italy on June 6th and 7th. However, official results in all countries could not be released until 10 p.m. on Sunday evening, when polling stations were closed in all Member States. The newly elected parliament met for its constituent session on July 14, 2009.
All Union citizens were entitled to vote , although the age limit from which they could vote could differ depending on the country. In Austria, for the first time, 16- and 17-year-olds were also allowed to vote, which means that there were around 5% more eligible voters there. Union citizens living in another EU Member State could choose either in their country of origin or in their country of residence; Citizens with the citizenship of several countries could also choose in which of these countries they wanted to vote.
According to the direct election system, proportional representation was set as the electoral system in all countries , the threshold clause was a maximum of five percent. The exact structure could, however, differ from country to country: in some countries (e.g. Germany) only one vote could be given for a list, in others several votes could be distributed (Ireland, Luxembourg) and / or the order on a list could be changed become (Austria). In Great Britain, France, Ireland, Italy, Belgium and Poland there were several constituencies, in all other countries only one national constituency.
According to the Treaty of Nice (in the version last amended by the Accession Treaty of Romania and Bulgaria) the total number of members of the European Parliament was reduced from 785 to 736 for the 2009 European elections; the Lisbon Treaty fixed the number at 751. In the event that the Treaty of Lisbon would come into force during the 2009-2014 electoral period, transitional provisions were made prior to the election, according to which the number of MEPs from those states that have more MEPs under the Lisbon Treaty were allowed to be increased accordingly. One of these countries was Austria, whose number of MPs rose from 17 to 19 as a result of the Treaty of Lisbon. Germany, as the only country that would lose (three) seats, was able to keep all 99 MPs elected in 2009 until the next European elections. The parliament should thus grow temporarily to 754 members.
The way in which the additional parliamentarians are appointed was left to each Member State concerned. He could award the additional mandates either on the basis of the results of the European elections, on the basis of ad hoc elections scheduled when the Treaty came into force, or by appointment by the national parliament. If the additional MEPs were already elected in the 2009 European elections, they were initially given observer status in parliament, so that they could take part in all meetings but had no voting rights.
|Member State||so far||2009||Lisbon||election day|
|Latvia||9||8th||9||6th of June|
|Malta||5||5||6th||6th of June|
|Slovakia||14th||13||13||6th of June|
|Czech Republic||24||22nd||22nd||5th / 6th June|
|United Kingdom||78||72||73||June 4th|
|Cyprus||6th||6th||6th||6th of June|
Campaigning parties and party associations
Since the European elections in the individual member states took place separately with national lists, the parties that stood for the European elections differed from country to country; the national parties familiar to the voter appeared on the nominations. At the EU level, however, the parties with a similar political orientation have come together to form Europe-wide alliances, the European parties , which also form the basis of the groups in the European Parliament . Most of these European party associations worked out joint election programs before the election; however, in many countries the national member parties also presented their own European programs.
The following table lists (in order of the size of the political groups, some of which several European parties as well as associated MPs without Europe party include) to the European party alliances with their German, Austrian and Luxembourg member parties that were represented in the legislature from 2004 to 2009 in the European Parliament. The lists that began in 2009 in the individual member states can be found in the main articles for the individual countries (see the section on electoral systems and election results for each country ).
|fraction||MPs (2004–2009)||European parties||National member parties with MPs 2004–2009|
|Name (MPs 2004–2009)||Alignment|
|EPP / ED||288||European People's Party (EPP, 228)||Christian-democratic, conservative||
|ÖVP (6)||CSV (3)|
European Democrats (ED, 39), largely at the same time a
movement for European reform (MER, 35)
|SPE||217||Party of European Socialists (PES, 196)||social democratic, socialist||SPD (23)||SPÖ (7)||LSAP (1)|
|ALDE||100||European Liberal, Democratic and Reform Party (ELDR, 72)||liberal||FDP (7)||LiF / JuLi (1)||DP (1)|
|European Democratic Party (EDP, 29)||centrist||-||-||-|
|UEN||44||Alliance for Europe of Nations (AEN, 39)||national conservative, Eurosceptic||-||-||-|
|Greens / EFA||43||European Green Party (EGP, 35)||green||Green (13)||Green (2)||Green (1)|
|European Free Alliance (EFA, 4)||Regional parties||-||-||-|
|Nordic green-left alliance (NGL, 1)||socialist, green||-||-||-|
|GUE / NGL||41||European Left (EL, 38)||left, socialist||Left (7)||-||-|
|Nordic green-left alliance (NGL, 2)||socialist, green||-||-||-|
|IND / DEM||22nd||EU Democrats (EUD, 6)||Eurosceptic, confederalistic||-||-||-|
|European Christian Political Movement (ECPB, 1)||Christian||-||-||-|
list Dr. Martin (1)
Political run-up to the 2009 election
Crisis of ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon
According to the originally planned timetable, the Lisbon Treaty , which reforms the political system of the European Union , should enter into force on January 1, 2009; the 2009 European elections would have been the first elections under the new treaty. However, due to the rejection of the Treaty of Lisbon in a referendum in Ireland on June 12, 2008, the timely ratification failed, so that the election took place according to the method provided for in the Treaty of Nice .
Candidates from various parties, such as the European Left or the newly founded Libertas , had announced that they would also make the Treaty of Lisbon a central election campaign issue. However, the ratification process was a national matter for the Member States over which the European Parliament had no formal influence. It could only pass a legally non-binding resolution on this; it had already recommended ratification of the treaty in February 2008. The result of the European elections in 2009 could therefore not have any direct impact on the further ratification process. In fact, it only played a subordinate role in the election campaign in all countries.
Election programs and personnel decisions of the European parties
As in previous European elections, the election campaign was primarily geared towards questions of the national politics of the individual member states instead of the European politics itself. In order to counteract this, several of the European political parties worked out joint Europe-wide programs for the first time. These were approved by the Liberals ( ELDR ) on October 31, by the European Left ( EL ) on November 29, 2008, by the Social Democrats ( PES ) on December 1, by the Christian Democrats ( EPP ) on January 30, 2009 and by presented to the Greens ( EGP ) on March 28, 2009. In the 2004 European elections, only the EGP was the first European party to submit a joint election program and run a uniform national election campaign, but not in all member states. Despite the Europe-wide election manifestos, the election campaign in 2009 again revolved primarily around national issues.
Neither of the two major parties, the EPP and the PES, managed to agree on their own candidates for the office of Commission President . This is not appointed by the European Parliament, but by the European Council ; Parliament has a right of veto, which it could use to enforce its own candidate. Although the European parties had in the past also refrained from nominating such “top candidates”, in the run-up to the 2009 European elections there had been a campaign by the European Movement and the Union of European Federalists , among others , which urged various candidates to be nominated during the election campaign To debate. Nevertheless, the EPP limited itself to recommending a second term for José Manuel Barroso , while the PES was unable to agree on an opponent at its party council meeting in early December 2008. Although the candidacy of PES party leader Poul Nyrup Rasmussen was discussed here, it ultimately failed due to the refusal of the British , Spanish and Portuguese socialists . They formed the government in their respective home countries and were therefore also involved in the selection of candidates in the European Council. In addition, the Spanish and Portuguese socialists were positive about a second term in office of the Portuguese Barroso, probably also because of his national origin.
Since the European Parliament does not elect a government, there are traditionally no formalized coalitions like in national parliaments; the decisions are made with changing majorities from different parliamentary groups . However, since the first direct election in 1979, Parliament has been shaped by an unwritten alliance made up of the two largest political groups, EPP and PES, which agreed the majority of Parliament's decisions. This informal “grand coalition” was repeatedly criticized by smaller groups such as the Liberals and Greens. At the end of 2008, the Liberal group leader Graham Watson announced his goal of participating in a stable “ideological coalition” after the 2009 European elections - either with the EPP or the PES. However, even before the election, it was considered unlikely that such a liberal-conservative or social-liberal alliance would achieve a majority.
Watson also announced his candidacy for President of Parliament in early 2009 . This office, which until 2009 was held by the German EPP MP Hans-Gert Pöttering , traditionally split the EPP and the PES for half of a legislative period each. However, as early as 2002, Pat Cox, a liberal MP with the support of the Conservatives, was elected President of Parliament. The PES therefore announced that it would be prepared for clashes with an “anti-socialist alliance” after the 2009 European elections.
On May 12, 2009, the European Green Party (EGP) announced that the PES was ready for a red-green alliance for the 2009-2014 legislative period. However, the PES President Poul Nyrup Rasmussen later restricted that there would be no formal agreement before the election, as only the later majorities in parliament would have to be seen.
Discussions about reorganization of the political groups in Parliament
At the initiative of the two largest political groups, EPP-ED and PES, the requirements for forming a political group in the European Parliament were tightened: instead of at least 19 MEPs from six different Member States, at least 25 MEPs from seven Member States would be required after the election. This measure was intended to make the formation of small left and right radical groups more difficult. However, it was already clear before the election that the national-conservative parliamentary group Union for a Europe of Nations (UEN) and Eurosceptic independence and democracy (Ind / Dem) would be affected by the regulation: Ind / Dem had in the 2004– electoral period 09 only 22 MPs, UEN had MPs from only six different countries.
In addition, in the run-up to the elections there were various discussions about possible entries or withdrawals from individual national member parties to the parliamentary groups. Such changes in factions of small parties or individual members of parliament are not uncommon in the European Parliament; Before the 2009 elections, however, the convertions of some of the larger parties were also up for discussion, which influenced the overall balance of power between the parliamentary groups after the elections.
In 2007, the new Partito Democratico (PD) was formed in Italy from various parties, some of which had belonged to the social democratic group (ten members) and some to the liberal faction (nine members). The assignment of the new party to a European party was initially controversial within the PD; At the beginning of December 2008, its Secretary General Walter Veltroni finally announced that the PD would cooperate closely with the PES, albeit without joining it. However, by the time of the European elections it was not yet finally clear whether the PD MEPs would join the PES group entirely or split up between the social democratic and liberal groups. Since several PD MEPs did not see themselves as social democrats, the PES group announced in May 2009 that it could be renamed the “Group of Social Democrats and Democrats” after the election.
Until shortly before the election it was also unclear whether the British Conservative Party (so far 27 MEPs) would remain in the EPP-ED Group after the elections . Until 1992, the Conservative Party had formed the European Democrats (ED), a parliamentary group that was independent of the EPP, but which then united with it. In 2005, during an internal election campaign for the leadership of the Conservative Party , David Cameron called for the withdrawal from this joint faction. After his victory, this led to the founding of the Movement for European Reform (MER) on July 13, 2006 by the Conservative Party and the Czech ODS party . After the elections, this MER should become an independent European party with its own parliamentary group. However, this would have required member parties from at least seven EU member states, which the MER did not reach. An association of the British Conservatives with the Union for a Europe of Nations (UEN) was therefore discussed as a possible alternative (in addition to remaining in the EPP-ED Group) . On May 30, the party leaders of the British Conservatives, the ODS and the Polish PiS , a leading member of the UEN, announced their decision to create a new parliamentary group after the elections, which most of the other UEN members are likely to join would.
However, it was clear that the Irish Fianna Fáil (FF, four MEPs so far), who had belonged to the UEN, would not be part of this new group. After the FF had been following a more integration-friendly course than the rest of the UEN for a long time, it announced its accession to the liberal European party ELDR on April 16, 2009 . The Italian Alleanza Nazionale (AN, eight MPs) would also no longer belong to the UEN's successor group. In March 2009 it was absorbed into the newly founded Popolo della Libertà (PdL), which belongs to the EPP.
Overview of the election manifestos of the European parties
Most of the major European parties had adopted joint election manifestos, the main contents of which are briefly presented below. The right-wing conservative parties of the Alliance for a Europe of Nations and the eurosceptic EU democrats did not have a Europe-wide election program for the 2009 European elections . These only had a general political program that did not specifically address current European policy issues.
Since the European Parliament has no right of initiative , the election manifestos could not be directly compared with the election manifestos of political parties in national elections: the party that was successful in the European elections basically requires a proposal from the European Commission and the approval of the Council of the EU in order to enforce its demands. However, since the European Parliament has co-determination rights in most policy areas via the co-decision procedure , the election manifestos could serve as an indication of the way in which the parties would influence EU legislation after the election . However, some of the parties also took positions on issues for which the European Parliament has no authority at all, such as the common foreign and security policy or possible institutional reforms of the EU.
Economic and financial policy
A central topic in the European election campaign was the global economic crisis and the discussion about stricter regulation of the financial markets . Possible reforms of the statute of the European Central Bank (ECB) and the Stability and Growth Pact were also up for debate. Various tax policy measures, such as harmonizing national tax systems , have also been proposed.
- The EPP calls for overcoming the economic crisis, an expansion of the single European market in the sectors of services, energy and transport. She speaks out against a reform of the ECB or the Stability Pact, in particular against the admission of higher national debt. In order to monitor the financial markets, she calls for the development of a Europe-wide regulatory system within the framework of stronger global cooperation, but warns against overregulation. She also calls for tax cuts and the simplification of national tax systems.
- The PES calls for the European Investment Bank to increase its credit volume in order to ensure that the economy is supplied with credit. In addition, she advocates a reform of the ECB, whose policy is no longer only aimed at price stability, but also growth and employment. The PES calls for the regulation of all financial actors, a democratic control of the global financial institutions and is committed to the abolition of tax havens.
- The ELDR calls for an expansion of the internal market to include the areas of energy, postal services, financial services, railways and health. She also wants to promote the free movement of workers and work in the WTO to dismantle trade barriers. She is against a reform of the Stability Pact or the ECB, in particular she wants to maintain the independence of the central bank. The ELDR is also in favor of better regulation of the financial system, but warns against nationalization, overregulation and protectionism. She advocates a central role for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in global financial market regulation .
- The EGP wants to secure publicly financed low-cost corporate loans and create five million new jobs across the EU through investments in “green” technologies. She is in favor of coordinated European financial market regulation in an international framework and advocates the taxation of financial transactions ( Tobin tax ). In addition, she wants to prevent tax evasion and tax competition between the member states through EU directives and abolish tax havens.
- The central demand of the EL is to turn away from the Lisbon strategy pursued by the EU since 2000 . It calls for the nationalization of strategic economic areas, including credit and finance, and a public investment and credit program. The ECB is to be reformed so that the goal is no longer just price stability but also growth and employment; in addition, the independence of the ECB is to be abolished. In terms of tax policy, the EL calls for the harmonization of national tax systems based on the principle of progressive taxation, an increase in taxes on income and capital, the introduction of the Tobin tax and the abolition of tax havens.
- The EFA calls for European regulation of the financial markets with the establishment of joint control instruments and a central intervention budget of the ECB to combat economic crises.
Education and Research
In the area of education and research, investments in research and development (R + D), the interlinking of science and business and the further development of the European Higher Education Area ( Bologna Process ) were the main topics of the election campaign.
- The EPP sees education based on the Lisbon Strategy of the EU as the basis of the European economic area. It calls for investment in research and development to be increased to 3% of GDP in 2010 and 4% in 2015; it also wants to ensure more intensive cooperation between scientific research and economic implementation and promote lifelong learning .
- The PES also wants to increase investment in R&D and innovation. In addition, within the framework of a proposed “European Future Pact for Work”, it advocates the promotion of cross-border exchange programs in the field of education and lifelong learning .
- The ELDR calls for greater mobility of students and academics as well as the introduction of uniform European regulations on intellectual property.
- The EGP calls its program "massive investment" in education, science and research, especially in the area of environmental and climate-friendly technologies.
- The EL rejects the Bologna process and calls for public, free education that is not primarily business-oriented.
- The EFA sees innovation as a way of promoting sustainable development and stimulating the labor market in order to meet the Lisbon strategy . It wants to increase the use of EU exchange programs tenfold, for example the rate of Erasmus students is to be increased from 2% to 20%. The EU educational programs aim to specifically promote the teaching of minority languages.
Climate protection, energy and transport policy
In the area of climate protection, the position of the EU in the negotiations on a UN climate protection agreement ( post-Kyoto process ) was the main topic of the election campaign. Several parties called concrete figures for the objectives in reducing CO 2 - emissions and increasing the share of renewable energy . In addition, the expansion of the European transport and energy networks , the unbundling of the energy industry through the separation of production and networks and the future of nuclear energy were topics.
- The EPP aims to conclude a UN climate protection agreement in 2009, in which the EU should agree to a 30% reduction in its greenhouse gas emissions by 2020. The share of renewable energies is to be increased to 20% throughout Europe by 2020, and energy consumption is to be reduced by 20%. In addition, the EU should strive for global market leadership in the field of energy efficiency . The trans-European rail network and integrated airspace are to be expanded, and nuclear energy is to be retained.
- The PES is striving for a UN climate protection agreement with the participation of all industrialized and emerging countries, in which the EU is to agree to a 30% reduction in emissions by 2020. It should also provide more development aid and technology transfer for climate protection in developing countries. The PES calls for the introduction of a common European energy policy to promote energy efficiency and renewable energy (including through offshore wind farms and solar energy from southern Europe and North Africa), and the European energy networks are to be expanded. In addition, EU emissions trading is to be expanded to include sectors that have not yet been affected (in particular energy, agriculture, transport, etc.). The high-speed rail network and integrated airspace are to be expanded; the use of atomic energy should be left to the decision of the member states.
- The ELDR wants to promote investments in low-CO 2 technologies and calls for the energy industry to be unbundled.
- For the EGP , the so-called “ Green New Deal ” is a central point of the election manifesto: In a UN climate protection agreement, it intends to agree to a 40% reduction in EU emissions by 2020 and 80–95% by 2050; it is also committed to more support for climate protection in developing countries. Energy consumption is to be reduced by 20% by 2020, and the proportion of renewable energy is to be increased to 100% in the long term. The energy industry is to be unbundled and the European energy network expanded. In addition, the Greens are calling for an expansion of the European rail and shipping network, the removal of concessions for road and air traffic and the Europe-wide phase-out of nuclear power .
- The EL strives for the UN climate change agreement to reduce global emissions by 30% by 2020 and by 80% by 2050 and calls for more technology transfer for climate protection in developing countries. It aims to reduce energy consumption by 20% by 2020 and increase the share of renewable energy by 25%; energy efficiency should increase by 2% per year. In addition, the EL calls for the establishment of a European fund to promote climate-friendly innovations.
- The EFA calls for the EU to play a leading role at the UN climate conference. The EU's ecological footprint is to be reduced from 4.8 to 1.8 hectares per person; the coastal and mountain regions of the EU that are particularly at risk from climate change are to be given targeted support. In addition, the EFA calls for energy-saving and passive houses to be promoted and the trans-European transport networks to be expanded, with environmentally friendly means of transport being promoted by applying the polluter-pays principle to the environmental costs arising from transport . The EFA rejects nuclear energy and proposes replacing Euratom with a newly founded organization to promote renewable energies (“Eurenew”).
Internal security, civil rights and justice
Since the Lisbon Treaty is also intended for the first time to include police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters (PJZS) within the competence of the European Parliament, their future, especially in the area of European anti-terrorism policy, was an important topic of discussion. In addition, various parties called for the further development of European anti-discrimination policy and the recognition of new pan-European fundamental rights .
- The EPP is committed to developing European anti-terrorism policy through improved coordination between the Commissioner for Justice, Freedom and Security , the EU Anti-Terrorism Officer and the Head of Europol ; She also called for regular meetings between the European interior ministers and the EU authorities involved in the fight against terrorism. The operational capability of Europol and Eurojust is to be improved.
- The PES also wants to expand the PJZS in the fight against terrorism, but without curtailing civil rights. She advocates the establishment of EU-wide disaster control instruments and calls for the expansion of anti-discrimination measures and the cross-border recognition of rights such as same-sex partnerships or parental rights.
- The ELDR is also in favor of expanding the PJZS, but emphasizes the absolute respect for the procedural rights of the accused. She also calls for respect for civil liberties in the EU, in particular freedom of expression, assembly, religion, property rights, minority rights and data protection rights.
- The EGP is committed to expanding anti-discrimination measures and improving data protection in the EU and wants to use the PJZS to intensify the fight against organized crime .
- The EL calls for the abolition of European counter-terrorism measures, in particular the European "list of terrorist organizations" and data retention. She advocates the expansion of anti-discrimination measures and the strengthening of individual civil rights. To this end, it calls for a legally binding EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the EU's accession to the European Convention on Human Rights . (Both measures are also provided for in the Lisbon Treaty, which the EL otherwise rejects). A Europe-wide right to abortion is to be anchored in the Charter of Fundamental Rights.
- The EFA is committed to the expansion of anti-discrimination measures. She also calls for a Europe-wide coordination of organ donation procedures and the establishment of an EU organ donation agency.
Migration and Asylum Policy
The standardization of asylum and migration policy , the integration of immigrants and joint measures to control immigration and to prevent illegal immigration were also part of the election programs. This area, which was previously reserved exclusively for the Council of the EU , is now to come under the competence of Parliament through the Treaty of Lisbon .
- The EPP calls for a common asylum and naturalization policy. In order to combat illegal immigration, she wants to further expand the European border control system Frontex and create a European coast guard. The aim is to work with the countries of origin to return illegal immigrants; In addition, the EU neighboring states are to be given economic support in order to reduce the incentives for immigration. Qualified immigrants are to be brought into the EU through a blue card system. The EPP also calls for jobs in the EU to be given preference to EU citizens .
- For the PES , migration is a focus of the election manifesto: It calls for a common European asylum policy with EU-wide standards for legal immigration. For example, it wants to promote language and cultural education measures through a European Charter for Integration. In addition, the common border protection policy is to be expanded, to work together with the countries of origin in the repatriation of illegal immigrants and to provide targeted economic support to the EU neighboring countries.
- In particular, the ELDR calls for a blue card system for the regulated immigration of qualified immigrants.
- The EGP is committed to expanding legal immigration and improving the living conditions of asylum seekers.
- The EL calls for a common EU refugee policy based on the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention ; Gender-specific and non-state violence should be recognized as grounds for asylum. She rejects deportations as well as the Frontex border control system and particularly emphasizes the right of migrants to work.
- The EFA sees immigration as an asset and aims to improve the integration of immigrants by improving their labor rights and by teaching regional languages. She also calls for the right to asylum to be expanded.
Agricultural policy, consumer protection
The reform and redefinition of the objectives of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), which according to the Treaty of Lisbon will fall under the competence of the European Parliament, formed a further focus of the election programs. The future of biofuel production and possible consumer protection measures were also discussed.
- For the EPP , the goals of the GAP should be security of supply, global market presence, landscape protection and environmental protection. The cultivation area is to be increased through better land use planning . The generation of bioenergy from agricultural waste should be promoted, as well as new technologies in the food, animal feed and energy sectors. To strengthen consumer protection, the EPP proposes mandatory product information and the application of European regulations on food safety to imported products.
- The PES sees the objectives of the CAP above all as environmental protection, food quality and security of supply; The promotion of biofuels should not be at the expense of food production. She also calls for consumer rights to be strengthened.
- The ELDR calls for a comprehensive reform of the CAP within the framework of the WTO ; the GAP budget is to be reduced significantly.
- The EGP is also calling for a CAP reform that should focus European agricultural policy on promoting organic farming . In addition, the EU export subsidies for agricultural products are to be abolished. The EGP advocates the preservation of biodiversity, the ban on genetically modified organisms , the promotion of local food markets and improved animal welfare by reducing the transport of live animals and animal experiments.
- The EL demands that a public agricultural policy be maintained and speaks out against CAP reform within the WTO framework. Local agricultural production and isolation from the world market should have priority. Instead of large agricultural companies, it is primarily small businesses that are to be promoted. In addition, the EL calls for the preservation of biodiversity, the promotion of organic agriculture and wants to ban genetically modified food and biofuels that compete with food production.
- The EFA calls for the CAP reform to benefit small businesses in particular and to focus on promoting food quality and regional and local production. She rejects genetically modified food and calls for stricter labeling requirements for imported products. In addition, animal welfare should play a greater role in the EU.
Another point of discussion was the future of a common European social policy , in particular the introduction of European minimum wages and the expansion of workers' rights. However, not all parties took a position on this issue.
- The EPP does not comment on a possible Europe-wide social policy. She emphasizes, however, that the national social systems should not be an obstacle to the European internal market . The national social systems are to be adapted to demographic developments and the retirement age is to be made more flexible in order to enable longer working lives. In addition, child care is to be improved.
- The PES calls for a “European Pact for Social Progress”, which sets minimum standards for national social, health and education policy. In a “European Pact for Wages”, Europe-wide minimum wages are to be introduced, workers' rights are to be strengthened and the posting of workers directive is to be revised. In addition, a European legal framework for cross-border collective agreements is to be created and the European works councils are to be strengthened. A European charter aims to improve the rights of interns . Another focus of the election manifesto is gender equality , which is to be strengthened through a European Charter of Women's Rights and through the office of a European Equal Opportunities Officer. The PES also calls for an improvement in childcare.
- The ELDR makes no reference to social policy in its program.
- The EGP calls for the expansion and Europe-wide harmonization of workers' rights. She speaks out against the privatization of public services such as health and education and calls for the guarantee of a minimum standard of living and the introduction of Europe-wide minimum wages.
- The EL calls for the introduction of a comprehensive social system at European level. This should include European minimum wages of 60% of the respective national average wages, the strengthening of collective agreements and workers' rights, the Europe-wide setting of the maximum weekly working time at 40 hours as well as cross-border association, co-determination and strike rights. The privatization of public services such as education, child care, sickness and elderly care, water and energy supply, local transport, post office, culture, among others, is to be reversed; instead, increased state investments are to be made in these areas. In addition, improved and cheaper access to media such as the Internet should be guaranteed.
- The EFA calls for a new EU social agenda to combat discrimination and improve working conditions. In particular, gender equality is to be promoted on the labor market. Services such as water supply should continue to be offered to the public at low prices.
Common foreign and security policy
Even if the European Parliament can only act in an advisory capacity in the area of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), this constituted a further focus of the election manifestos. In particular, the future of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) and its relationship with NATO , the improvement of development aid and the design of international trade agreements were discussed.
- The EPP calls for the High Representative for the CFSP to be strengthened in the formulation of a common European foreign policy. In coordination with the USA and NATO, the ESDP is to be expanded into a European military alliance with mutual assistance in the event of a defense. All research activities in the armaments sector of the member states are to be brought together under the umbrella of the European Defense Agency ; in addition, a joint defense force ( European army ) of the member states that are ready to do so is to be formed. The EPP calls for more commitment to the international fight against terrorism and the promotion of international disarmament and is committed to a two-state solution to the Middle East conflict .
- The PES calls for the development of common capabilities to resolve international conflicts and a fairer distribution of burdens in peace missions within the UN framework. The ESDP is to be expanded in coordination with NATO. Stricter rules are to apply to EU arms exports , and the EU is to advocate a UN moratorium on the death penalty and a reform of international organizations such as the UN, WTO , World Bank and IMF to better take developing countries into account. To promote global environmental and social standards, the PES calls for binding clauses to be included in international trade agreements that the EU concludes with third countries either bilaterally or within the framework of the WTO.
- The ELDR calls for the High Representative of the CFSP to be strengthened and for the ESDP to be expanded in cooperation with NATO. At the same time, civilian crisis management is to be strengthened and used for peacekeeping. The EU should contribute its experience in building institutions in unstable regions.
- The EGP calls for the fight against poverty to be made a priority of European foreign policy, and development aid is to be increased to 0.7% of GDP. When concluding international trade agreements, binding clauses on environmental and social standards should be included. The EGP also calls for the establishment of a European Civil Peace Corps for non-military humanitarian missions.
- The EL fundamentally rejects war as a means of politics. It calls for the European Defense Agency to be replaced by a European Disarmament Agency, the dissolution of NATO and the development of an alternative European security concept, a reform and democratization of the UN system and the expansion of development aid with equal treatment for all countries. The latter includes the rejection of bilateral European partnership agreements . In addition, the EL advocates debt relief for the poorest countries in the world, the withdrawal of western troops from Iraq and Afghanistan , a two-state solution to the Middle East conflict and diplomatic-political negotiations with Iran on the nuclear issue and rejects the establishment of satellite-based missile defense systems (as in Czech Republic and Poland planned).
- The EFA wants to make conflict prevention the main goal of European foreign policy and calls for greater involvement in peace missions. The international fight against terrorism should not be at the expense of human rights. At the same time, arms exports are to be restricted and all weapons of mass destruction abolished, and the EU is to become a nuclear-weapon-free zone . Development aid should be expanded and better coordinated, fairer trade agreements should contribute to the promotion of developing countries. EFA also calls for a European investment program for solar energy in Africa.
Institutions of the EU, EU enlargement
Although the European Parliament has already approved the Lisbon Treaty , the electoral manifestos of several parties reaffirmed their position and suggested further possible treaty reforms. In addition, possible EU enlargements to include Turkey and the Western Balkans were discussed.
- The EPP is committed to the Lisbon Treaty and emphasizes the importance of the principle of subsidiarity . She does not want to allow new extensions until the treaty is in force; She also proposes the offer of a privileged partnership for countries that “cannot or do not want to” become members of the EU.
- The PES is also committed to the Lisbon Treaty and also calls for the full registration of lobbyists with the European institutions. She advocates accession talks with Croatia and negotiations with the other states of the Western Balkans and calls for clear criteria for negotiations with Turkey.
- The ELDR is also committed to the Lisbon Treaty and emphasizes the Copenhagen criteria (ie above all democracy, rule of law and market economy) as a yardstick for possible enlargements , taking into account the Union's absorption capacity.
- The EGP takes no position on the Lisbon Treaty. For future treaty reforms, she calls for a right of initiative for the European Parliament and a reform of the European electoral law, through which part of the MEPs should be elected via Europe-wide lists. In addition, it proposes lowering the voting age to include younger people and calls for the introduction of Europe-wide referendums .
- The EL rejects the Lisbon Treaty and calls for a discussion about possible alternatives. She advocates a right of initiative for the European Parliament and the introduction of Europe-wide referendums. The criteria of democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the candidate countries should be decisive for the continuation of the EU expansion.
- The EFA does not comment on the Lisbon Treaty, but makes several fundamental demands for institutional reforms. It emphasizes the importance of the principle of subsidiarity and calls for a stronger role for national and regional parliaments. In addition, she wants to develop the Committee of the Regions into a regional “Senate” of the EU and in future have the Commission President elected directly by the population. In addition, Catalan , Basque , Galician , Welsh and Scottish Gaelic are to be recognized as official EU languages. Furthermore, the EFA emphasizes the national right of self-determination of stateless nations and demands that the EU remain open for "internal enlargements" (ie secessions within member states). The EFA does not want to allow new extensions until these institutional reforms have been implemented.
Election systems and election results of the individual countries
Further information on the national electoral systems and results from the individual member states are listed in the respective articles:
Since the turnout in European elections is usually significantly lower than in national elections, forecasts for the European elections are also considered to be more uncertain. As a result, hardly any forecasts were made in previous European elections. In 2009, on the other hand, various institutes tried to use national polls to predict the number of seats each political group could receive after the European elections. Even if this method was problematic - partly because of the large number of necessary presumptions about the allocation of national parties to the political groups in the European Parliament - the predictions about the strengths of the political groups as a whole corresponded quite precisely to the real results.
|date||Institute||EPP-ED||SPE||ALDE||UEN||GUE-NGL||Greens / EFA||Ind / Dem||Non-attached|
|June 5, 2009||election.de||238-281||174-213||74-96||42-62||30-48||45-58||19-35||21-34|
|June 4, 2009||Predict09||262||194||85||53||40||50||23||29|
|June 1, 2009||election.de||238-282||176-215||73-97||42–52 (MER 31–37)||30-49||43-57||14-34||19-36|
|May 21, 2009||Predict09||248||207||88||62||44||42||19th||26th|
|May 7, 2009||Predict09||249||211||84||61||45||40||20th||26th|
|April 23, 2009||Predict09||251||211||85||64||46||38||18th||29|
|April 8, 2009||Predict09||249||209||87||58||48||39||17th||29|
The turnout across Europe was 43.0% and was thus just below the turnout in the 2004 European elections (45.5%). Except in Belgium and Luxembourg, where voting was compulsory and therefore participation values of 90% were achieved, participation was particularly high in Malta (78.8%) and Italy (65.1%). It was particularly low in Lithuania (21.0%) and Slovakia (19.6%).
The allocation of the seats to the parliamentary groups was not clear at first, as the membership of some national parties was unclear. In the preliminary result, which the European Parliament published shortly after the election and which was also mostly visible in the media reports, there was therefore a very high proportion of members in the “Others” group. This included - in addition to the previously non-attached MPs and the parties elected to parliament for the first time - in particular the British and Czech Conservatives (25 and 9 seats, respectively) and the Italian PD (22 seats). Otherwise, the group affiliation of the parties in the previous legislative period followed: For example, it also listed precisely those parties for the Ind / Dem group that had already belonged to this group, although it was clear that the group would only be able to continue to exist if it still existed would gain further members:
|fraction||EPP||SPE||ALDE||UEN||Greens / EFA||GUE-NGL||Ind / Dem||Others||total||voter turnout|
In the weeks after the election, the allocation of the various national parties to the parliamentary groups was gradually clarified. Among other things, the Italian PD announced its transfer to the PES Group, which renamed itself the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (S&D). As expected, the Irish FF joined the ALDE parliamentary group, the MP for the Cypriot DIKO switched from the ALDE to the S&D parliamentary group. On June 22nd, a new group of European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) was founded, which includes the British and Czech Conservatives as well as the Polish PiS and some MPs from smaller parties. This parliamentary group included several, but not all, former members of the UEN as well as some parties of the Ind / Dem parliamentary group. On July 1st, various Eurosceptic and right-wing conservative parties founded the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFD) parliamentary group , which mainly comprised former Ind / Dem, but also UEN members. This new faction is dominated by the British UKIP and the Italian Lega Nord .
The following table shows the composition of the political groups at the constituent session of the newly elected European Parliament on July 14, 2009:
|EPP||S&D||ALDE||ECR||Greens / EFA||GUE-NGL||EVS||Non-attached||total||Participation|
3 ( CD&V )
1 ( CDH )
1 ( CSP )
3 ( PS )
2 ( SP.A )
3 ( Open VLD )
2 ( MR )
|1 ( LDD )||
1 ( Groen! )
2 ( Ecolo )
1 ( N-VA )
|2 ( VB )||22nd||90.4%|
5 ( GERB )
1 ( SDS )
|4 ( BSP )||
3 ( DPS )
2 ( NDSV )
|2 ( Ataka )||17th||39.0%|
|Denmark||1 ( C )||4 ( A )||3 ( V )||2 ( F )||1 ( N )||2 ( O )||13||59.5%|
34 ( CDU )
8 ( CSU )
|23 ( SPD )||12 ( FDP )||14 ( green )||8 ( left )||99||43.3%|
|Estonia||1 ( IRL )||1 ( SDE )||
1 ( RE )
2 ( KE )
|1 ( independent )||6th||43.9%|
3 ( coc. )
1 ( KD )
|2 ( SDP )||
3 ( Kesk. )
1 ( SFP )
|2 ( Vihr. )||1 ( PS )||13||40.3%|
24 ( UMP )
3 ( NC )
2 ( LGM )
|14 ( PS )||6 ( MoDem )||14 ( EE )||
4 ( FG )
1 ( PCR )
|1 ( Libertas )||3 ( FN )||72||40.7%|
|Greece||8 ( ND )||8 ( PASOK )||1 ( green )||
2 ( KKE )
1 ( SYRIZA )
|2 ( LAOS )||22nd||52.6%|
|Ireland||4 ( FG )||3 ( Lab )||
3 ( FF )
1 ( independent )
|1 ( SP )||12||57.6%|
29 ( PdL )
5 ( UdC )
1 ( SVP )
|21 ( PD )||7 ( IdV )||9 ( LN )||72||65.1%|
1 ( JL )
2 ( PS )
|1 ( SC )||1 ( LPP / LC )||1 ( TB )||1 ( PCTVL )||1 ( SC )||8th||53.7%|
|Lithuania||4 ( TS-LKD )||3 ( LSDP )||
1 ( DP )
1 ( LRLS )
|1 ( LLRA )||2 ( TT )||12||21.0%|
|Luxembourg||3 ( CSV )||1 ( LSAP )||1 ( DP )||1 ( Déi Gréng )||6th||90.8%|
|Malta||2 ( PN )||3 ( PL-MLP )||5||78.8%|
|Netherlands||5 ( CDA )||3 ( PvdA )||
3 ( VVD )
3 ( D66 )
|1 ( CU )||3 ( GL )||2 ( SP )||1 ( SGP )||4 ( PVV )||25th||36.8%|
|Austria||6 ( ÖVP )||4 ( SPÖ )||2 ( green )||
3 ( Martin )
2 ( FPÖ )
25 ( PO )
3 ( PSL )
|7 ( SLD-UP )||15 ( PiS )||50||24.5%|
8 ( PSD )
2 ( CDS-PP )
|7 ( PS )||
2 ( CDU )
3 ( BE )
10 ( PD-L )
3 ( UDMR )
|11 ( PSD PC )||5 ( PNL )||3 ( PRM )||33||27.7%|
4 ( M )
1 ( KD )
|5 ( SAP )||
3 ( FP )
1 ( C )
2 ( MP )
1 ( PP )
|1 ( V )||18th||45.5%|
2 ( SDKÚ-DS )
2 ( KDH )
2 ( SMK )
|5 ( Smer-SD )||1 ( LS-HZDS )||1 ( SNS )||13||19.6%|
2 ( SDS )
1 ( N.Si )
|2 ( SD )||
1 ( LDS )
1 ( Zares )
|Spain||23 ( PP )||
19 ( PSOE )
2 ( PSC )
1 ( CDC )
1 ( PNV )
1 ( ERC )
1 ( ICV )
|1 ( IU )||1 ( UPyD )||50||46.0%|
|Czech Republic||2 ( KDU – ČSL )||7 ( ČSSD )||9 ( ODS )||4 ( KSČM )||22nd||28.2%|
|Hungary||14 ( Fidesz )||4 ( MSZP )||1 ( MDF )||3 ( Jobbik )||22nd||36.3%|
|United Kingdom||13 ( Lab )||11 ( LD )||
25 ( Con )
1 ( UUP )
2 ( Greens )
2 ( SNP )
1 ( PC )
|1 ( SF )||13 ( UKIP )||
2 ( BNP )
1 ( DUP )
|Cyprus||2 ( DISY )||
1 ( EDEK )
1 ( DIKO )
|2 ( AKEL )||6th||59.4%|
|fraction||EPP||S&D||ALDE||ECR||Greens / EFA||GUE-NGL||EVS||Non-attached||total||Participation|
In the event that the Lisbon Treaty and the associated redistribution of mandates among the countries came into force during the legislative period, certain agreements were made before the election: those countries that gain seats through the Lisbon Treaty would then can also send from the entry into force of the contract; Germany, which is the only country to lose seats, would be able to keep them until the 2014 European elections . According to an agreement by the European Council at the end of 2008, the additional MEPs should initially not have voting rights, but only work as observers in Parliament. They should only become full members of Parliament through a further protocol of the European Council, which would then have to be ratified by all member states.
Initially, it remained unclear by which mode the additional members would be appointed. In most of the states with only one nationwide constituency , allocation via the national electoral lists was easily possible; however, in other countries, such as France and the Netherlands, disputes arose over the allocation of the additional seats. Another problem was that the agreement reached by the European Council held out the prospect of further options for subsequent nominations, such as an ad hoc by-election or the appointment of additional members by the national parliaments. The national conflicts over the appointment of the additional MEPs meant that, even after the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, it was initially unclear when the additional MEPs would start their work in Parliament.
According to the results of the European elections, the EPP parliamentary group would gain eight seats, the S&D four to five, the Greens / EFA two to three, the ECR one, and two more non-attached MEPs.
|EPP||S&D||ALDE||ECR||Greens / EFA||GUE-NGL||EVS||Non-attached||total|
|Bulgaria||1 ( DSB for SK )||1|
|France||1 ( UMP )||1 ( EELV for EE )||2|
|Italy||1 ( UdC )||1|
|Latvia||1 ( PS )||1|
|Malta||1 ( PL-MLP )||1|
|Netherlands||1 ( PVV )||1|
|Austria||1 ( SPÖ )||1 ( BZÖ )||2|
|Poland||1 ( PSL )||1|
|Slovenia||1 ( SDS )||1|
1 ( PP )
1 ( UDC )
|2 ( PSOE )||4th|
|Sweden||1 ( SAP )||1 ( PP )||2|
|United Kingdom||1 ( Con )||1|
|fraction||EPP||S&D||ALDE||ECR||Greens / EFA||GUE-NGL||EVS||Non-attached||total|
The election result undermined the hope expressed by the ELDR leadership before the elections for a stable two-party coalition with the EPP or PES, as only the EPP and PES as a two-party alliance still have a majority in parliament. However, the “grand coalition” was also called into question in the days after the election when the PES group leader Martin Schulz announced that he would reject a new term of office for the Christian Democratic commission president José Manuel Barroso. Instead, the Social Democrats would support a possible candidacy from the liberal former Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt . Barroso was also rejected from the European Green Party and the liberal ALDE parliamentary group and support for Verhofstadt was expressed. However, Verhofstadt himself did not comment and instead took over the chairmanship of the ALDE parliamentary group a little later.
Although the European Council nominated Barroso for a new Commission presidency at its June summit shortly after the elections, Parliament postponed the vote on his confirmation to September 2009. After Barroso had responded to the demands of Liberal and Socialist MPs in a programmatic paper during the summer , he was finally re-elected on September 16, 2009 by parliament by secret ballot. He had the declared support of EPP, ALDE and ECR as well as the Spanish and Portuguese MPs of the S&D. The majority of the S&D MPs abstained; Greens / EFA, GUE / NGL and EFD voted by a majority against Barroso. After the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty in November 2009, the other members of the Barroso II Commission were nominated.
The office of Parliamentary President was also initially controversial after the elections, as there were two different candidates within the EPP ( Mario Mauro from Italy and Jerzy Buzek from Poland ) and, due to the conflict over Barroso, neither S&D nor ALDE could easily become one Election of the EPP candidate were ready. In the ALDE group, Graham Watson initially maintained his own pre-election right to office and only gave it up in the course of negotiations between the group leaders. Ultimately, the chairmen of the three largest parliamentary groups EPP, S&D and ALDE agreed that Jerzy Buzek would take over the parliamentary presidency in the first half of the legislative period and be replaced by a social democrat from 2012. Buzek was elected on July 14, 2009.
- Rudolf Hrbek : European elections 2009. More than the sum of national secondary elections? , in: integration 32 (2009), pp. 193-209.
- Markus Glück: EU election campaign 2009 - An Austrian perspective , Verlag Peter Lang, 2011, ISBN 978-3631616789
- Oskar Niedermayer : European elections 2009 - connections, results and consequences . 2009, online (pdf)
- Official website of the European Parliament for the 2009 European elections
- "European Election 2009" dossier from the Federal Agency for Civic Education
- Information portal on political education - information on voting
- European elections - Your decision ( Memento from May 5, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) - Information from the European Information Center (EIZ) Lower Saxony
- Scientific services of the German Bundestag: The current term No. 21/09 from March 11, 2009: The elections to the European Parliament in the EU member states ( Memento from June 12, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 116 kB)
- Special Eurobarometer 299 - The European elections 2009 (PDF; 1.62 MB)
- Election 2009 (ARD, May 25, 2009)
- cf. EP meeting calendar 2009 ( memento of 19 July 2011 in the Internet Archive )
- Act introducing general direct elections for Members of the European Parliament in the annex to Decision 76/787 / ECSC, EEC, Euratom (PDF) Official Journal of the European Communities, L 283, October 2002
- BGBl. 2008 I p. 2414
- " in diversity: the rules for elections to the European Parliament" , Europarl website, March 4, 2009.
- EP meetings 2009 ( Memento of July 19, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
- See Act on the Conditions of Accession of the Republic of Bulgaria and Romania and the Adjustments to the Treaties on which the European Union is based (PDF) Official Journal of the European Union, L 157.
- See the conclusions of the European Council of 11/12 December 2008, Annex 1 (PDF; 194 kB).
- See conclusions of the European Council of 18./19. June 2009 (PDF; 260 kB), Annex 4 (page 25).
- EurActiv , May 25, 2009: Eurosceptics demonize 'phantom MPs' .
- The Liberal Forum is not for the European elections. Instead, the LiF MP has expressed her support for the Young Liberals .
- Interview: National politics will determine the 2009 European elections. EurActiv 14 May 2008, archived from the original on 11 October 2008 ; accessed on May 15, 2015 .
- ELDR election manifesto. (PDF) Archived from the original on April 16, 2009 ; accessed on May 15, 2015 . see. even European liberals put election program in 2009. EurActiv 5 Nov 2008, archived from the original on 8 Jan 2009 ; accessed on May 15, 2015 .
- EL election platform ( Memento of April 16, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) (in English).
- PES election manifesto ( Memento of November 8, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), cf. also EurActiv, 2 December 2008: Interview: Social Democrats go 'confidently' in the 2009 EU elections ( memento of 8 January 2009 in the Internet Archive ).
- Draft EPP Election Document 2009 ("EPP election manifesto"). (PDF, 329 kB) European People's Party , January 30, 2009, archived from the original on May 29, 2009 ; accessed on May 10, 2015 .
- cf. also Euractiv, February 2, 2009: Environmentally friendly economy Electoral topic of the EPP in EU elections ( Memento of February 10, 2009 in the Internet Archive ). The manifesto is the draft of the party leadership; the final adoption is to take place at the EPP party congress at the end of April.
- EGP election manifesto ( Memento of March 6, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) (in English), cf. also Green basket before election program. EurActiv April 1, 2009, archived from the original on April 10, 2009 ; accessed on May 15, 2015 .
- See the campaign homepage .
- EurActiv, Dec 2008: No Socialist candidate for Commission presidency? ( Memento from November 23, 2009 in the Internet Archive ).
- Interview: European Parliament needs an 'ideological coalition'. EurActiv 6 Nov 2008, archived from the original on 4 May 2009 ; accessed on May 15, 2015 .
- Watson is running for presidency in the European Parliament. EurActiv 8 Jan 2009, archived from the original on 12 Feb 2009 ; accessed on May 15, 2015 .
- EurActiv, November 28, 2008: EU elections in June: PES prepared for clashes with 'anti-socialist alliance' ( Memento of January 20, 2010 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv, May 13, 2009: Socialist group wants name change after the EU elections ( memento of July 31, 2012 in the web archive archive.today ).
- Report on the PD homepage ( Memento of January 3, 2009 in the Internet Archive ), December 1, 2008 (in Italian).
- EurActiv, Jan 12, 2009: British Conservatives in the EPP-ED: Will They Stay or Go? ( Memento of February 4, 2009 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv June 2, 2009: New pan-European Eurosceptic alliance takes shape .
- The Irish Fianna Fail Becomes member of ELDR. In: Website of the European Liberal Democrats. April 16, 2009, archived from the original on January 18, 2012 ; accessed on May 10, 2015 .
- . See also EurActiv, May 6, 2009: European election programs in 2009 at a glance ( Memento of 20 November 2009 at the Internet Archive ), and in particular: election manifesto of the PES , election manifesto of the EPP ( Memento of 29 May 2009 at the Internet Archive ) , ELDR election manifesto ( Memento of November 20, 2009 in the Internet Archive ), EL election platform ( Memento of April 16, 2009 in the Internet Archive ), EGP election manifesto ( Memento of November 23, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) (in English), EFA election manifesto ( Memento from September 15, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (in English; PDF; 226 kB). The national member parties of the European parties mostly had their own national European election programs.
- Election.de .
- Post-election analysis by Predict09.eu ( Memento from August 26, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
- Graphic of the survey results on Election.de
- Homepage of the PD, June 11, 2009 Una casa in Europa ( Memento from September 8, 2012 in the web archive archive.today ) (in Italian).
- EurActiv, 23 Jun 2009: Anti-Federalist Group in Parliament: A Fragile Coalition? ( Memento from September 18, 2011 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv, July 2, 2009: Right-wing extremists set up a group in the European Parliament ( Memento of July 9, 2009 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv , November 6, 2009: Additional MEPs are political 'nightmare' ( memento of January 20, 2010 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv, June 10, 2009: Support for Verhofstadt as Barroso's successor is growing ( Memento of June 23, 2009 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv, July 17, 2009: EU Parliament puts Barroso's application on hold ( memento of April 4, 2011 in the Internet Archive ).
- EurActiv, 16 Sep 2009: Barroso elected by a Lisbon majority .
- EurActiv, 14 July 2009: Historical step: Poland takes over the parliamentary presidency ( memento of 20 November 2009 in the Internet Archive ).