Communist Party of Greece
|Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας
Communist Party of Greece
|Secretary General||Dimitris Koutsoumbas|
|founding||1918 (1924 under today's name)|
|Headquarters||Leoforos Irakleiou 145, Athens ( Nea Ionia ) 14231|
|Youth organization||Communist Youth of Greece (KNE)|
|International connections||earlier: Comintern ,
today: International meeting of communist and workers' parties
|European party||Initiative of communist and workers' parties in Europe|
The Communist Party of Greece ( Greek Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας Kommounistikó Kómma Elládas , short KKE or KKE) is the oldest political party in Greece . It is one of the most important and at the same time most radical communist parties in Europe.
Theoretical orientation and program
Building on its role in the history of modern Greece, the party still represents communist theses in the tradition of international Marxism and Leninism . Accordingly, it does not see itself as reformist or Eurocommunist , but as revolutionary , and thus strives for the overthrow or the complete abolition of the capitalist social order. The left party rejects the policies of the USA, the European Union and NATO , was a staunch opponent of the wars against Yugoslavia, Iraq and Afghanistan and instead shows solidarity with the left-wing governments of Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia. The inner party's immediate goals are free and public education, a high minimum wage of 1,300 euros and a high minimum pension, the fight against social discrimination against the numerous, mostly Albanian or Russian-Greek immigrants, the welfare state and decisive action against drugs. At the same time, however, the KKE publicly advocates the thesis that a final positive development in favor of the working population can only take place through the (revolutionary) takeover of power by the large majority of the people and a democratically controlled economy in state and collective hands.
In the interwar period
On November 4, 1918 , today's KKE was initially founded under the name SEKE (Σοσιαλιστικό Εργατικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας, Socialist Workers' Party of Greece) by Avraam Benaroya . The first political act of greater weight was the party's engagement against the Greco-Turkish War , in which the Greek monarchy tried to annex Asia Minor in a catastrophically failed military expedition. SEKE called on the soldiers to turn their backs on the war, which was understood as imperialist, by desertion and instead to turn their weapons against their own king. In 1920 the 2nd Party Congress decided to join the Third International and expanded its name to SEKE-K (Σοσιαλιστικό Εργατικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας-Κομμουνιστικό, Socialist Workers' Party of Greece-Communist). At the Third Party Congress in 1924, the party officially adopted a Marxist-Leninist line, the organizational principle of democratic centralism, and its final name, KKE. Pandelis Pouliopoulos , who would later take sides with Trotsky, was appointed general secretary .
From 1924 to the 1930s, the party also supported the project of the Communist International to found a unified socialist state of Macedonia, to which the Greek regions of Macedonia and Thrace should also belong. For this reason, not only did the state repression against the KKE, which is now regarded as treasonous, intensify, but it also lost numerous popular sympathies. Officially, this line was only revoked in 1945 by Nikolaos Zachariadis , but had in fact not been the party policy for several years. All in all, until the beginning of the German occupation, the KKE was a party without much influence, which took a back seat to the traditional struggle between the republican and monarchist part of the oligarchy of Greece. The monarcho-fascist dictatorship of General Metaxas and King George II of 1936–1940 (the so-called "August 4th regime", after the date of the violent seizure of power) ushered in a period of massive repression, under which the supporters and members of the Communist Party and the practice of the camp islands (e.g. Akronafplia, Ikaria, Anafi and Kefallonia) was introduced, which decades later would again belong to the repertoire of Greek military regimes. The already numerically small KKE was almost wiped out by the fascist secret service until 1940 and many of its members were in custody until the German occupation, during which they were often executed as part of German reprisals. At the same time, the notorious secret service chief Maniadakis regularly published fake editions of the party newspaper Rizospastis , which made the coordination of underground work even more difficult and made it almost impossible for the population to distinguish facts from anti-KKE propaganda. In addition, General Secretary Zachariadis was in prison, while at the same time a governing body called the "Old Central Committee" had formed independently, so that there was not even a unified and coordinated leadership.
Role of the communists in the resistance
When in 1940 Mussolini declared war on Greece after a rejected ultimatum and attacked from Albania, KKE was faced with a dilemma: since both participants in the war were fascist dictatorships, it was now a matter of repelling the Italian invaders under the banner of the national liberation struggle together with one's own regime or continue to focus on overthrowing the Metaxas government. Secretary General Zachariadis wrote on November 2, 1940 from prison, possibly in ignorance of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact, the line of the national front against Italy. However, the letter was often mistaken for a forgery by the regime in order to strengthen the front against Mussolini. Other communists suspected Zachariadis of trying to obtain his release in this way. In any case, the given line was only partially followed and the general confusion was increased by the fact that shortly afterwards another letter appeared in which Zachariadis sharply criticized the war of the Greek army and appealed to the Soviet Union for peaceful intervention. On December 7th, the “Old Central Committee” published a communiqué in which the war was described as being staged by the imperialist powers, above all Great Britain. This apparently incorrect claim has been criticized by the majority of party members and officials. As a result, the Italian armed forces suffered a crushing defeat by the Greek army and were thrown far behind the Albanian border. A functioning party structure only emerged again with the attack by the Wehrmacht and the unconditional surrender of Greece, which General Tsolakoglou signed: During the chaos caused by the German invasion, numerous imprisoned communists managed to escape. At the same time on 1-3. July 1941 a new Central Committee, which was recognized by the “Old Central Committee” and set the new line: resistance, armed and unarmed, against the German, Italian and Bulgarian occupying forces. However, there had been calls in this direction before. On September 27, 1941, the KKE and several smaller groups such as the Αγροτικόν Κόμμα (Agrarian Party) finally founded the “National Liberation Front” ( EAM ), which was to become the most powerful political force in Greece by the end of the war and make the KKE the most important party. In the meantime, Zachariadis was transferred by the German occupying forces to the Dachau concentration camp , from which he did not return until 1945. In the meantime he was represented by Andreas Tsipas and Georgios Siantos, which also had a significant influence on the course of the party: Zachariadis had always tried to maintain close relations with the CPSU and the Comintern and had tried to enforce their line in part to the detriment of his party. Siantos, on the other hand, was more of a pragmatist who allowed himself greater "leeway" when it came to interpreting Comintern instructions.
On February 16, 1942, ELAS (Εθνικός Λαικός Απελευθερωτικός Στρατός - National People's Liberation Army), the armed arm of the EAM , was founded in Fthiotida . In the following period, under the leadership of the extremely capable communist Aris Velouchiotis (actually Thanassis Klaras) , the ELAS became a powerful people's army, which at the end of the war controlled almost all of Greece militarily and politically and, according to various sources, up to 180,000 men and women in arms and in reserve had, the latter never being mobilized. The first half of 1943 was all about national unity, so that ELAS cooperated with the second largest resistance group EDES of General Nikolaos Plastiras and Napoleon Zervas , for example in the demolition of the important railway bridge at Gorgopotamos , in which British special forces also participated and through which the Germans were cut off from their supplies for days. Countless smaller raids on railway lines, convoys, police and military stations as well as the elimination of collaborators and German informers shaped the nature of the partisan war. Later, however, the relationship between the EAM / ELAS and the monarchical EDES as well as the third, rather insignificant partisan group EKKA broke off. The ELAS attacked the EDES at the end of 1943 and the EDES partly collaborated with the German Wehrmacht in the fight against the ELAS.
While the German troops were still present, a civil war broke out within the resistance, which was never waged with extreme brutality by either side, but brought the EDES to an informal dissolution at the end of 1944. In the meantime, a functioning state was established in the liberated areas under the leadership of Aris Velouchiotis, which included self-administration, a people's judiciary and police, and protection from raiding bandits, the Germans and their collaborators. The population, which had never enjoyed such freedom, turned in enormous numbers to the EAM / ELAS and the Communist Party, which was also the only large political group that had never been involved in collaboration affairs. The miserable living situation of the Greek peasants and workers and the genocidal retaliation tactics of the Wehrmacht and SS played their part. Despite the great success in the partisan war, the KKE leadership feared the radical change to which the ELAS under Aris, Stefanos Sarafis and Andreas Tzimas underwent the country, as important support from Great Britain threatened to be lost if the perspective of a left-wing post-war Greece became all too real .
The civil war until 1949
In fact, after the withdrawal of the Germans, Italians and Bulgarians in Athens, open hostilities broke out between British army units, militia loyal to the king and former collaborators on the one hand and ELAS on the other, after British troops opened fire at a mass demonstration by the EAM. The so-called Battle of Athens did not lead to the hoped-for conquest of Athens by ELAS and so the KKE leadership returned to the line of reconciliation: The Varkiza armistice in 1945 included the disarmament of ELAS, a general amnesty for all partisans and a referendum on the return of the King and a constitution. In 1944 the KKE was briefly a member of a government of national unity under Papandreou.
While ELAS and KKE kept their part of the contract, the fascist militias (such as the "Organization Chi" and the "Tagmata Asfalias") were in breach of the contract. In some parts of Greece a so-called white terror of the Greek right developed under the tolerance of the republican-moderate forces, which was aimed at the predominantly but not exclusively communist members of the EAM and ELAS. In March 1946 - contrary to the Varkiza Agreement - a parliamentary election was initially held. The referendum on the monarchy, which was actually planned before this election, has been postponed. The domestic political tensions were also fueled by the fact that the collaborators of the occupying power were held only to a limited extent legally accountable. The length of imprisonment of, among others, the Quisling Prime Minister Konstantinos Logothetopoulos (sentenced to life imprisonment in 1945, pardoned in 1951) is an example of this. In 1947 the government banned the KKE.
Since both EAM and ELAS had ceased to exist, an armed wing of the KKE was founded with the Democratic Army of Greece (Δημοκρατικός Στρατός einλλάδας, DSE), the executive commander of which was the communist Markos Vafiadis . In addition to the persecuted communists, former ELAS partisans and numerous young people, the DSE also counted many members of Slavic minorities from northern Greece in its ranks. Although the KKE tried to prevent an open civil war for a long time, red partisan units formed in the mountains, especially in northern Greece but also on some islands, the strength of which finally prompted the (meanwhile returned) Zachariadis to stop his hopeless efforts and attack to pass over. The DSE received its armament through raids on police stations, and it weakened state power through lightning attacks on small units of the army. As a counter-government to the monarchy, the Provisional Democratic Government was formed, for whose seat the DSE tried to conquer a smaller city.
To do this, the tactics of the DSE had to be changed from guerrilla warfare to open confrontation tactics. Markos Vafiadis, who had proven himself to be a capable general of the guerrillas, advised against it and was then deposed. Zachariadis himself became the new commander of the DSE, whereupon the DSE suffered heavy losses in open war. The main supporter of the DSE was Yugoslavia, and to a lesser extent Albania. The Soviet Union under Stalin, however, did not help the communist opposing side. In a secret agreement on spheres of influence in the Balkans on the fringes of the Yalta Conference in 1945, Churchill and Stalin had agreed an influence ratio of “90% West to 10% East” for Greece. This was seen by many Greek communists as treason, since one was merely a pawn of Stalin. The royalist resistance was mainly supported by the governments in Great Britain and the USA . In the civil war, which was waged with extreme severity by the government, also against the civilian population (including the use of napalm), the communist associations, which had gone from guerrilla warfare to open front warfare, were forced to retreat to the northwest after lengthy fighting. Because the significant logistical support from socialist Yugoslavia ceased to exist from 1947 onwards, as Josip Broz Tito no longer saw the Moscow-friendly KKE course in his interest, the losses could no longer be compensated. Starting in 1947, the Greek government kidnapped children of parents who were allegedly active in the guerrilla and put them in indoctrination camps on the prison island of Leros . As a result, DSE units evacuated numerous children from the contested areas during the fighting ( referred to as Paidomazoma (children's reading) by the government in allusion to the Ottoman boys' reading ) and sent them to other countries; the GDR took in around 1,300 children . A temporary armistice was agreed in October 1949 and there were no further acts of war.
After the defeat of the People's Liberation Army, over 50,000 of its sympathizers were expelled from the country and sought refuge in the countries of the Eastern Bloc. Only after the overthrow of the military dictatorship in 1974 were the displaced persons allowed to enter Greece again.
Time until the fall of the military junta
The years after the civil war, like the years during the civil war and the time of the Metaxas regime, were marked by the illegality of the Communist Party and the repression against the left. This chapter also includes the public execution of KKE functionaries Nikos Belogiannis and Nikos Ploumbidis , which the regime did not want to forego as a deterrent despite international protests. Until the 1960s, however, the situation eased and many leftists were released from prison and exile, but were still under close guard and were excluded from professions in the public sector. Only in the 1960s, when the political situation began to loosen up, did the leftist alliance Eniea Dimokratiki Aristera ( Greek linkeνιαία Δημοκρατική Αριστερά ΕΔΑ , Association of the Democratic Left FDFA ) attempt to gain power through parliamentary means. which in 1967 became a very likely future scenario, but was thwarted by the coup by right-wing extremists under Georgios Papadopoulos , allegedly to restore national order and to avert the communist threat. The constitution was repealed and political parties were banned.
Despite the leadership role that the illegal KKE assumed in the resistance against the colonel's regime , in 1968, mainly triggered by the intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Czechoslovakia ( Prague Spring ), the eurocommunist wing KKE tou Esoterikoú (Domestic CP) split off sharply criticized Moscow politics and, like eurocommunist parties in France and Italy, proclaimed a parliamentary path to socialism as the party’s goal. The Rump Party stuck to its Leninist line and supported the actions of the Warsaw Pact, as it considered fears of the CSSR breaking out of the socialist camp to be justified.
Since the introduction of parliamentary democracy
In 1974, after the fall of the junta, the KKE was legalized after decades of being banned by Konstantinos Karamanlis , who wanted to end the long history of a divided nation, and was able to run for parliamentary elections. Together with the KKE tou Esoterikoú and the EDA, the party, the United Left, which has been severely weakened by decades of persecution, received 9.36% of the vote. After that, the alliance disintegrated into the individual parties and until 1989 KKE stood alone in the elections.
In the course of the collapse of the communist systems in Central and Eastern Europe, several left-wing parties, including both the KKE and the Elliniki Aristera ('Greek Left') party, which emerged from the KKE-Inland, initiated an electoral alliance in 1989. This took the name Synaspismós tis Aristerás kai tis Proódou (Συνασπισμός της Αριστεράς και της Προόδου 'Coalition of the Left and Progress') and won 13.1% of the votes in the 1989 parliamentary election. It then formed a short-lived coalition government with the conservative Nea Dimokratia under Tzannis Tzannetakis in order to replace the government of the social democratic PASOK , which was burdened by serious allegations of corruption , and to enable the affair to be clarified. In the same year, however, PASOK also joined the government coalition before it disbanded three months later. In 1991 the left alliance was terminated because the KKE did not want to participate in the formation of a common party, which would have meant dissolving its own structures. However, some reform-oriented KKE members converted to the then-formed Synaspismos Left Party , which has since been absorbed into SYRIZA . Mainly the traditionalist, sometimes even Stalinist, forces remained in the KKE. They continued to see the fallen Soviet Union as a model.
Through economic cooperation with the socialist states, the KKE succeeded in building up considerable party assets. According to a media report from the government-affiliated newspaper To Vima in 1991, it owns, among other things, a large printing company, two radio stations and a large property. A considerable part of the funds comes from commissions on trade with front companies with the real socialist states. In the district of Perissos, for example, a “House of the People” with the largest congress hall in the country was created through this fortune.
In the 1990s, the party only achieved values between 4 and 6 percent in the national parliamentary elections. In the national parliamentary elections in 2004, the KKE won just under 5.9% of the vote and moved into the Greek parliament with twelve members . At its 18th party congress in February 2009, the KKE, which still sees itself as Leninist, announced that, under pressure from the youth association KNE, it would seek a more open cooperation with left-wing groups as a change of course and investigate the causes of the collapse of the Eastern Bloc countries.
In April 2013, Dimitris Koutsoumbas was elected as the new General Secretary at the 19th KKE party conference. Aleka Papariga, who has held this post since 1991, was elected to the Central Committee.
State of the party today
Today, the party has partially overcome the slump in membership and electoral figures caused by the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and is seeing a growing influence in Greek society. The former general secretary Aleka Papariga and the journalist Liana Kanelli are particularly popular. The party mainly recruits its sympathizers from the working class, students and left-wing intellectuals.
The elections in 2007 were able to significantly improve the previous result: KKE received almost 8.2% and, due to a changed electoral system, provided 22 members. In the 2004 European elections she received 9.5% of the total vote and sent three MEPs from the group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left . Speculations about the high election result in 2007 attribute this primarily to the catastrophic forest fires two weeks before the elections. Papariga rejected such interpretations and stated that the increase of almost 2.3% could by no means be reduced to protest votes, but was the result of years of permanent commitment by the party and its affiliated organizations as well as general dissatisfaction with the two major parties.
In 2009 the KKE achieved 7.54% of the vote in the elections. In the course of the mass protests against the gradual privatization of the education system and the abolition of academic autonomy, KKE played a major role.
In the parliamentary election in May 2012 , which was marked by rebellion against the drastic austerity and reform measures introduced to overcome the financial and economic crisis , the KKE was unable to benefit from the dissatisfaction of the voters to the same extent as other left and right-wing radical parties. It received 8.48% of the vote and received 26 parliamentary seats, but was overtaken by the left-wing SYRIZA (16.78%). Before the election, the KKE had rejected the suggestion of SYRIZA chairman Alexis Tsipras to form a left-wing electoral alliance that could have emerged from the election as the strongest political force. Since this election did not result in a governable majority, parliamentary elections were held again on June 17th . From these the KKE emerged strongly weakened, whereby it reduced its share of the vote to 4.50% and was only able to obtain 12 mandates.
The youth organization of the KKE is the Communist Youth of Greece (Greek Κομμουνιστική Νεολαία Ελλάδας , KNE). The party newspaper Rizospástis ( Ριζοσπάστης 'the radical'), the communist union PAME (Π.Α.ΜΕ) , the television channel “902” and the radio station “90.2” are other means through which the party expands its influence . At the Greek universities, the party is a very important part of student political life in the form of the student union ΠΚΣ (Πανσπουδαστική Κίνηση Συνεργασίας), whose election results averaged a little over 15%. Both KNE and KKE exist outside Greece, officially mostly in the form of sympathetic organizations.
In the new elections in 2019, the party received 5.34%. It was able to defend its 15 seats in the Greek parliament and became the fourth strongest force.
Position to other parties
The KKE was temporarily supported by DIKKI , an extra-parliamentary left and eurosceptic split from PASOK , which has been close to SYRIZA for some time . The KKE's criticism of the SYRIZA by Alexis Tsipras , the other big left party, focuses on the fact that it does not see the European Union as an imperialist alliance that is guided by economic interests, but supports it. Furthermore, Tsipras is accused by the KKE of not taking a clear class standpoint, but spreading illusions about a reformed, human capitalism. An agreement in the inner-left conflict therefore seems unlikely and cooperation between the two left parties only exists in individual cases.
Before the parliamentary elections on September 16, 2007, the KKE called on the population not to vote for SYRIZA, as they were inconsistent and supported the neoliberal Maastricht Treaty with their votes. The appeal was directed especially to the youth not to vote for the LAOS party , which made it over the 3% barrier in 2007, because this party represents racist, chauvinist and nationalist politics. For a long time, however, the “main opponent” of the KKE was the “dikommatismos” (two-party system), in which the two largest parties, Nea Dimokratia and PASOK, alternately obtained government power - in the opinion of the KKE, however, without being significantly pro-monopoly and directed against the people To distinguish government course.
List of First Secretaries and General Secretaries
- Nikolaos Dimitratos (1918–1922)
- Yannis Kordatos (1922)
- Nikolaos Sargologos (1922–1923)
- Thomas Apostolidis (1923-1924)
- Pandelis Pouliopoulos (1924–1925)
- Eleftherios Stavridis (1925-1926)
- Pastias Giatsopoulos (1926)
- Andronikos Chaitas (1927)
- Nikolaos Zachariadis (1931-1936)
- Andreas Tsipas (1941)
- Georgios Siantos (1942–1945)
- Nikolaos Zachariadis (1945–1956)
- Apostolos Grozos (1956)
- Konstantinos Koligiannis (1956–1972)
- Charilaos Florakis (1972-1989)
- Grigoris Farakos (1989–1991)
- Aleka Papariga (1991-2013)
- Dimitris Koutsoumbas (since 2013)
- Nikos Belogiannis (member of the Central Committee, known for his execution because of the party ban)
- Manolis Glezos (resistance fighter)
- Nikos Kotzias (former Greek Foreign Minister)
- Manos Loizos (composer and singer)
- Nikos Ploumbidis (member of the Central Committee)
- Jannis Ritsos (famous Greek poet)
- Mikis Theodorakis (composer)
- Giorgos Toussas (Member of the Central Committee, MEP)
- Andreas Tzimas (partisan leader)
- Markos Vafiadis (Commander in Chief of the Democratic Army of Greece in the Civil War 1946–1949)
- Aris Velouchiotis (partisan leader)
- Nikos Xylouris (Cretan musician)
Elections to the Greek Parliament
|year||Number of votes||Share of votes||Seats||annotation|
|1933||52,958||4.6%||0||As a member of the Popular Front. No MPs sent.|
|1936||73.411||5.8%||15th||As a member of the Popular Front.|
|1951||180,640||10.6%||10||As a member of the Association of the Democratic Left|
|1952||152.011||9.5%||0||As a member of the Association of the Democratic Left|
|1958||939.902||24.4%||60||As a member of the Association of the Democratic Left|
|1974||464,787||9.5%||8th||As a member of the United Left . First free elections since the end of the Greek military dictatorship|
|June 1989||855.944||13.1%||28||As a member of the coalition of the left, movements and ecology|
|November 1989||734.611||11%||21st||As a member of the coalition of the left, movements and ecology|
|1990||677.059||10.3%||19th||As a member of the coalition of the left, movements and ecology|
|May 2012||536.105||8.5%||26th||Greek sovereign debt crisis / euro crisis|
|June 2012||277.227||4.5%||12||Greek sovereign debt crisis / euro crisis|
|January 2015||338.138||5.5%||15th||Greek sovereign debt crisis / euro crisis|
|January 2015||301,632||5.6%||15th||Greek sovereign debt crisis / euro crisis|
European Parliament elections
|year||Number of votes||Share of votes||Seats||annotation|
|1989||936.175||14.3%||4th||As a member of the coalition of the left, movements and ecology|
- Heinz A. Richter: Greece between revolution and counterrevolution 1936–1946. European publishing company, Frankfurt / M. 1973. ISBN 3-434-00193-X
- Erik Eberhard: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Greece, Marxism Working Group, Vienna 2005
- Self-presentation on the website of the party (English)
- Klaus Hornung : Socialism and Communism in Greece . In: Dieter Oberndörfer (Ed.): Socialist and Communist Parties in Western Europe. Publication of the social science research institute of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung . Volume 1: Südländer (= Uni-Taschenbücher . Volume 761). Leske + Budrich (UTB), Opladen 1978, ISBN 3-8100-0240-2 , pp. 267-345.
- KKE website (Greek)
- Website of the KKE (English)
- KKE website (German)
- Website of the radio station 902 of the KKE (Greek)
- Neni Panourgiá: Dangerous Citizens: The Greek Left and the Terror of the State , online version of the book on the Columbia University website
- Archived copy ( memento of the original from October 19, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- INITIATIVE of Communist and Workers' Parties in Europe founded the website of the KKE
- Marioulas, Julian: The Greek Left, in: Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (ed.): From Revolution to Coalition. Left parties in Europe, Dietz-Verlag Berlin 2010, available at: Archived copy ( Memento of the original from February 6, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. .
- German Historical Museum : 1939–45 Partisan War in Greece in the LeMO
- Gabriella Etmektsoglou: Criminal states, innocent citizens? Aspects of Greek-German relations during World War II and its aftermath. In: Gerd Bender, Rainer Maria Kiesow, Dieter Simo (ed.): The other side of commercial law. Control in the dictatorships of the 20th century. Vittorio Klostermann, Frankfurt am Main 2006, p. 69. ISBN 3-465-04002-3
- Greece newspaper: KKE
- Myrsiades: Cultural Representation in Historical Resistance , 1999, p. 333
- Lars Barentzen: The, Paidomazoma 'and the Queen's Camps . In: Studies in the history of the Greek Civil War, 1945-1949 , 1987, pp. 134-137
- Andreas Stergiou: The relations between Greece and the GDR and the relationship of the SED to the KKE , MATEO Monographien Volume 22, Mannheim 2001, ISBN 3-932178-28-9 ; ( Abstract )
- Lazaros Miliopoulos: Extremism in Greece. In: Extremism in the EU countries. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 157.
- Red concern . In: Der Spiegel . No. 17 , 1991, p. 188-190 ( online ).
- KKE with a new Secretary General, Junge Welt
- Official result of the parliamentary election in June 2012 ( memento of the original from June 19, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Greek Ministry of Interior (Greek, English)