Socialist Partij

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Socialist party
Lilian Marijhnen
Party leader Lilian Marijhnen
Party leader Ron Meyer
Group Chairman, Second Chamber Lilian Marijhnen
Chairman of the First Chamber Tiny Kox
EP Head of Delegation Dennis de Jong
founding October 10, 1971
Alignment Democratic socialism
Social democracy
Left-wing populism
Colours) red
Sit in the First Chamber
Sit in the second chamber
Seats in the European Parliament
Number of members 36,286

The Socialistische Partij (SP) ( German  Socialist Party ) is a left-wing political party in the Netherlands . It has been an opposition party in the Second Chamber since 1994 .

It has its roots in the Maoist movement of the 1970s. Since the 1990s, it has stood for moderate democratic socialism , which, according to the guiding principles of the party, is based on the values ​​of "human dignity, equality and solidarity". The SP exercises fundamental criticism of capitalism and calls for a general democratization of society, including economic life . It is often classified as left-wing populist . Since the beginning of the 2000s, the SP has continued to "social democratize" and is now described as a classic social democratic party that takes the former position of the Partij van de Arbeid (PvdA) or is establishing itself as a left-wing alternative to it. The populist element, on the other hand, has declined.



The foundations of the SP were laid in 1964 by the pipe fitter Daan Monjé and Nico Schrevel , two activists of the Communist Partij van Nederland (CPN). Monjé had contact with the Chinese embassy in the Netherlands and was able to travel to the People's Republic, where he became a member of Mao's Red Guard . Inspired by the teachings of Mao Zedong , they came up with the idea of founding a Marxist-Leninist center in the Netherlands , which was set up in 1965 as the Marxist-Leninist Centrum Nederland (MLCN).

The Dutch intelligence service (then Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst , BVD) contributed to the growth of the group through an informal employee . The BVD saw the CPN as a threat to democracy and planned to weaken the influence of the CPN by strengthening the Maoists. This informal worker, Frits Hoekstra, was responsible for setting up stable structures in Amsterdam and was even elected to the party executive committee. He was exposed in 1968.

In 1970 the MLCN split into the Communist Unity Movement of the Netherlands (KEN), led by Monjé and Schrevel, and the Marxist-Leninist Party of the Netherlands (MLPN). With the help of a violent and successful strike by the Rotterdam dock workers, KEN quickly gained nationwide fame. The unions and the CPN had previously refused to assist the strikers. Monjé, who did not hold an official position in the new party, traveled again to the People's Republic of China and received 400,000 guilders in support. Some of the money was immediately used to buy a printing press.

After a dispute between him and Schrevel, Monjé left the KEN in 1971 and founded the “Kommunistiese Partij Nederland / Marxisties Leninisties” (KPN), a forerunner of the SP , in October of the same year . The subject of the dispute that led to the separation was the role of intellectuals in the communist class struggle . Monjé, mainly supported by a group in Nijmegen , was of the opinion that foremen or intellectuals were not the vanguard of the working class , but their rearguard , which also resulted in the obligation to physical labor. Schrevel, supported by the group in Tilburg , declined this commitment.

The early years of the SP

The KPN was founded by Monjé and Hans van Hooft sr. and Koos van Zomere , both of whom came from the Nijmegen group. Van Hooft became party chairman and represented the party externally. Monjé proved to be skillful and talented in financial matters. For example, pamphlets were no longer distributed for free, but sold. A fixed circle of subscribers quickly formed, thus providing the party with a steady income. The sentence: “ een actie zichzelf moet bedruipen ” (= an action has to be self- supporting ) became the guiding motto of KPN. For example, bystanders were encouraged to donate by campaigns , a novelty on the political scene at the time. Monje also had financial reserves from the amount he had received in the People's Republic of China in 1970. It was rumored that he kept this money in the freezer compartment of his refrigerator. Due to the overall good financial situation, a building in Rotterdam was acquired in 1976 that still serves as the party headquarters today.

On October 22, 1972, the party renamed itself Socialistiese Partij (SP), which is now the day the party was founded. The reasons for the renaming were that the party wanted to be less firmly committed to a certain ideology, it also became apparent that a name with three different -isms was difficult to understand and possibly frightened voters from the working class. With a stronger focus on popular topics and the establishment of several support organizations (in jargon: "mass organizations"), the SP became by far the most successful Maoist group in the Netherlands. By the late 1970's it already had several thousand members. The mass organizations were set up to avoid the potentially daunting label “socialist”, especially in the conservative Noord-Brabant . The most important shell organization was its own union: " Arbeidersmacht ".


From 1975 a process began which the historian Gerrit Voerman calls " Demaoïsatie " (= demaoization). Mao was no longer revered as an infallible saint, but was critically questioned. This year the SP criticized the People's Republic for the first time when it denounced abuses in foreign policy to the Chinese ambassador. The point of criticism was that China publicly opposed the Soviet Union in the Sino-Soviet rift instead of criticizing the capitalist world. The warm welcome that Richard Nixon received in Beijing on February 29, 1972 came as a shock to the SP. When Mao called on the Western Maoist groups to support NATO , a break occurred.

In the 1980s, Monjé's influence within the party steadily declined. The center of the party had meanwhile moved to the industrial city of Oss , where the party had been elected to the local council since 1974. Mainly responsible for this success was the former welder Jan Marijektiven. After Monjé's death in 1986, he took over the party's day-to-day business. Unlike Schrevel or Monjé, he was hardly interested in the theory of socialism. The term “Maoist” disappeared completely from the party's vocabulary under his leadership. Ruud Koole counted the SP as early as 1985 in his book: Politieke partijen in Nederland (Political Parties of the Netherlands) only for “historical reasons” among the communist parties.

Guest work and capital

In 1983 the SP published a much-noticed report Gastarbeid en kapitaal (Gastarbeit und Kapital), in which the role of guest workers within the class struggle was analyzed. The report concluded that immigrant workers need to integrate into Dutch society and culture. He even demanded from them that they: “ A waardevolle bijdrage leveren in de strijd that de workers must be brought before the capitalist systeem. “(To make a valuable contribution in the struggle that workers will have to wage against the capitalist system). Anyone who is not prepared to do so should leave the country, but receive a premium of NLG 75,000 and part of the social security contributions paid back in order to be able to build a new life in their home country.

The brochure sparked a storm of indignation. The former party paper of the CPN, De Waarheid , accused the SP of having brought itself close to the right-wing extremist Hans Janmaat . Other media used the term " crypto-fascism " in relation to writing. However, this bad press could not slow the rise of the SP. Jan Marijnis quoted this critical report again in 2001, after the rise of Pim Fortuyn , in the sense that the SP recognized the “integration problem” very early on.

Nationwide upswing

In 1991 the party revised its principles and turned away from Marxism-Leninism. Instead, the basic values ​​of human dignity, human equality and solidarity became the new guiding principles. Internally, the party became more democratic by abolishing the difference between “ Dutch steunleden ” (= supporters) and party members. After this step, the party developed into the fifth largest party in the Netherlands in terms of members. In March 1993 it was renamed the Socialist Partij , as the previous spelling, based on phonetic transcription, was seen as outdated.

Developments in other parties also made it easy for the SP to distinguish itself as the Workers' Party of the Netherlands. The Partij van de Arbeid (PvdA) under Wim Kok had turned more and more to the middle , the CPN was more concerned with ecological issues and moved away from the working class. This created a left vacuum that the SP could fill.

The SP was able to move into the Second Chamber for the first time in 1994 with two MPs, Jan Marijnisse and Remi Poppe . The campaign slogan was: “ stem tegen, stem SP ” (vote against it, choose SP). After the elections on May 6, 1998, the parliamentary group increased to five seats, and in the 2002 elections nine members were elected to the Chamber. On January 22, 2003, the SP failed to gain votes for the first time, but retained its new seats and became the third strongest force due to losses from the other parties. In this election, the slogan “ stem vóór, stem SP ” (Vote for, Vote SP) was an attempt to dismantle the party 's image against it. In the elections for the Second Chamber on November 22, 2006, the SP achieved a great success, increased its seats to 25 and remained the third largest party.

Members of the SP at a demonstration in Brussels in March 2005

The number of members of the SP grew steadily and quickly: in 2002 it had 27,291 members, on December 4, 2003 it was 43,000. On New Year's Eve 2004 there were 44,299 and the party became the third largest in the Netherlands after members (fourth largest between 2003 and 2004). The 50,000 mark was broken shortly after the November 2006 elections. In 2007 there were over 52,000 SP employees.

After the change initiated by Jan Marijektiven, the party became interesting for large parts of the traditional left. The membership structure of the SP is heterogeneous and ranges from religious socialists , feminists , altermondialists , trade unionists , revolutionary socialists to squatters .

Conflict and Change

In the 2003 elections for the Second Chamber, the SP won nine seats. After MP Ali Lazrak was expelled from the parliamentary group after a conflict with Marijnisse in 2004 and henceforth formed a one-man parliamentary group, the SP parliamentary group was weakened by one mandate. In September 2005, Piet de Ruiter resigned from the Second Chamber for health reasons. His successor was Ewout Irrgang, who had been at number twelve in the election.

Jan Marijnis was in almost all recent elections to which the SP ran (1989, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2003 and 2006), on the list. He was President (" Voorzitter ") and party leader , the SP, the title “ Voorzitter ” is an honorary title without a function within the SP. The day-to-day business is led by the party secretary . For many years, Marijhnen held the leading role within the party and was considered to be partly responsible for the party's success. In 2005 the former coordinator of the XminY Solidarity Fund , Hans van Heijningen, was elected party secretary.

Image of society

According to the statutes of the SP:

Article 3: Doel en middelen

  1. De vereniging stelt zich ten doel het verwezenlijken van een socialist maatschappij in Nederland, een maatschappij waarin de menselijke waardigheid, de gelijkwaardigheid van mensen en de solidariteit tussen mensen daadwerkelijk gestalte krijgen.
  2. De vereniging tracht het doel te bereiken door:
    • het organiseren van activiteiten on the primair de volking van Nederland, en secundair de volking van other landen;
    • het deelnemen aan verkiezingen
    • For all other competitive middelen the aan het doel van de vereniging bevorderlijk can zijn, one and other in de ruimste zin van het woord.
(freely translated)

Article 3: Aims and Paths

  1. Our association aims to create a socialist society in the Netherlands, a society in which human dignity, human equality and interpersonal solidarity really take shape.
  2. Our association tries to achieve this goal:
    • by organizing activities that primarily affect the residents of the Netherlands and secondarily the population of other countries,
    • by taking part in elections,
    • by any other legal means that may be conducive to the goal of our association, in the best sense of the word.

In addition, the SP formulates the vision of wanting to see “people in their entirety” ( heel de mens ) . This aspect was first formulated in 1999 by the SP Congress. These new core aspects of politics are a break with Handvest 2000 , the SP's old policy program. Classic socialist demands such as the nationalization of production goods are still formulated there. Old revolutionary concepts have been abolished and the model is now a “ democratisering van de economie ” (= democratization of the economy). Ultimately, this means transferring the factories and production goods into the hands of the workers, and possibly even the consumers. The SP is still clearly to the left of the PvdA. Nevertheless, the development is moving towards the vision of a left social democracy.

The SP's greatest fear is a division of society into rich and poor who can no longer participate in the areas of health, care and education.


The following statements refer to the 2006 election platform.

Economic and social policy

The key word for the SP is "social security". For this reason, the second labor market and the low-wage sector are to be curtailed - these employment relationships are to be converted into regular work from which the employees can also live. Small entrepreneurs should be given more support and tax breaks. Income should be more closely aligned, for example through tax increases for high earners.

Domestic politics

The SP believes that human fates such as poverty or disorientation are always behind crime . That is why it does not make sense to find harsh punishments for criminals, but to combat poverty preventively and deal with imbalances. The SP rejects preventive criminalization of society, for example through massive video surveillance. However, the SP shows no mercy for terrorists either.

Foreign policy

The SP sees that the European Union (EU) is becoming increasingly important. This also means a loss of sovereignty for the Netherlands. The SP feels a neoliberalism imposed by the EU , which it rejects. She also rejects the development of the EU into a military power, in whose missions abroad the Netherlands has always participated. Instead of a European "superstate", it wants peaceful coexistence, sovereign peoples who can live their own cultural identity. The SP was involved in the successful campaign against the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe , which led to the rejection of the Treaty in the Netherlands in a referendum on June 1, 2005.

NATO , too, sees the SP critically as a “globally operating aggressive intervention power”. She planned to present an alternative defense strategy for the 60th anniversary of NATO in 2009.

In addition, the SP calls for a strengthening of the United Nations and compliance with the target of spending 0.7% of gross national income on development cooperation.

Extra-parliamentary work

A central pillar of the SP is extra-parliamentary work, it is downright characteristic of the party. Forms of this are above all free social services, such as help for the socially disadvantaged with filling out applications, cooperation with the Voedselbank (corresponds to the German "Tafel" for low-income people) in cooperation with the churches or general help for old and frail people, but also other forms of charity . Other forms of extra-parliamentary work relate to politics, such as actions and campaigns on current issues, demonstrations , but also public self-criticism . SP parliamentarians have to show themselves on the street, otherwise they have no chance of keeping their office. Almost all party members are involved in at least one form of this work or are actively involved in the further development of the party program.

In 1994 the historian Voerman described the way the SP worked as populist . He sees a strong identification with the common people, the working class. He sees reasons for this in the party's Maoist roots. Based on a quote attributed to Mao (“The revolutionary must move in the masses like a fish in water.”) Jan Marijektiven said in 1974: “ Het gaat er niet om wat wij vinden, maar wat de mensen van ons s sake ” (“ It's not about what we think, but about what people want from us. ”).

Party structure

The party congress adopts the basic program, decides on the election program and draws up election lists .

Party council

The highest body between the party congresses is the party council ( partijraad ), which meets at least four times a year. The party council consists of the chairmen of the individual SP departments and the party executive committee, which also chairs the meetings of the council. Every representative of a department has the right to vote, usually simply voting and the votes are counted. On request, however, a weighted vote can be adopted in which each department only has one vote. The members of the party executive committee always have one vote per person.


The party executive committee consists of five members with a special function (management of day-to-day affairs), ten ordinary board members, 21 regional executive boards and the group chairmen of the First Chamber, Second Chamber and the group in the European Parliament . He usually meets once a month. His tasks include preparing the meetings of the party council and the congress and implementing their resolutions. He is accountable to the party council.

Executive Committee

The day-to-day business is carried out by an executive committee ( dagelijks bestuur ), which is part of the party executive committee . In addition to Jan Marijnisse as president, it consists of party secretary Hans van Heijningen, treasurer Marga van Broekhoven , department secretary Rosita van Gijlswijk , training secretary Riet de Wit and Renske Leijten for the youth organization ROOD, jong in de SP .

Logo of the SP youth.

Scientific office

The SP also maintains a scientific office called Wetenschappelijk Bureau van de SP . It has only a few employees, but regularly publishes the publication Spanning , which is free for party officials and others can subscribe to for a fee.

Youth organization

In 2003 the youth organization ROOD, jong in de SP was founded . The group had existed since 1999 under the name jongereninitiatief in the SP . It currently has around 1,800 members.

MPs of the SP

Strict rules apply to members of the SP who hold a paid position because of their party membership, such as members of parliament . Corresponds to its function of a full day place as members of the Second Chamber or aldermen , drop the diets to the party, which then pays the parliamentarians a Dutch average salary. Members of the local council who only receive an expense allowance hand it in and receive 25% of the expense allowance back from the party. However, if this does not cover actual expenses such as travel expenses, these additional expenses will also be reimbursed.

Second chamber

In the election of the Second Chamber on March 15, 2017, 14 candidates from the Socialist Party were successful:

First chamber

In 1995 the SP was able to send Jan de Wit a senator to the First Chamber of the States General , the upper house of the Dutch parliament, for the first time . Since the 2015 election, the SP parliamentary group has consisted of nine MPs:

European Parliament

In 2009 the SP was able to send two members to the European Parliament (one seat in 1999, two in 2004). However, Kartika Liotard resigned from the party in 2010, so that currently only Dennis de Jong as a member of the Confederal Group of the European United Left (GUE / NGL) represented the SP in Brussels and Strasbourg.

Dennis de Jong (Head of EP Delegation) and Anne-Marie Mineur have represented the SP in the European Parliament since 2014 .

Provincial Parliaments

SP election party in the Provinciehuis Arnhem 2011.

The SP is represented in all twelve provincial parliaments ( Provinciale Staten ). The most recent election took place in 2011. The socialists are involved in two provincial governments ( Gedeputeerde Staten ): in Noord-Brabant and Zuid-Holland.

province Seats of the SP Total seats
Drenthe 4th 41
Flevoland 3 39
Fryslân 3 43
Gelderland 5 55
Groningen 6th 43
Limburg 6th 47
North Brabant 8th 55
North Holland 5 55
Overijssel 4th 47
Utrecht 4th 47
Zeeland 3 39
South Holland 5 55
total 56 566

Local councils

The party represents 24 councilors in the municipalities of Eindhoven , Groningen , Nijmegen , Haarlem , Zaanstad , suffering , Oss , Hilversum , Schiedam , Doesburg , Wijk bij Duurstede , Boxmeer , Boxtel , Tilburg , Valkenburg , Vught , Pekela and Reiderland . In Menterwolde , the SP deputy Lian Veenstra resigned in July 2006 after disagreements within the parliamentary group regarding the election of the new mayor.

In addition, the SP has 345 municipal councilors in 96 municipalities, as well as 32 councilors in the district councils in Amsterdam and Rotterdam . The SP does not have a mayor in the Netherlands.

Election results

Elections to the Second Chamber

Information from Databank Verkiezingsuitlagen .

year Top candidate be right percent Seats
1977 Remi Poppe 24,420 0.2 0
1981 Hans van Hooft sr. 30,357 0.3 0
1982 Hans van Hooft sr. 44,690 0.5 0
1986 Hans van Hooft sr. 31,983 0.3 0
1989 Jan Marijhnen 38,789 0.4 0
1994 Jan Marijhnen 118,738 1.3 2
1998 Jan Marijhnen 303.703 3.5 5
2002 Jan Marijhnen 560,447 5.9 9
2003 Jan Marijhnen 609.723 6.3 9
2006 Jan Marijhnen 1,624,349 16.6 25th
2010 Emile Roemer 924,977 9.8 15th
2012 Emile Roemer 909.853 9.7 15th
2017 Emile Roemer 955.633 9.1 14th


The party is particularly successful in the south-east of the Netherlands, for example in Oss , where the party leader Jan Marijektiven lives. In Heerlen , Province of Limburg, the SP was able to achieve its highest share of the vote in 2010 of 31.7 percent. In 2012, Boxmeer , province of Noord-Brabant, was at the top with 31.6 percent. The SP traditionally achieves the lowest percentage of votes in the so-called Bible belt .


Development of the number of members

In terms of members, the SP is the third largest party in the Netherlands.

Number of members
1992 15,122
1993 15,517
1994 15,978
1995 16,899
1996 17.056
1997 19,926
1998 21,975
1999 25.052
2000 26,198
2001 26,553
2002 27.291
2003 36,406
2004 43,389
2005 44,299
2006 44,853
2007 50,740
2008 50,328
2009 50,444
2010 46.507
2011 46,308
2012 44,186
2013 45,815
2014 44,242
2015 42,679
2016 41,710
2017 39,571
2018 36,465
2019 36,286


By 1976 the SP used a series of stylized portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao. This picture was found as decoration on the front page of the Tribune , the party sheet. Hammer and sickle were not used at all, or very rarely, because of the connection to Soviet communism. After 1976, a stylized red flag was used as a symbol until the tomato was introduced in 1994. The youth organization ROOD has been using a small red star as a logo since 2006 .

The tomato

The SP has been using a tomato as a logo since 1994 . The tomato is said to be a symbol of the protest . At the same time the slogan: " stem tegen, stem SP " (= choose against, choose SP) was introduced. At the same time, the party also used a red sign with the letters SP; but this sign was steadily superseded by the tomato. This continued to develop: the attachment point of the fruit stalk was inclined more and more and the tomato was increasingly provided with stripes that were supposed to symbolize movement - this gave the impression of a tomato flung to the right.

The tomato logo was regularly drawn on promotional items such as posters or T-shirts on a blue background. In 2002 the old slogan was replaced by: " stem vóór, stem SP " (= choose for it, choose SP). This step should further develop the image of the party from a pure opposition party to an alternative, also for a government.

The SP has been working with the Thonik advertising agency since 2006 . This led to a radical advancement of the SP design. The flying tomato has been replaced by a variant with a star as a starting point. It is hardly recognizable as a tomato. Overall, the new logo is clearer and less playful, the tomato is smaller and is to the right behind the lettering, where it stands like a dot . The aim of the changes was to further develop the SP's image as a party against it into a real left-wing alternative. At the same time, the SP's website was redesigned. The Helvetica font is now used for lettering, including on posters or giveaways such as coffee mugs . The new background color is white. Overall, red font is always used on a neutral background. Thonik was awarded the Dutch Design Prijs for the SP's 2006 election campaign .


On October 20, 2006 the Oss artist Joep van Lieshout presented a trailer in Amsterdam in the form of a huge beefsteak tomato. The so- called SoeP-Express is made of polyester and has a small kitchen inside. Here a tomato soup is prepared according to a recipe by Johannes van Dam, a Dutch restaurant critic. The soup is vegan , kosher and halal . It is produced in a very small factory. The SP can use the SoeP-Express for advertising purposes.

Party newspaper

The SP party leaflet is called the Tribune and is sent out regularly to all party members. The name is based on the CPN publication of the same name , which appeared until 1935. The KEN ( Kommunistiese Eenheids Moving Nederland ) party sheet was also called the Rode Tribune . In the early years of the SP the paper was sold and formed a regular source of income.


  • Clemens Wirries: A party for the “common people” - the Socialist Partij in the Netherlands . In: Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (eds.): From Revolution to Coalition. Left parties in Europe , Dietz-Verlag, Berlin 2010, pp. 197–216. (PDF; 1.3 MB)

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Socialist Party (SP). In: Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen (DNPP). University of Groningen , February 12, 2019, accessed on February 23, 2019 (Dutch).
  3. ^ Frank Decker : From the phenomenon of protest to permanent political phenomenon: Right and left populism in Western Europe . In: Uwe Backes , Alexander Gallus , Eckhard Jesse (eds.): Yearbook Extremism & Democracy , Volume 27 (2015), Nomos, Baden-Baden 2015, ISBN 978-3-8487-2522-9 , pp. 57-72 , here: p. 59.
  4. Paul Lucardie: Populism in the party system in Germany and the Netherlands. In: From Politics and Contemporary History , No. 35–36 / 2007.
  5. Gerrit Voerman: Left Populism in Comparison. The Dutch Socialist Partij (SP) and the German Left. In: Populism in Modern Democracy. The Netherlands and Germany in comparison Waxmann, Münster 2011, pp. 179–204.
  6. Simon Otjes, Tom Louwerse: Populists in Parliament. Comparing Left-Wing and Right-Wing Populism in the Netherlands. In: Political Studies , Volume 63, No. 1, March 2015, pp. 60–79.
  7. Gerrit Voerman, Paul Lucardie: De sociaal-democratisering van de SP . (PDF) In: Lost slag. De PvdA en de Verkiezingen van November 2006. Wiardi Beckman Stichting, Amsterdam 2007, pp. 139–164.
  8. Merijn Oudenampsen: Explaining the Swing to the Right. The Dutch Debate on the Rise of Right-wing Populism. In: Right-Wing Populism in Europe. Politics and Discourse. Bloomsbury, London / New York 2013, pp. 191–208, at p. 202.
  9. ^ Teun Pauwels: Populism in Western Europe. Comparing Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2014, pp. 49-50.
  10. ^ Stijn van Kessel: Populist Parties in Europe. Agents of Discontent? Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke (Hampshire) / New York 2015, p. 113.
  11. Wouter Beekers: What are the SP and BVD met elkaar te maken? . In: Tribune . December 17, 2004 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]).
  12. Eighth het masker van Marij possibly . In: Elsevier . November 11, 2006.
  14. Antoine Verbij: Tien rode jaren: links radicalisme in Nederland 1970–1980 . Ambo, Amsterdam 2005, ISBN 90-263-1748-4 .
  15. Gerrit Voerman: De "rode jehova's": een geschiedenis van de Socialistiese Partij . In: Jaarboek 1984 DNPP . Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen, Groningen 1984 ( [PDF; accessed on July 5, 2007]).
  16. Other Tijden: Daan en zijn onderdanen. A portrait of the grondlegger of the SP . September 11, 2001 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]).
  17. ^ Ruud Koole: Politieke partijen in Nederland: ontstaan ​​en ontwikkeling van partijen en partijstelsel . Het Spectrum, Utrecht 1995.
  18. SP (Ed.): Gastarbeid en Kapitaal . Rotterdam 1983 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]).
  19. P. van der Steen: De doorbraak van de 'gewone mensen'-partij: De SP en de Tweede-Kamerverkiezingen van 1994 . In: Gerrit Voerman (Ed.): Jaarboek 1994 DNPP . Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen, Groningen 1995.
  20. ^ Jan Marijhaben: 50,000 . In: Jan Marijnis weblog . November 29, 2006 ( 50,000 [accessed July 5, 2007]).
  21. ^ 9e Congres van de SP (Ed.): Heel de mens . December 18, 1999 ( [accessed July 12, 2007]). ( Memento of the original dated October 30, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  22. Susan Watkins: Continental tremors . In: New Left Review . tape 33 , June 5, 2005 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]).
  23. a b SP (Ed.): Verkiezingsprogramma van de SP 2006-2010 . October 2006, p. 68 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]). ( Memento of the original from June 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  24. Servaas Storm, Ro Naastepad: The Dutch distress . In: New Left Review . tape 20 , April 3, 2003, pp. 131–151 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]).
  25. a b Gerrit Voerman: PvdA hopes SP-succes niet gelaten te accepteren . In: Lokaal bestuur . tape 18 , no. 6 , 1994, pp. 4–7 ( online [PDF; accessed July 5, 2007]).
  26. Gerrit Voerman, P. Lucardie: De sociaaldemocratisering van de SP . In: F. Becker, R. Cuperus (eds.): De Verloren Slag . Mets en Schilt / Wiardi Beckman Stichting, 2007, p. 150 .
  27. Election results report (PDF; 715 kB), accessed on March 22, 2017
  28. ^ SP parliamentary group website of the First Chamber
  29. Historical election statistics Databank Verkiezingsuitslagen, accessed on September 15, 2012
  30. January 1st. Rijksuniversiteit Groningen (ed.): SP ledentallen per jaar (1992-) . February 12, 2019 ( [accessed February 23, 2019]).
  31. SP (ed.): Tribune, socialisties nieuwsblad . January 1976.
  32. (ed.): Designprijs Rotterdam naar Thonik . July 4, 2007 ( [accessed July 5, 2007]). ( Memento of the original from September 28, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /