NPD Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania

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NPD Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania
Stefan Köster
Stefan Köster 		National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), logo 2013.svg
Chairman Stefan Köster
Deputy Enrico Hamisch
David Petereit
Establishment date 1990
Place of foundation Rostock
Headquarters Pasewalker Strasse 36
17389 Anklam
Number of members 250 (as of 2018)
Website www.npd-mv.de

The NPD Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is the state association of the right-wing extremist National Democratic Party of Germany in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania . In the state elections in 2006 he received 7.3 percent and in the state elections in 2011 6 percent of the votes cast. In the state elections in 2016 , he ran with the top candidate Udo Pastörs , received 3.0 percent of the votes cast and thus remained below the five percent hurdle , which made it impossible to return to the state parliament.

history

The regional association of the NPD was founded in Rostock in 1990 and initially carried out campaigns against asylum seekers' homes in the western Mecklenburg district of Ludwigslust . However, the focus of the actions soon shifted to Western Pomerania .

In the first few years the NPD achieved only a small percentage of votes. The fact that there was a considerable breeding ground for right-wing extremism was made clear above all by a series of xenophobic actions, of which the riots in Rostock-Lichtenhagen in August 1992 were the most massive in German post-war history.

Content and strategy

ideology

The regional association always emphasizes its revolutionary aspirations and the desire to establish national socialism . He is hostile to Germany's political system , which is known as the "anti-people system". Politicians of the democratic parties in the state parliament were called "established people fraudsters" and "bandits in the Schwerin state parliament".

strategy

The NPD picks up common moods and tries to occupy emotionally charged topics. As part of the strategy of “fighting for the heads”, radical tones are usually avoided and emphatically factual language is often chosen instead. The NPD tries to distinguish itself as a carer, especially in the structurally weak rural areas.

In the “fight for parliaments”, the NPD tries specifically to turn the parliamentary-democratic instruments against democracy, to disrupt parliamentary working methods, to avoid disputes in the committees and to pit the democratic groups against each other.

subjects

In addition to the relevant topics with xenophobic , anti-Semitic , anti-Zionist or revisionist objectives, the party increasingly propagated a clearly anti - capitalist national socialism from the end of the 1990s, especially in the new federal states, and tried out of an anti-American affect at the same time to connect with communist states such as North Korea or China to kick.

In the election campaign, the NPD combines a solidarity with their homeland and a " carer image" with open xenophobia. The motto of the election campaign for the 2011 state elections was “Our homeland, our mission!”. Especially in the border region with Poland, the NPD posted slogans such as “Criminal foreigners out!” And “Poland open? Work gone, car gone! ”. It succeeded in making its regional roots clear, addressing fears of foreign infiltration and globalization and linking these with hostility towards Poland and other xenophobic resentments .

Profiling as a family party also played an important role in the election campaign. In addition, she often organizes children's parties. The NPD is calling for a referendum on the " death penalty for child molesters " and has held several demonstrations on this subject. In autumn 2001 she initiated nationwide peace demonstrations and vigils against the war in Afghanistan .

The NPD is increasingly trying to make a name for itself with ecological issues in the sense of bioregionalism . One of the campaign themes she posted in 2011 was “Nuclear death threatens from Poland” and thus opposed the planned construction of two nuclear power plants, which are also rejected by other parties in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. For a long time the NPD criticized genetic engineering or propagated the goal of natural agriculture in terms of its right-wing extremist and ethnic ideology.

In Greifswald in particular , the local district association often organizes a large number of information stands and demonstrations under harmless slogans such as “Freedom is always the freedom of those who think differently - arguments instead of bans”. In doing so, he sometimes works with neo - Nazis who are not affiliated with party members. Also in Greifswald or from there, various apparently neutral, but dominated by the NPD citizens 'initiatives such as the “Citizens' Initiative for the Protection of Basic Rights” or the “Schoolchildren's Initiative for Freedom of Expression and Formation” were established. There are also continuous publicity campaigns, especially in Anklam , Demmin , Waren (Müritz) and Rostock . The citizens' initiative “Better and safer living in Ueckermünde” collected signatures in 2004 against the establishment of a home for asylum seekers in the city.

Interlocking with the neo-Nazi scene

Birger Lüssow (center)

The regional association is characterized by close ties to Autonomous Nationalists and openly neo-Nazi comradeships . For example, Birger Lüssow, a former member of the state parliament, began his career in the right-wing extremist scene in the early 1990s in the neo-Nazi Free Comradeship in Rostock as a hooligan and right-wing radical skinhead . The deputy chairman of the parliamentary group, Tino Müller , is considered to be the head of the Ueckermünder “National-Germanic Brotherhood”, classified as neo-Nazi, and one of the central figures in the “Social and National Alliance Pomerania” (SNBP), an association of free comradeships in Western Pomerania . The member of the state parliament and deputy state chairman David Petereit was considered to be the leading head of the "Kameradschaft Mecklenburgische Aktionfront", which has meanwhile been banned as anti-constitutional . Around half of the members of the Ostvorpommern district association are attributed to the neo-Nazi scene. Michael Andrejewski stated that the ideology of the NPD and militant neo-Nazis is identical. The close connection between the NPD and neo-Nazi structures is stronger and more permanent in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania than in other regional associations.

In particular, the so-called “Thing House” in Grevesmühlen , which has been developed like a fortress and houses the NPD's citizens' office there, where Stefan Köster and Udo Pastörs have their offices and the right-wing extremist Internet platform MUPInfo, ensured the party's close networking with neo-Nazis and subcultural right-wing extremist scene for attention. In the courtyard of the Thing house, a journalist discovered a grill with the words "Happy Holocaust" on it. The nearby village of Jamel is regularly cited as an example of a place marked by violent right-wing extremism. Sven Krüger , who has also owned the Thing House since 2009, plays a special role here .

Many NPD members, including Tino Müller, were active in the “ Heimattreuen Deutsche Jugend ”, which was banned as openly right-wing extremist in March 2009 by Federal Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble .

Udo Pastörs, as parliamentary group leader of the NPD in the Schwerin state parliament from 2006 to 2016, was an active member of the neo-Nazi Wiking Youth , which was banned in 1994 and succeeded the Hitler Youth and the Bund Deutscher Mädel .

Violence, sedition and other criminal offenses in the environment of the NPD

While the NPD operates with the advertising slogan “Criminal foreigners out!” In the election campaign, right-wing extremist violence in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is often perpetrated by NPD members or in the vicinity of the party. When asked whether he rejects political violence, Udo Pastörs replied: "That depends on the degree to which the German people are impoverished". Both Birger Lüssow and David Petereit offered CDs, clothing and badges with clearly National Socialist content in internet shops, including batons, pepper spray, face masks and masking cloths.

In the months before the state elections in 2011 , there were a series of attacks on the offices of state politicians, whose windows were broken at night with stones being thrown. From the beginning of the year to mid-July 2011, branches of left politicians were attacked 18 times, offices of the SPD and CDU ten times each, and an office of the Greens once. In 2010 there were 44 such attacks. The police suspected perpetrators in the right-wing scene. In 2010, the Schwerin public prosecutor's office investigated the deputy chairman of the NPD, David Petereit, who had called on his website to “visit” the party offices and listed their addresses. At the end of July 2011, the series of attacks suddenly broke off. Neo-Nazis, including NPD members, have repeatedly threatened elected politicians. David Petereit was one of a group that broke into the property of Lalendorf's mayor Reinhard Knaack (Die Linke) and was violent.

The state chairman Stefan Köster was convicted of dangerous joint bodily harm because he and three others kicked a woman lying on the ground. The direct candidate in the Rügen I constituency , Tony Lomberg, was sentenced a few days before the election by the Bergen District Court to 14 months probation and 1000 euros in compensation for dangerous bodily harm, further proceedings - among other things for bodily harm and breach of the peace - are ongoing against Lomberg. The former NPD district member Sven Krüger was sentenced in August 2011 to a prison term of four years and three months for commercial stolen goods and illegal possession of weapons. Krüger had already had 13 previous convictions, including for breach of the peace , assault and property offenses. In 1999 he was sentenced as the main perpetrator to a total imprisonment of three years and nine months after an attack on a North Rhine-Westphalian youth group on a campsite, which had made headlines across the country. Andreas Theißen , NPD district chairman in Ludwigslust, has a criminal record for possession of explosives. Patrick Wieschke from Thuringia , who was involved in an explosive attack on a Turkish snack bar in Eisenach in 2000 as an instigator and was convicted of assault on several occasions, was employed by the parliamentary group as an intern in 2007. The law of representatives in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania requires a certificate of good conduct so that he could not be used as a speaker due to his criminal past. Michael Fischer, comradeship leader and 2011 direct candidate of the NPD in the Rostock IV state constituency , led a group of mostly masked people in February 2012 who attacked a memorial rally for Mehmet Turgut, a Rostock victim of the NSU series of murders . In the summer of the same year, Fischer hit the headlines because of his longstanding relationship with the competitive swimmer and German Olympic participant Nadja Drygalla .

Many NPD members, including and especially high-ranking ones, were convicted of incitement to hatred, for example Udo Pastörs, who, in a speech at the political Ash Wednesday of the NPD in Saarbrücken in 2009, called the Federal Republic of Germany as the " Jewish republic ", Turkish men as "seed cannons" and the former executive committee of the US Federal Reserve Alan Greenspan had called "crooked nose". During a session in the state parliament, he described Hitler's goal of “annihilating Jewish Bolshevism” as a “good idea”. In May 2010, the district court of Saarbrücken sentenced Pastörs to ten months' imprisonment for sedition . In August 2012, the Schwerin District Court sentenced him to eight months' imprisonment for disparaging the memory of the deceased and defamation of victims of the National Socialist dictatorship, which was suspended.

In November 2001 the parliamentary group leader Peter Marx was convicted of electoral fraud .

Election campaigns

According to state chairman Stefan Köster, the NPD had 200,000 euros at its disposal in the 2011 state election campaign. In 2006 it was 300,000 euros.

In September 2010, as in previous election campaigns, the NPD tried to distribute free CDs with the title “ Freedom instead of BRD ” to children and young people in schoolyards. However, the Federal Testing Office for Media Harmful to Young People put the CD on the index .

A decree of the Interior Ministry from April 2011 allows the municipalities to keep city center areas free from party advertising in the run-up to the state elections. Rostock, Schwerin, Greifswald and other municipalities used this decree and tried to prohibit or limit the posting of posters in the inner cities because of the large number of tourists. The FDP state parliament member Toralf Schnur announced in July 2011 that he wanted to challenge the state elections because of the bans on election posters by municipalities and to have it declared invalid, because this would unconstitutionally restrict political competition and endanger freedom of choice. A poster ban for the inner city of Schwerin was lifted by the court, for Wolgast , Eggesin and Löcknitz the administrative court Greifswald rejected complaints from the FDP and NPD against the restriction of election advertising. In Löcknitz, close to the Polish border, the NPD did not stick to the designated election advertising space and placarded the whole place.

organization

State Board

In the first few years Harry Piel , from 1995 Hans-Günter Eisenecker, was state chairman. After his death, Stefan Köster took over the management of the regional association in early 2004.

Parliamentary group

Udo Pastörs, parliamentary group leader of the NPD in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and member of the state executive committee

The parliamentary group of the NPD has a special role, especially in terms of propaganda. So far, observers have not been able to identify any qualified parliamentary work; instead, the NPD regularly attracts attention through provocative appearances in the plenary. In the fifth legislative period, the Presidium of the State Parliament issued 483 calls to order to the NPD parliamentary group because of their behavior.

The parliamentary group manager is Peter Marx , who comes from West Germany . Before that, Marx was state chairman in Saarland and Rhineland-Palatinate as well as parliamentary group manager in Saxony. Press spokesman was Stefan Rochow from 2006 to 2008 , then Andreas Molau . In the fifth legislative period from 2006 to 2011, the NPD had around twelve employees, some of which were filled by members of the comradeship scene.

Surname 2006-2011 2011-2016
Udo Pastörs Group leader Group leader
Stefan Köster Deputy chairman of the parliamentary group
and parliamentary director		 Deputy chairman of the parliamentary group
and parliamentary director
Tino Müller deputy group leader deputy group leader
Michael Andrejewski member member
Raimund Borrmann member 0
Birger Lüssow member 0
David Petereit 0 member

The NPD at the local level

The state association has six district associations in East Western Pomerania , Uecker-Randow , North Western Pomerania , Mecklenburg-Strelitz , Mecklenburg-Mitte and West Mecklenburg . These show very different degrees of work ability. The parliamentary group maintains four citizens' offices in Lübenheen , Grevesmühlen , Anklam and Ueckermünde . Office space is being sought in Rostock and Greifswald . The focal points of the party work can be seen in West Mecklenburg, in the East Western Pomerania district and in the Uecker-Randow district .

After the local elections in 2009 , in which there was no longer a five percent hurdle , the NPD had 26 seats in district assemblies and 34 seats in city and community councils. In the local elections in 2011 , when the election of district councils of counties queuing, the NPD received in the Vorpommern-Greifswald 9.0 percent and in the district of Ludwigslust-Parchim 5.5 percent of the vote. In the other four districts, the NPD achieved results between 4.0 and 4.8 percent. The party is thus represented in all district assemblies and has a total of 26 seats.

Finances

While the NPD rejects the Federal Republic's political system, it draws most of its income from the state. In 2009, according to an accountability report by the NPD to the German Bundestag, the regional association received 29,922.50 euros directly from the state and received a further 18,966 euros in state money through the federal party and an internal financial equalization scheme. The 48,888.50 euros from state funds are offset by own income from 8661.50 euros from membership fees, 26,527.55 euros from donations and 617.35 euros from income from publications. In the same year, the regional association spent 72,127.56 euros.

The parliamentary group also received 1,443,947 euros in 2009. The MPs each received 5,197.86 euros in diets , Pastörs as parliamentary group leader received twice that amount . In addition, the state paid 436,620 euros as a fraction subsidy for employees and material costs, 15,000 euros for the Pastörs' company car, 174,900 euros for the NPD constituency employees and 89,004 euros as a lump sum for the constituency offices. The six MPs received € 6,500 in attendance fees until the 2009 summer break.

media

The parliamentary group issues the publication “Der Ordnungsruf” at irregular intervals. The "Baltic Sea Voice" is the organ of the regional association.

The Internet platform MUPInfo plays an important role in the exchange of information. Films were put online there, especially during the election campaign. These often showed how Udo Pastörs attended events organized by democratic parties, associations or even a school class in the spirit of the “strategy of taking words” in order to shape the discussions in his own way and to intimidate the participants of these events through verbal attacks.

Members and voters

Members

The membership of the NPD regional association stagnated at a low level in the first few years. In the 1990s, NPD cadres moved to Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania to pursue a political career here and now occupy management positions. This applies to the board members Stefan Köster, Udo Pastörs and Michael Andrejewski. At the end of the 1990s, the NPD opened up to young right-wing extremists, including skinheads and members of free comradeships. The number of members jumped from 100 to 350 in 1998. The programmatic development of the NPD in the same year also led to a split in the regional association and in 1999 to the founding of a new right-wing extremist party, the short-lived Social People's Party, by former high-ranking Rostock NPD members. By mid-2000, the number of members of the NPD regional association fell to around 200, only to increase to around 250 in the course of the discussion on the ban.

All positions on the state executive board and all list positions in the state elections in 2011 were occupied by men.

year 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Members 80 100 100 100 50 100 350 300 250 220 200 150 100 200 300 400 400 400 400

Voters

The election results of the NPD consistently show an east-west and a rural-urban divide. In the 2006 state elections in Western Pomerania, it came to 9.4 percent compared to 6.8 percent in Mecklenburg and achieved 8.9 percent of the vote in villages with up to 2,000 inhabitants compared to 5.6 percent in cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants. In the state elections in 2011 , it reached 8.0 percent in Western Pomerania and 5.2 percent in Mecklenburg.

Accordingly, the strongholds of the party can be found in the structurally weak rural districts in the east of the country. 2011, the NPD in scoring parliamentary constituency Uecker-Randow I 15.4 per cent of the second votes in Uecker-Randow II 12.0 percent in Ostvorpommern I 10.4 per cent and in Ostvorpommern II 11.3 percent. In 2011, the NPD achieved results of over 22 percent in twelve municipalities, all of which are located in the new district of Vorpommern-Greifswald , which borders on Poland . However, these are small communities in which in absolute numbers between 28 and 142 votes fell on the NPD. But the NPD was also very strong in small towns on the Western Pomerania coast such as Ueckermünde (17.2 percent) or in holiday resorts such as Usedom (22.7) on the holiday island of the same name. In the larger cities, however, it remained consistently below the national average. In Schwerin she got 3.8 percent of the second vote, in Greifswald 4.6 percent, in Wismar 4.8 percent and in the four Rostock constituencies it was between 2.8 and 5.6 percent.

The NPD electorate is, on average, very young and male-dominated. 14 percent of voters under the age of 25 and 12 percent of those between the ages of 25 and 34 voted for the NPD in 2011. Eight percent of men voted for right-wing extremists versus four percent of women. 17 percent of the male first-time voters opted for the NPD. The NPD performed above average with 18 percent, especially among the unemployed and among workers with 13 percent.

Although Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania has a share of foreigners of only 1.8 percent, the topic of "integration and foreigners" has the highest priority in the assessment of the voters of the NPD. The second most important issue for the party's voters is social justice , followed by the labor market and homeland security .

The success of the NPD in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is based not only on protest voters , but also on a solidified right-wing extremist voter potential. In surveys before the state elections in 2011, 20 percent of the NPD voters stated “long-term party affiliation” as the decisive motive, for 18 percent the candidate was decisive. Again among the NPD voters, 86 percent agreed with the statements that the party was seriously concerned with the problems on the ground and that it did not solve any problems, but called things by their names. 57 percent agreed with the statement that the NPD was elected "in order to give other parties a lesson." 60 percent of the NPD voters agreed that the party had the power to stop the decline in the country and the emigration, 56 percent believed it could create jobs and 54 percent believed it could provide decent wages. That 20 percent of all respondents agreed with the statement "The NPD is a democratic party like any other party represented in the Bundestag" and even 48 percent with the statement "The NPD does not solve any problems, but at least names things by their names", shows that that the party in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is seen as established in parts of the population.

Former NPD voters could not be won back by the democratic parties. The party lost significantly in the 2011 state elections, but the analysis of the voter migration shows that 18,000 voters who had voted for the NPD in 2006 migrated to the non-voters camp . Not a single democratic party was able to benefit from the losses of the NPD; on the contrary, it gained votes from almost all parties. Only with Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen there is no voter exchange.

Results of elections

Results
State elections
8th%
6%
4%
2%
0%
'90
'94
'98
'02
'06
'11
'16

At the state level, the NPD achieved the following results in elections:

Election results
choice be right Seats
State election 1990 0.2% -
Bundestag election 1990 0.3% -
Local elections 1994
European elections in 1994 0.3% -
State election 1994 0.1% -
Bundestag election 1994 - -
State election 1998 1.1% -
Bundestag election 1998 0.3% -
Local elections 1999 0.5% -
European elections 1999 0.6% -
State election 2002 0.8% -
Federal Parliament election 2002 0.8% -
Local elections 2004 0.8% 7th
2004 European elections 1.7% -
Bundestag election 2005 3.5% -
State election 2006 7.3% 6th
Local elections 2009 3.2% 26th
European elections 2009 - -
Bundestag election 2009 3.3% -
State election 2011 6.0% 5
Local elections 2011 5.4% 23
(in the
district assemblies to be elected)
Bundestag election 2013 2.7% -
Local elections 2014 3.2% 17th
European elections 2014 3.0% -
State election 2016 3.0% -
Bundestag election 2017 1.1% -
Local elections 2019 1.3% 6th
European elections 2019 1.1% -

Counter-initiatives

Dealing with the NPD in Parliament: The "Schwerin Way"

After the NPD had made it into the state parliament, the other parliamentary groups asked themselves how to deal with the provocations of the right-wing extremist party. In other parliaments, especially in the Saxon state parliament , in which the NPD had been represented since 2004, members of democratic parties had often voted in favor of the NPD's motions, thus signaling that one could basically work with the NPD. That is why a united stand against the NPD is required of all democrats, all parliamentary means against anti-democrats must be exhausted by consensus.

The parliamentary groups of the democratic parties in the state parliament therefore formulated a common line for dealing with the NPD in parliament in 2006, the “Schwerin Declaration”. In it, the democratic parliamentary groups undertake to work for the protection and further development of democracy within the meaning of the Basic Law and the state constitution and to oppose any form of politically motivated violence and xenophobia . It says there:

"Those who call themselves and their political goals 'unconstitutional' cannot insist on political equality and demand it."

Specifically, no NPD initiatives in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania should be supported. Only one speaker speaks for each of the democratic parties on the parliamentary initiatives of the NPD, so as not to leave room for populist sham debates. Unlike in Saxony, the CDU is ready to work with the left when it comes to right-wing extremism. There was also a consensus that MPs do not speak at events where MPs from the NPD are invited to speak. In contrast to Saxony, the NPD in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania did not succeed in playing off the democratic parties against each other. No proposal by the NPD received more votes than the parliamentary group has members. However, Udo Pastörs, as Erwin Sellering's opponent in the secret election for Prime Minister in the state parliament in October 2011, received one vote more than the NPD has MPs.

Laws, decrees and statutes directed against the NPD

In December 2007, the state parliament expanded the constitution of the state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania to include Article 18a, which made the obligation of peace and nonviolence constitutional principles. It is expressly unconstitutional to spread racist or other extremist ideas. The constitutional amendment goes back to a popular initiative that 17,000 citizens signed.

The Ministry of the Interior issued a decree in February 2007 , according to which applicants for the offices as municipal electoral officials or honorary officials must prove that they stand up for the free democratic basic order. On the basis of this decree, candidatures from the right-wing extremist spectrum for elections to district administrators or mayors could be rejected in advance. Since the summer of 2010, the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health has asked the daycare providers to provide evidence of compliance with the constitution when they apply.

A rule of the state parliament was directed against the NPD, according to which faction employees may not have a criminal record. This should primarily prevent violent activists from the comradeship scene as employees.

A decree of the Interior Ministry from April 2011 allows the municipalities to keep city center areas free from party advertising in the run-up to the state elections. This was not exclusively, but to a large extent, directed against the party's massive billposting across the country. A poster ban for the inner city of Schwerin was lifted by the court, for Wolgast , Eggesin and Löcknitz the administrative court Greifswald rejected complaints from the FDP and NPD against the restriction of election advertising.

Prohibition efforts

The democratic parties represented in the Schwerin state parliament have long been in favor of an NPD ban . Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania's Interior Minister Lorenz Caffier (CDU) stood alone for a long time in his party to demand a new ban procedure. However, after the NSU's right-wing terrorist murders became known , his party turned to his course.

Campaign actions

The democratic parties agreed not to let work against right-wing extremism become a controversial topic in the election campaign in the 2011 state elections.

The Amadeu Antonio Foundation organized a campaign under the motto “No place for neo-Nazis” to prevent the NPD from re-entering the state parliament in 2011. It was supported, among others, by Interior Minister Lorenz Caffier, the parliamentary group of the Left Party, the unions, the churches and the state youth council Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , Hansa Rostock and the NPD blog . For the 2001 state election campaign, the SPD chose the satirical figure Storch Heinar as a leitmotif , which was created by the Jusos in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania to caricature the Thor Steinar clothing brand, popular with right-wing extremists . The DGB and the business associations also intervened in the election campaign with a joint brochure in which they blamed the NPD's presence in the state parliament for a loss of image for the state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, which is a disadvantage in terms of location and has direct negative consequences for the economy.

Preventive measures and permanent initiatives

A comprehensive “State Program for Democracy and Tolerance” with five regional centers is intended to prevent right-wing extremism. The network “We.” Also acts as a broad, non-parliamentary alliance. Success needs diversity ”.

The campaign alliance Bunt statt Braun emerged from a planned campaign in autumn 1998, when a cross-party alliance was formed in Rostock against an election rally planned by the NPD in front of the former asylum seekers' home. Instead of the planned rally, over 20,000 people from Rostock finally demonstrated for a cosmopolitan and peaceful society.

media

Endstation Rechts is an initiative of the state association of the Jusos, which reports on right-wing extremist and right-wing conservative developments on a website and offers interested parties local opportunities to participate. Endstation Rechts was founded in 2006 as an anti-NPD initiative in the state election campaign. From autumn 2006 the website was developed into a daily updated information portal with editorial texts and videos about the activities of the NPD in the state parliament and beyond. One of the initiators is the SPD politician Mathias Brodkorb , who has been Minister for Education, Science and Culture since 2011 and has published several publications on right-wing extremism.

Criticism of the dispute with the NPD

The way in which the democratic parliamentary groups deal with the right-wing extremist NPD in the Schwerin state parliament is sometimes criticized as an expression of a lack of political culture . Political scientist Marcel Winter from the University of Duisburg-Essen considers the Schweriner way to be a largely unsuccessful strategy, which primarily prevents a broad social debate about right-wing extremists and their issues and covers up conflict issues instead of tackling them offensively. There was no information from the democratic groups about the appearance of the NPD in parliament in the fifth legislative period. Winter also criticized the extra-parliamentary involvement, especially the satirical figure Storch Heinar, as too academic. A serious dispute with the NPD could not be conducted in this way, and the citizens could only be reached to a limited extent in this way.

In an analysis of the state elections in 2011, Gudrun Heinrich also suspects that the traditional NPD clientele did not feel addressed by the more urban forms or bold slogans. For a promising prevention work it is therefore necessary to respond more closely to the needs of the NPD voters.

See also

literature

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (ed.): Verfassungsschutz Report 2018 . Schwerin, S. 19 ( full version [PDF; 1.8 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  2. ↑ a b c d Karsten Grabow: The party system of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , in: Parties and party systems in the German states , edited by Oskar Niedermayer, Uwe Jun and Melanie Haas, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften / GWV Fachverlage GmbH, Wiesbaden 2008, p. 285 .
  3. ↑ a b c Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Ed.): Verfassungsschutz Report 2010 . Schwerin, S. 12 ( full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  4. ↑ a b c d Dossier on the NPD at the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Constitutional Protection ( Memento from July 19, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), accessed on November 27, 2011.
  5. ^ Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 45 ( full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  6. ↑ Volker Schlotmann: Inhuman ideology instead of political will formation. The NPD as a challenge for parliamentary democracy , in: Provocation as a principle. The NPD in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , edited by Mathias Brodkorb and Volker Schlotmann, Schwerin 2008, 13.
  7. ↑ Volker Schlotmann: Inhuman ideology instead of political will formation. The NPD as a challenge for parliamentary democracy , in: Provocation as a principle. The NPD in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, edited by Mathias Brodkorb and Volker Schlotmann, Schwerin 2008, 13-15.
  8. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j The NPD in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania ( Memento of December 7, 2010 in the Internet Archive ), dossier on the NPD at the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Constitutional Protection, accessed on November 27, 2011.
  9. ^ Marc Brandstetter: 33rd session of the Landtag: Anti-Semitism reloaded. endstation-rechts.de, December 7, 2012
  10. ↑ a b c d e f g h Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p. 83.
  11. ^ Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 49 f . ( Full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  12. ^ A b c ndr.de: Profile of the six NPD MPs ( memento from March 9, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), September 18, 2006, accessed on November 28, 2011.
  13. ^ Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 47 ( full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  14. ↑ Barbara Dabrowska: The story behind the Happy Holocaust grill. In: VICE. October 4, 2011, accessed July 13, 2019 .
  15. ^ Grevesmühlen is the fortress of the extremists , Abendblatt.de, August 29, 2011, accessed on December 2, 2011.
  16. ↑ Federal Ministry of the Interior: Prohibition of HDJ ( Memento from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive )
  17. ^ Andrea Röpke : Holidays in the Führerbunker. The neo-Nazi child rearing of the 'Heimattreuen German Youth (HDJ)'. 2nd Edition. Educational Association Work and Life, Braunschweig 2008, ISBN 978-3-932082-32-0 , p. 39 ff.
  18. ↑ Nordmagazin: NPD member of the state parliament trades with batons - the state parliament president threatens financial consequences , ndr.de, March 4, 2009, accessed on November 28, 2011; Complaint against NPD MP Petereit ( memento of May 10, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, November 24, 2011, accessed on November 28, 2011.
  19. ↑ a b c d ( page no longer available , search in web archives: Hardly a night without an attack on politicians ' offices), ostsee-zeitung.de, 23 July 2011@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.ostsee-zeitung.de
  20. ^ Frank Jansen: Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania: The NPD in the crisis. In: tagesspiegel.de . August 23, 2011, accessed July 13, 2019 .
  21. ^ Rights threatening Lalendorf's mayor ( memento of December 8, 2010 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, December 6, 2010, accessed on November 28, 2011.
  22. ↑ NPD state chief Köster convicted of bodily harm , spiegel.de, accessed on November 28, 2011.
  23. ↑ NPD direct candidate condemned on Rügen ( memento from January 20, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, August 20, 2011
  24. ^ A b Several years imprisonment for ex-NPD politicians ( memento from January 20, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, August 17, 2011, accessed on December 2, 2011.
  25. ↑ Andreas Speit: "Underlying exclusion at the municipal level". Local dominance efforts of the NPD in regions of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , in strategies of the extreme right. Background analysis answers , edited by Stephan Braun, Alexander Geisler and Martin Gerster, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2009, p. 232.
  26. ↑ ( Page no longer available , search in web archives: Neo-Nazi terror: Did murderers have contact with the NPD after MV? ), Ostsee-zeitung.de, December 3, 2011, accessed on December 7, 2011.@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.ostsee-zeitung.de
  27. ↑ NPD functionary photographs an attempted attack on a memorial event , blog.zeit.de, February 26, 2012
  28. ^ Incitement against Jews: NPD boss Pastörs condemned , tagesschau.de, accessed on November 28, 2011.
  29. ^ Mental proximity to National Socialism , tagesspiegel.de, December 5, 2011, accessed on December 7, 2011.
  30. ↑ Court confirms suspended sentence for NPD man , Spiegel Online , October 19, 2010
  31. ↑ Suspended sentence for NPD politician Pastörs ( memento of August 18, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, August 16, 2012
  32. ↑ a b Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p 81.
  33. ↑ a b Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 53 f . ( Full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  34. ↑ a b ( page no longer available , search in web archives: ndr.de: Rostock does not want election posters in the city ) (July 6, 2011)@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.ndr.de
  35. ^ FDP politician Schnur wants to challenge state elections , Abendblatt.de, July 28, 2011
  36. ↑ a b ( page no longer available , search in web archives: CDU starts election campaign with dyslexia ), ndr.de, July 26, 2011.@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.ndr.de
  37. ↑ ndr.de: Administrative court: election poster limit remains (July 29, 2011)
  38. ↑ ( Page no longer available , search in web archives: dispute over NPD posters - court decides ), ndr.de, July 27, 2011@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.ndr.de
  39. ^ Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 45 ( full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  40. Jump up provocations , taz.de, October 4, 2011, accessed on December 1, 2011.
  41. ↑ a b Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p 78.
  42. ^ Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (Ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 45 ( full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  43. ↑ Final result with the regional returning officer .
  44. ↑ Overview of the 2011 local elections from the regional returning officer . In addition to the 23 seats in the districts, there are three in Rostock and Schwerin, where there was no election in 2011.
  45. ↑ a b c d e f NPD - 1.5 million euros annually from the state , svz.de, April 13, 2011, accessed on August 22, 2017.
  46. ↑ ( page no longer available , search in web archives: The NPD and the women's problem ), nordkurier.de, accessed on December 2, 2010.@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.nordkurier.de
  47. ↑ Information for 1992 to 2002: The NPD in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania ( Memento from December 7, 2010 in the Internet Archive ), dossier on the NPD at the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Constitutional Protection, accessed on November 27, 2011;
    Information for 2003 and 2004: Report on the Protection of the Constitution 2004 ( Memento from August 9, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 1.1 MB), published by the Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Schwerin 2005, p. 30;
    Information for 2007 and 2008: Constitutional Protection Report 2008 (PDF; 715 kB), published by the Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Schwerin 2009, p. 78 .;
    Information for 2009 and 2010: Ministry of the Interior of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (publisher): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2010 . Schwerin, S. 42 ( full version [PDF; 4.6 MB ; accessed on July 13, 2019]).
  48. ↑ Steffen Schoon, Nikolaus Werz (Hrsg.): The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2006. The parties in the election campaign and their voters (Rostock information on politics and administration, issue 27; PDF; 3.0 MB), Institute for Politics and Administrative Sciences of the University of Rostock, Rostock 2006, p. 13.
  49. ↑ Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - Die NPD , in: The state parliament election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p. 85 .
  50. ↑ a b Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p 86.
  51. ↑ a b c d e f ( page no longer available , search in web archives: NPD again in the state parliament ), tagesschau.de, accessed on December 1, 2011.@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / stat.tagesschau.de
  52. ↑ Low foreigner quota in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , press release of the Statistical Office Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania No. 57/2011, July 7, 2011, accessed on December 9, 2011.
  53. ↑ a b c d Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties during the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011 , P. 88.
  54. ↑ Steffen Schoon, Nikolaus Werz (Hrsg.): The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2006. The parties in the election campaign and their voters (Rostock information on politics and administration, issue 27; PDF; 3.0 MB), Institute for Politics and Administrative Sciences of the University of Rostock, Rostock 2006, p. 20.
  55. ↑ Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p. 80 .
  56. ↑ a b c Election analysis of the voter migration. In: tagesschau.de. Retrieved April 14, 2019 .
  57. ↑ Results of all elections since the founding of the state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania on the website of the State Office for Internal Administration
  58. ↑ Schwerin declaration , SPD parliamentary group Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (PDF; 150 kB) in the 2011 version.
  59. ↑ Toralf Staud : Tight corset in parliament, free hand in the street? On how the Democrats deal with the NPD , in: Provocation as a principle. The NPD in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, edited by Mathias Brodkorb and Volker Schlotmann, Schwerin 2008, 35.
  60. ↑ a b c d e f Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p. 79.
  61. ↑ Sellering remains head of government in the northeast ( memento of October 27, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, October 25, 2011, accessed on December 6, 2011.
  62. ^ Constitution of the State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Article 18a.
  63. ↑ Volker Schlotmann: Inhuman ideology instead of political will formation. The NPD as a challenge for parliamentary democracy , in: Provocation as a principle. The NPD in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, edited by Mathias Brodkorb and Volker Schlotmann, Schwerin 2008, 21.
  64. ↑ Toralf Staud : Tight corset in parliament, free hand in the street? On how the Democrats deal with the NPD , in: Provocation as a principle. The NPD in the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , edited by Mathias Brodkorb and Volker Schlotmann, Schwerin 2008, 34.
  65. ↑ Administrative Court : election poster limit remains , ndr.de, July 29, 2011
  66. ↑ Sellering and Caffier advocate ban on NPD ( memento from May 1, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, April 26, 2011, accessed on November 29, 2011.
  67. ^ A b Campaign against the NPD for the 2011 state election. In: Ostsee-Zeitung. February 5, 2012, archived from the original on February 5, 2012 ; accessed on October 6, 2017 .
  68. ↑ FC Hansa Rostock shows the NPD the red card , blog.zeit.de, September 21, 2010
  69. ↑ SPD continues party congress - Gabriel cancels. In: Ostsee-Zeitung . March 5, 2012, archived from the original on March 5, 2012 ; accessed on October 6, 2017 .
  70. ^ Union and employers against NPD propaganda , blog.zeit.de; Download (PDF; 1.3 MB) the brochure
  71. ↑ a b c d Dealing with NPD: “Schweriner Weg” a wrong way? ( Memento of January 7, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), ndr.de, December 9, 2011, accessed on December 9, 2011.
  72. ↑ a b Gudrun Heinrich: Core voters mobilized - The NPD , in: The state election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 2011 - The parties in the election campaign and their voters (PDF; 2.4 MB), edited by Martin Koschkar and Christopher Scheele, Rostock 2011, p 89.