National Socialist Underground
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The so-called National Socialist Underground (NSU) was a neo-Nazi terrorist organization in Germany that was formed around 1999 to murder people with a migration background for racist and xenophobic motives. The members Uwe Mundlos , Uwe Böhnhardt and Beate Zschäpe came from Jena and lived submerged in Chemnitz and Zwickau from 1998 . Between 2000 and 2007 they murdered nine migrants and one policewoman , carried out 43 attempted murders, three explosive attacks (Nuremberg 1999, Cologne 2001 and 2004 ) and 15 robberies. The number of those involved in the acts and their local, nationally networked supporters is controversial. The people around them are estimated at 100 to 200 people, including informants and functionaries of right-wing extremist parties.
The NSU became known to the public on November 4, 2011, when Mundlos and Böhnhardt were found dead in a burned-out mobile home and Zschäpe burned down their Zwickau apartment and sent out videos of their own. Until then, the police investigators had largely ruled out right-wing extremist backgrounds to the crimes and looked for perpetrators in the vicinity of the victims, which stigmatized many relatives. V-people who were set on the right-wing extremist scene in the NSU environment had been financed for years with sometimes six-figure amounts. The multifaceted failure led to a deep crisis in German security policy. After the NSU became aware, some officials of the constitution protection destroyed relevant files, which is why the heads of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) and the state authorities of Thuringia , Saxony and Berlin resigned in 2012 . NSU investigation committees in the Bundestag and in eight state parliaments examined the use of informants, investigative mishaps, organizational deficits and possible local supporters.
The NSU trial against Zschäpe and four alleged assistants started in May 2013 before the Munich Higher Regional Court . On July 11, 2018, Zschäpe was sentenced to life imprisonment for being an accomplice in the murders and explosive attacks, for membership in the NSU and for serious arson, and the particular gravity of her guilt was determined; four NSU helpers received early prison sentences .
Emergence
Origin and radicalization of the main perpetrators
Mundlos (* 1973), Zschäpe (* 1975) and Böhnhardt (* 1977) come from Jena . They met in the youth club house "Winzerclub" in Jena- Winzerla , which Mundlos has been visiting regularly since 1991. There he made friends with Zschäpe, and later with Böhnhardt. Also Ralf Wohlleben , André Kapke and other companions were guests of the winery clubs. Mundlos had joined the GDR skinhead scene in the late 1980s . After the collapse of the GDR, Zschäpe and Böhnhardt, like many young people, also experienced the lack of state or parental authority and orientation. The xenophobic attacks in the early 1990s, such as the riots in Hoyerswerda or Rostock , shaped the three young people, so that Heike Kleffner assigned them to the “ Generation Terror”. While many from their early peer group did not fully engage with the right-wing extremist scene, the political attitudes of Mundlos and other winery club visitors became more and more radical in 1993, which is why they were no longer welcome there. They protested with swastika graffiti on the outside walls of the club. In addition, Mundlos and Böhnhardt occasionally walked through Winzerla in imitated SS uniforms , which they regarded as a “ nationally liberated zone ”. Mundlos did his military service in 1994/95 and received disciplinary arrests several times . The Military Counter-Intelligence Service (MAD) questioned him ; the related files were destroyed after 15 years. Since then, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) has kept files on Mundlos and Zschäpe. At the beginning of 1995, Thomas Richter reported as informant "Corelli" about Mundlos and his comradeship Jena.
Between 1994 and 1998 the number of right-wing extremists in Thuringia doubled to 1200 people, about half of them in parties such as the NPD or DVU , the others (with many overlaps) in the militant-actionist scene that the trio joined. From a Thuringian anti-antifa formed in autumn 1994, the Thuringian Homeland Security (THS) probably emerged in 1996 . He had contacts to the Jenensia fraternity , to the Normannia Jena fraternity, which was split off in 1999, and to the East Prussian Young Country Team (JLO). Zschäpe, Böhnhardt, Mundlos as well as Kapke, Wohlleben and Holger Gerlach belonged to the Kameradschaft Jena (later section Jena ) of the THS. In addition to Mundlos, Böhnhardt was their deputy head. The THS comprised around 120 members in 1998 and around 160 in 2000. Tino Brandt , the deputy chairman of the Thuringian NPD, played a key role in building the THS and the right-wing extremist structures in Thuringia. Brandt also used funds from the Thuringian Office for the Protection of the Constitution, whose undercover agent he was from 1994 until his exposure in 2001. In close contact with him, the later NSU trio radicalized between 1995 and 1997.
For example, in February 1995 Zschäpe registered a demonstration by the Thuringian Homeland Security Interest Group in Jena with the motto “To preserve Thuringian identity, against internationalization by the EC”. The city banned the event. On March 25, 1995, Mundlos was taken into custody at a skinhead meeting in Triptis . On May 3, Zschäpe, Mundlos, Böhnhardt and Kapke posted notes with the inscription: “08. May 1945-08. May 1995 We don't celebrate! No more the liberation lie! ”On June 29th, Mundlos was convicted of using symbols of unconstitutional organizations . In the summer of 1995 about 20 neo-Nazis, among them Böhnhardt, Zschäpe and Wohlleben, burned Kreuze near Jena. The Gera public prosecutor's office brought charges after they found photos at Zschäpe showing a burning cross and people giving a Hitler salute . On April 14, 1996, Böhnhardt hung a human-sized doll torso with a yellow Jewish star on a highway bridge near Jena and also deposited a dummy bomb. The torso was first removed by police officers and then attached again for tactical reasons. In October 1997, the appellate court acquitted Böhnhardt from attaching the Jewish star doll because of insufficient evidence.
On August 17, 1996, Zschäpe, Mundlos, Wohlleben and Gerlach took part in an unannounced demonstration in Worms organized by right-wing extremists Thomas Wulff , Holger Apfel and Jens Pühse in memory of Hitler's deputy Rudolf Hess . On September 26, 1996, Kapke, Mundlos, Böhnhardt, Wohlleben and others, dressed in bomber jackets and combat boots , attended a hearing against the right-wing terrorist Manfred Roeder before the Erfurt District Court . Böhnhardt and Mundlos pursued the later Thuringian Prime Minister Bodo Ramelow , who appeared as a witness for the prosecution during the trial. In the courthouse, they unrolled a banner that read, "Our grandfathers weren't criminals." On October 6, 1996, a wooden box painted with the inscription "Bomb" and a swastika was found on the Ernst Abbe sports field in Jena , which could be assigned to the 1998 trio.
On November 1, 1996, Böhnhardt, Mundlos (both wearing SA- like uniforms), Kapke and others appeared at the Buchenwald Concentration Camp Memorial and were then banned from entering the camp . On April 21, 1997, Böhnhardt was sentenced to two years and three months of youth imprisonment for sedition, including several previous convictions for various offenses. On January 23, 1998, the case files were received by the responsible youth judge, who was supposed to determine the date for Böhnhardt's custody. He went into hiding three days later.
In January 1997, several dummy letter bombs were received by Jena institutions. On September 2, 1997, a bomb with a few grams of TNT - albeit without an ignition device - was placed in another suitcase painted with a swastika in front of the Jena theater . Several THS members were therefore investigated and Zschäpe, Böhnhardt and Mundlos were also interrogated, but not arrested. In June 1997, Zschäpe and Kapke were checked by the police in a vehicle on their way to a meeting of right-wing extremist Jürgen Rieger in Hetendorf . On October 16, 1997, Böhnhardt was sentenced to a fine of 50 daily rates for violating the Weapons Act (April 16, 1997). On December 26, 1997, walkers discovered a suitcase painted with a swastika at the memorial for the murdered concentration camp inmate Magnus Poser in Jena North Cemetery, which was later assigned to the trio. On January 24, 1998, the three of them took part in an NPD demonstration against the Wehrmacht exhibition in Dresden with the slogan nationalism - an idea seeks actors .
Garage search
On the morning of January 26, 1998, the police searched three garages in Jena, since after surveillance by the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Böhnhardt was suspected of having manufactured the dummy bombs there. The search began in two garages near Böhnhardt's apartment in his presence, without anything suspicious being found, which is why he was allowed to leave in his car. It was only during the subsequent search of the third garage on the Saale, rented by Zschäpe, that four functioning pipe bombs without detonators and 1.4 kg of TNT as well as Mundlos' passport and right-wing extremist materials were found. The public prosecutor's office then ordered the trio to be provisionally arrested in the morning , and searched the three of them in the afternoon and searched for them in other locations without finding them.
In addition to fanzines , there was a floppy disk with xenophobic statements ("Turkish pig, who is still dying today - such bad luck"; "Alidrecksau, we hate you"), which resemble one of the NSU confession videos found in 2011 ("Ali must go"). A “garage list” was also found with 39 computer and 13 handwritten contact details from the nationwide neo-Nazi scene, including four informants at the time (Tino Brandt, Thomas Starke, Thomas Richter and Kai Dalek) and some of the trio's later helpers when they went underground in Chemnitz. The list was evaluated by a delegated BKA official, but was not passed on to the target investigators at the time.
The criminal investigator at the time, Mario Melzer, reported several times to his superiors that he was being hindered in his work. The responsible investigators were not involved in the search because they were sick or on a course that day. Melzer had to work on another case and was transferred after complaining again. He suspects the Thuringian Office for the Protection of the Constitution, who knew about the bombing through the undercover agent Tino Brandt and let the trio escape to protect his top source.
Dive in and live underground
On January 28, 1998, the Jena District Court issued arrest warrants against Mundlos, Böhnhardt and Zschäpe, who had since gone underground. They fled to Chemnitz in a vehicle approved for Wohlleben and moved into an empty prefabricated apartment in the Fritz Heckert residential area , where other right-wing extremists also lived. The apartment was arranged for them by the leading Saxon right-wing extremist and friend Zschäpes Thomas Starke. Some authorities may have had clues about the whereabouts of the three people. A week later, after the public manhunt began, they moved into the apartment of Max-Florian Burkhardt, a newcomer to the scene. Mundlos later received Burkhardt's passport and assumed his identity as a cover. The trio moved around Jan Werner, the Europe-wide networked owner of a mail order business for right-wing music, and produced the game Pogromly , a version of the board game Monopoly that was mocking Jews and sold by Kapke from Jena. Various authorities temporarily monitored the communications of many of these helpers. At the end of August 1998 the trio moved into a one-room apartment close to a scene size in the northern Heckert district. In October, the State Criminal Police Office offered them to leave the scene through the Böhnhardt family, who had contact with the trio until 2002. The offer failed at the end of February 1999. After Jan Werner's apartment had been searched, the trio moved in April 1999 to another apartment in the Heckert district, which André Eminger rented. He stayed in close contact with them until November 2011.
In mid-December 1998, Böhnhardt and Mundlos attacked a supermarket in Chemnitz. This was how the financing of underground life through robbery began, as Zschäpe confirmed in the NSU trial. They looted a total of around 600,000 euros, of which 114,000 were found after the flight. If the trio had actually lived on 486,000 euros in 13 years, each person would only have around 1,000 euros per month. Therefore, other sources of income are suspected, such as paid jobs from organized crime or the distribution of child pornography .
In the summer of 2000, media reports mentioned the three as possible right-wing terrorists several times. On July 1, 2000, they rented an apartment in Zwickau under the name Burkhardt. They stayed in this city until the end and moved there in the vicinity of Ralf Marschner , a friend of Jan Werner and an undercover agent for the BfV, who never reported to him about the trio. At that time they kept in contact with well-known neo-Nazis from Baden-Württemberg. You had contact with many people, but often only briefly and sporadically. Apparently fewer than 24 people in the immediate vicinity knew about their crimes. Since they did not commit the first murder until two years after going underground, it is believed that they only planned to form a terrorist cell underground. They broke off contact with most of the helpers when they were no longer needed. It is therefore assumed that there were never more than five people on the network at the same time.
In May 2001 they moved to the first floor of a corner building in the city center into a larger apartment that can be seen from several sides. There Zschäpe made friends with neighbors. She was generally in regular contact with neighbors; thus the trio preserved the bourgeois facade and hardly aroused suspicion. On June 23, 2003, the Gera public prosecutor closed the investigation against the three and the manhunt.
In April 2008, the trio moved into an upper floor apartment at Frühlingsstraße 26 in Weißenborn (Zwickau) . As before, they registered the apartment in the name of the alleged helper Matthias D. According to the water consumption (70 liters per day after 144 liters previously; German average per person / day: 127 liters) not all three stayed there all the time. They converted the apartment into a heavily fortified “safe house”, with surveillance cameras and a built-in cell, in which the NSU documents and weapons were allegedly stored. They divided the double apartment with a movable plywood wall into a part accessible to friends and a conspiratorial part. The entrance was secured by a heavy and soundproof wooden door, the cellar door by a motion detector. As in the past, they went to the Baltic Sea every summer for a camping holiday lasting several weeks and gave the apartment key to a paid cat carer.
Ideological role models and communicative strategy
The NSU moved and radicalized itself in a personal and ideological network with transnational connections, especially to Great Britain and the USA . William Luther Pierce has been a key figure in the racist thinking of European right-wing extremists since 1945. He saw the " white race " in an approaching race war in which American and European right-wing extremists would have to unite. His novel The Turner Diaries describes a violent coup caused by right-wing terrorist attacks. The ideas of the White Supremacy movement, leaderless resistance of autonomous cells and lone wolves (especially Louis Beam ) were taken up in Germany. In 1996 a scene magazine of the German section of Blood and Honor called for leaderless “terrorism for everyone”. The NSU presumably oriented itself directly to these writings and to the American terrorist group The Order , which in turn had referred to the Turner Diaries . The BfV has named the Swedish neo-Nazi John Ausonius , who shot a few migrants in 1991/92 and was portrayed as a role model in the “field manual” of the Blood and Honor network, as a possible source of ideas for the NSU since 2011.
The NSU used a sophisticated strategy and prepared its crimes intensively by spying out crime scenes that were far apart and had a complex infrastructure of weapons and housing. His long-term planned, “cold”, execution-like acts differ from the “hot” acts common to many right-wing extremists, spontaneously growing out of a mood of aggression, with guns and stabbing weapons or kicks with combat boots, which accept killing rather than strive for it. The NSU's nail bomb attack was possibly based on three nail bomb attacks against gays and migrants carried out in London in 1999 by the British right-wing terrorist David Copeland . The sociologist Christoph Busch explains these NSU acts out of a racist lust for murder. The important role of a woman and the age (early to mid-twenties) are not uncommon for right-wing terrorists, but the educated middle class background of Mundlos and Böhnhardt. With its concentration on migrants and the presumably relatively arbitrary selection of victims, the NSU exceeded the right-wing violence known since 1945 in Germany with its enormous willingness to destroy. At the same time, it differed in that people who were no longer obviously marginalized, but successfully established people in the "heart of the immigration society" were attacked, which the migration researcher Bernd Kasparek interpreted as a reaction to the greater acceptance of immigration in German society from the late 1990s onwards.
The catchphrases “Preservation of Germany” in the first confessional video 2001, “Deeds instead of words” in the 2007 video are often used in the right-wing extremist scene. Zschäpe published these videos only after the death of their accomplices: This subsequent notification is unusual for terrorists. It was in accordance with the British Combat 18 manual, however , not to leave any traces or evidence of the perpetrator. Perhaps the NSU was planning, with the help of the investigative authorities, to spread terror among the migrants and stir up xenophobic resentment, or the external silence was only intended to protect against discovery. The eventual self-exposure was intended to unsettle migrants, but it was also directed as symbolic violence against the general population and authorities and demonstrated to them that the state's monopoly of force was undermined and that the situation was unconditionally overthrown.
Sociologically, the NSU corresponded to the characteristics of a right-wing terrorist cell: It was a small, conspiratorial group with limited contact with the outside world, which attacked a declared enemy group, did not confront the state directly, but also addressed its terror message to it. The NSU stands for a new dimension of this violence; only the right-wing terrorists Timothy McVeigh and Anders Behring Breivik have murdered more people than the NSU since 1990. Right-wing extremism expert Patrick Gensing thinks that at NSU, as in the whole right-wing extremist scene, the act itself is the message; the thought of annihilation is already articulated in songs, demonstrations and clothing.
 
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crime
Explosives attack in Nuremberg
On June 23, 1999, a flashlight filled with explosives, which had been converted into a pipe bomb, exploded in the men's room of an inn of a man of Turkish origin in Nuremberg. The tenant had taken over the business three months earlier, and since then it has been predominantly people of Turkish origin, which suggests that the perpetrators or their informants had local knowledge. The tenant found the flashlight, switched it on, and triggered the explosion. He was only slightly injured because the bomb was incorrectly designed. During the investigation, the injured man and those around him were suspected. He was accused of not cooperating; His advice that the previous evening, unusually, a German had been among the guests for the second time, was not followed up. In the NSU trial, Carsten Schultze testified in June 2013 that Böhnhardt or Mundlos had mentioned that they had parked a flashlight in a “shop”, but the “project” did not work out. This act was not known to either the public or the investigators; the investigation had been discontinued after six months and without ascertaining any political background. Investigations against Zschäpe because of this attack were closed in May 2015. When a photo was presented in 2013, the injured party recognized an alleged NSU helper. Through Carsten Schultze's statement, the Federal Prosecutor's Office came to the conclusion that Böhnhardt and Mundlos had carried out this act - "the NSU's first racist, extremist-motivated explosives offense" - together.
Explosives attack in Cologne
On January 19, 2001, a metal can filled with gunpowder and prepared with detonators exploded in a grocery store in Cologne, which a man who appeared as a customer had placed under the goods. The German-Iranian daughter of the company owner was seriously injured. The investigation, which was discontinued after five months, focused on researching the family's environment and monitoring their phones, businesses and finances; in the political direction only the Iranian secret service was considered, not right-wing extremists. Through a phantom picture of the perpetrator, an undercover agent from the Office for the Protection of the Constitution in North Rhine-Westphalia was suspected of being involved in the crime. However, he denied this and was not questioned. Due to Zschäpe's testimony, confessions in all three confessional videos and newspaper reports collected by the NSU about the attack, the federal prosecutor's office considers it proven that Böhnhardt and Mundlos built the bomb and one of the two placed it at the crime scene.
Ceska series of murders
From September 9, 2000 to April 6, 2006, the NSU murdered nine small male entrepreneurs with a migrant background in major German cities , the first four within eleven months, five more from 2004 to 2006. Eight of the victims came from Turkey , one (Theodoros Boulgarides) from Greece . As in an execution, she was shot several times from close range. A silencer was used for this from the fifth murder . The victims were surprised in everyday situations in order to increase the shock effect. In all murders, the perpetrators appeared unmasked. After several acts, they photographed their victims. The murder weapon was always a Česká ČZ 83 pistol , caliber 7.65 mm Browning . She was found on November 11, 2011 in the rubble of the NSU apartment in Zwickau.
The victims are
- Enver Şimşek , a florist from Schlüchtern who was murdered in Nuremberg on September 9, 2000,
- Abdurrahim Özüdoğru , a factory worker and tailor who was murdered on June 13, 2001 in Nuremberg,
- Süleyman Taşköprü , a fruit and vegetable dealer who was murdered in Hamburg on June 27, 2001 ,
- Habil Kılıç , a fruit and vegetable dealer who was murdered in Munich on August 29, 2001 ,
- Mehmet Turgut , a seller in a kebab shop who was murdered on February 25, 2004 in Rostock ,
- İsmail Yaşar , the owner of a kebab shop who was murdered on June 9, 2005 in Nuremberg,
- Theodoros Boulgarides , the co-owner of a locksmith who was murdered on June 15, 2005 in Munich,
- Mehmet Kubaşık , the owner of a kiosk, who was murdered on April 4, 2006 in Dortmund , and
- Halit Yozgat , the owner of an internet café, who was murdered on April 6, 2006 in Kassel - in the presence of an intelligence service .
Until 2011, the police investigated all murders in the victims' personal environment, suspected the relatives themselves or tried to shake their trust in the deceased with false claims (for example using the Reid method ). This is known as secondary victimization . From July 2005 to January 2008, up to 160 police officers from the BAO Bosporus under the direction of Wolfgang Geier dealt with the murder cases: one of the largest special police commissions in German history was unsuccessful in its search for the perpetrators. There was hardly any investigation into right-wing extremist perpetrators. In an operative case analysis in May 2006 , Alexander Horn suspected two “mission-led” perpetrators and called “a certain proximity to the right-wing scene probably”. However, the profilers of the criminal investigation offices of Hamburg and the federal government considered this to be absurd and requested a counter-opinion from Baden-Württemberg. Because of Horn's assumption that Nuremberg was the seat of the perpetrators, right-wing extremists there were also investigated, but without success. The reasons for the misdirected and unsuccessful investigations are the subject of a debate in organizational sociology.
In May 2006 in Kassel and in June in Dortmund, the victims' families organized silent marches under the motto “No 10th Victim!”, Calling for a comprehensive investigation into the series of murders, accusing the police of one-sided and inadequate investigations and calling witnesses to report. As of April 2006, the media widely referred to the cases as “kebab murders” or “Bosporus series of murders”. This has been criticized as clichéd and latently racist since 2011, “kebab murders” became a bad word of the year 2011 (see main article ).
From November 11, 2011, the Attorney General took over the further investigations and described the series after the murder weapon as the Ceska murders . The indictment from November 2012 emphasizes that the NSU wanted to make the murders appear as serial executions with political intent. The indictment announcement from July 2017 names Böhnhardt and Mundlos as executing perpetrators, among other things because of witness statements, and Zschäpe as an accomplice and co-planner of all NSU murders.
Nail bomb attack in Cologne
On June 9, 2004, the NSU carried out a nail bomb attack in Mülheim (Cologne) , which he confessed to in one of the videos from 2011. At the scene of the crime, on the lively Keupstrasse , there are mainly Turkish shops. The explosion and flying nails injured 22 people, some of them life-threatening. A hairdressing salon was completely devastated, several shops and numerous parked cars were seriously damaged. Since no targeted selection of victims was discernible, the investigators ruled out a terrorist background until 2011. A co-plaintiff in the NSU trial pointed out that André Eminger was in Euskirchen the evening before and Ralf Wohlleben offered electrical parts for a kit like the one used in the attack a few months later on eBay as “brand new”; participation could not be proven for either.
Police murder in Heilbronn
On April 25, 2007, the 22-year-old riot policeman Michèle Kiesewetter was shot dead in her official vehicle near Heilbronn's Theresienwiese . Her colleague survived a head shot, seriously injured. First of all, the special commission on the parking lot of the Heilbronn police investigated the matter , and in February 2009 the State Criminal Police Office of Baden-Württemberg took over the case. The investigations led to false leads like the Heilbronn Phantom and remained inconclusive. Only the discovery of the service weapons of both victims in Mundlos and Böhnhardt's mobile home, the final picture in the Paulchen Panther confession video and the discovery of pants with blood splatters from Kiesewetter and Mundlos' DNA in the Zwickau NSU apartment proved the perpetrators in November 2011.
The federal prosecutor's office only attributes the act to Mundlos and Böhnhardt and assumes that they chose the two police officers at random and murdered them as representatives of the hated state. Because witnesses testified that they saw several conspicuous, sometimes blood-smeared people at the scene shortly after the shooting, however, assistants or other perpetrators are suspected. Because Kiesewetter lived for years across from a restaurant in Thuringia operated and visited by neo-Nazis, it is also suspected that the perpetrators knew them earlier. Kiesewetter's stepfather, however, denied any contact between his family and the NSU. In August 2011, a dropout from the right-wing extremist scene claimed he knew Kiesewetter's murderer. In 2013 the State Criminal Police Office wanted to ask him about it. He was found dead the same day; suicide is assumed. In July 2012 it became known that two police officers from Kiesewetter's environment had previously been members of the European White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (EWK KKK). The Thuringian undercover agent "Corelli" had been in contact with the NSU since 1995 and was a member of the EWK KKK. However, the authorities deny a connection between Kiesewetter and the NSU. Several secret service agents are said to have been located near the crime scene on the day of the crime: This led to speculation about Kiesewetter's involvement in anti-terrorist measures.
Both NSU investigative committees in Baden-Württemberg have dealt with the circumstances. These are still unclear.
Robberies
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Crime scenes and dates of the fifteen NSU robberies. Red: banks; orange: post offices; blue: business |
Between December 1998 and November 2011, Böhnhardt and Mundlos raided post offices and savings banks in Saxony , Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Thuringia. In contrast to the series of murders, they restricted these crimes to East German locations, mostly close to their place of residence. They are said to have committed most of the attacks together, one with another person, one only with Böhnhardt. André Eminger, who was accused of being an assistant, rented the vehicles for two of these attacks. The consistently similar approach was extremely brutal. In some robberies, the perpetrators injured and traumatized employees and customers. During the first attack, they shot a 16-year-old on the run without hitting him. During the eleventh attack, they seriously and permanently injured a trainee with a shot in the stomach. The federal prosecutor's office in the NSU trial assessed both cases as attempted murder. The secondary prosecution criticized amateurish investigations from 2011, which ignored the NSU environment, while the robbery investigations until the NSU was uncovered came close to the perpetrators - unlike the other NSU acts.
Overall, at least the following robberies are assigned to the NSU:
| # | date | designation | place | Street | prey |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Dec 18, 1998 | Edeka market | Chemnitz | Irkutsk Street 1 | 30,000 DM |
| 2 | Oct 6, 1999 | Post branch at Barbarossastraße | Chemnitz | Barbarossastrasse 71 | 5,000 DM |
| 3 | Oct 27, 1999 | Post office Limbacher Strasse | Chemnitz | Limbacher Strasse 148 | 63,000 DM |
| 4th | Nov 30, 2000 | Post office at Johannes-Dick-Strasse | Chemnitz | Johannes-Dick-Strasse 4 | 39,000 DM |
| 5 | July 5, 2001 | Post office in Zwickau | Zwickau | Max-Planck-Strasse 1a | 75,000 DM |
| 6th | 25 Sep 2002 | Sparkasse Zwickau | Zwickau | Karl-Marx-Strasse 10 | € 48,571 |
| 7th | 23 Sep 2003 | Sparkasse Chemnitz | Chemnitz | Paul-Bertz-Strasse 14 | € 435 |
| 8th | May 14, 2004 | Sparkasse Chemnitz | Chemnitz | Albert-Schweitzer-Strasse 62 | € 37,425 |
| 9 | May 18, 2004 | Sparkasse Chemnitz | Chemnitz | Sandstrasse 37 | € 73,815 |
| 10 | Nov 22, 2005 | Sparkasse Chemnitz | Chemnitz | Sandstrasse 37 | - |
| 11 | Oct 5, 2006 | Sparkasse Zwickau | Zwickau | Kosmonautenstrasse 1 | - |
| 12 | Nov 7, 2006 | Sparkasse Hanseatic City of Stralsund | Stralsund | Kleine Parower Strasse 51-53 | € 84,995 |
| 13 | Jan. 18, 2007 | Sparkasse Stralsund | Stralsund | Kleine Parower Strasse 51-53 | € 169,970 |
| 14th | Sep 7 2011 | Sparkasse Arnstadt-Ilmenau | Arnstadt | Goethestrasse 30 | € 15,000 |
| 15th | Nov 4, 2011 | Sparkasse on Nordplatz | Eisenach | Nordplatz 3 | € 71,920 |
Exposure
Extended suicide of the two main perpetrators
On November 4, 2011 at around 9:30 a.m., Mundlos and Böhnhardt, masked, attacked the Wartburg-Sparkasse in Eisenach and fled on bicycles with the loot to their mobile home, which was parked a little further away. The police immediately started a manhunt for the robbers. The day before, residents noticed a white mobile home with a license plate from the Vogtland district . In the morning, a passer-by observed in a parking lot near the savings bank how two men stowed their bicycles in this mobile home and informed the police. The mobile home found this in the residential street Am Schafrain in the nearby Eisenach district of Stregda . When officers approached at around 11:55 am, they heard two gunshot noises from inside. Shortly afterwards, the mobile home caught fire until the fire department called to extinguish the flames. The corpses of Mundlos and Böhnhardt were found there. Zschäpe testified in the NSU trial that suicide had been agreed in the event of a discovery by the police. Even if they were heavily armed and cold-blooded, they were probably aware from their eavesdropping on the police radio that many emergency services were on their way to them and free firing was therefore hardly an option.
André Kapke, a suspect in the NSU trial, was temporarily in the Eisenach area on November 4, 2011 and was logged into the radio cell where the mobile home was parked for twelve minutes at around 2 p.m. As a witness in the NSU trial, Kapke stated that he had been driving on Autobahn 4 , which was recorded by the radio cell, to buy a car. He did not know anything about the existence of the NSU. The investigators rated his statement regarding the car purchase as credible.
There were initially various assumptions about the causes of death. The Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) and the Federal Prosecutor's Office assume an extended suicide : Mundlos first shot Böhnhardt, then started the fire and then shot himself. In 2014, the first Thuringian NSU investigative committee named evidence against a suicide - for example the lack of soot in Mundlos' lungs after BKA President Jörg Ziercke had initially asserted its existence. The second Thuringian investigative committee confirmed the reconstruction of the BKA in 2016 after a detailed examination and rejected speculations about a third person responsible for the death in the mobile home or a controlling hand in the background. Clemens Binninger , the chairman of the second NSU Bundestag committee, saw in 2017 "no more reasonable doubt" about the extended suicide. The NSU-Watch blog summarized that the Thuringian Committee had "answered many detailed questions" which were "partly also contrary to the (conspiracy) theories about the events" (see reception in political thrillers ). The main participants in the NSU trial also assume an extended suicide. Beate Zschäpe confirmed in court that her friends had long planned to kill themselves if they were discovered by the police.
Arrest of Beate Zschäpe
On November 4, 2011, shortly after 3 p.m., there was an explosion in the last NSU apartment in Zwickau, which set the house on fire. The police therefore also searched for Zschäpe, which surrendered to the police in Jena on November 8th after an aimless train journey of several days through various eastern and northern German cities. On November 13, the Federal Court of Justice issued an arrest warrant against her on the grounds of urgent suspicion of founding and membership in a terrorist organization and of the particularly serious arson .
According to the indictment of the Federal Public Prosecutor, Zschäpe had learned of the suicide of her two friends and shortly afterwards set the apartment on fire with gasoline to destroy traces. In doing so, she may have endangered human life. The remains of the house were demolished in April and May 2012.
Weapons finds
The police found three long guns and four pistols in Mundlos and Böhnhardt's mobile home, including the service weapons Michèle Kiesewetter and her colleague. The Česká pistol, with which the NSU had murdered nine migrants since 2000, was found in the rubble of the burned-out NSU apartment. According to the indictment, a total of 2.5 kilograms of black powder, 20 firearms, two of which were submachine guns, 1,600 cartridges and parts of ammunition were found in the rubble of the NSU apartment.
In 2004 (after the fifth murder), the BKA in Switzerland first tried to identify buyers of the rare ammunition used for some murders, but not buyers of the weapon model. In addition, it only asked about Turkish nationals because it assumed Turkish backers and illegal possession of weapons. In 2006, ballistic experts discovered that the murder weapon belonged to a Ceska special edition suitable for silencers, 27 of which had been delivered to Switzerland and sold there. From 2007, the BKA was looking for Ceska buyers in Switzerland. One suspect (Anton G.) was registered as a buyer, but denied the purchase. He was only questioned directly by the BKA in October 2009 as part of the administrative assistance and his house was searched, but without result. In 2012 he confessed to having had the murder weapon.
In 2009 the “Bosporus Special Commission” found that 31 pieces of that special edition had been delivered to the GDR Ministry for State Security (MfS). However, it was ruled out that the murder weapon came from the Stasi. 16 of the Swiss specimens were tracked down, but (despite house searches and television calls) not the others.
Confessional videos and data carriers
In the rubble of the NSU apartment there were over 35 DVDs with a 15-minute film on which the perpetrators cynically confessed to their attacks and murders. The film represents a new form of terrorist videos. At the beginning a board appears with the explanation: “The National Socialist Underground is a network of comrades with the principle of 'deeds instead of words'. As long as there are no fundamental changes in politics, the press, the police and freedom of expression, the activities will continue. ”At the end of the day it is succinctly:“ Stand by your people, stand by your country ”. There is no concrete demand or ideological justification. News clippings from television and print media about the crimes have been compiled, followed by photographs of the murder victims and the injured. In three cases the perpetrators photographed their victims themselves. They described the murders as a “tour of Germany”. The sequences are underlaid with selected original soundtracks from the cartoon series " The Pink Panther ", who performs the acts shown like a speaker. The comments celebrate this, ridicule the murdered victims, show joy in their suffering and in the ignorance of the investigators, who triumphantly contrast them with the perpetrator's knowledge . One excerpt relates to the nail bomb attack on Keupstrasse in Cologne in 2004 and also shows the bicycle used by the perpetrators. A montage of pictures shows the victims of the attack with nails in their heads and comments: “Today, Döner Spit campaign”. In one sequence, the panther shoots a police officer. The logo of the Red Army Faction from the 1970s appears once . A digital photo with a time stamp on June 28, 2001 - the day of Suleyman Taşköprü's murder - shows a cartridge case. The final picture shows news pictures from the crime scene and the funeral service for Michèle Kiesewetter as well as her colleague's weapon. At the end, a second DVD with “Paulchen's new pranks” is announced. The credits from the cartoon series ("... I'll be back, no question") are therefore a death threat.
The film was produced with great technical and time expenditure, probably from May 2006 to January 2008. This resulted from previous versions that were found on an external hard drive in the remains of the Zwickau NSU apartment. The files for this were precisely organized, labeled and numbered with the blanket victim name "Ali". Since André Eminger and Holger Gerlach also found files with the comic figure Paulchen Panther (which could not be dated), their involvement in the production was suspected. There were also handwritten notes with a sequence plan of the film sequences and comments on the clips used, the typeface of which was traced back to Mundlos and Böhnhardt, as well as newspaper articles about the crimes. Some of them had Zschäpe's fingerprints. A video recording of a television report about the nail bomb attack in Cologne was made before Mundlos and Böhnhardt could have returned to Zwickau.
The right-wing extremism researcher Hajo Funke concluded from the style of the video on a sadism of disturbed personalities. The perpetrators did not publish the video during their lifetime in order not to risk exposure: “The trio could kill more efficiently because the propaganda was secondary.” They used the predictable media reactions in the video for their “ propaganda of the deed ”, as did the subsequent publication. According to the social scientist Jan Schedler , the sadistic form of representation served "to make the contempt for the victims clear". The comic aesthetic should play down the deeds, celebrate the investigators' successful deception for years and, above all, unsettle other migrants: "You can just as easily become victims."
The NSU kept at least 50 copies of this DVD in stock, ready for dispatch. 15 of these were sent to political, religious and cultural institutions as well as to the press after November 4, 2011. Zschäpe's fingerprints were found on two envelopes; she admitted shipping. In Nuremberg, an envelope was posted unfranked - that is, personally. The Selimiye Mosque in Völklingen received a DVD , where ten arson attacks on residential buildings by immigrants of Turkish origin, Arabs and Africans were carried out between September 2006 and September 2011. The investigators found a further six DVD copies and three USB sticks with digital versions of the film in a touring backpack from the burned-out motorhome - but only on December 1, after the crime scene group in there on November 5, 2011 bundles of money with over 23,000 euros from the bank robbery Arnstadt and three boxes with cartridges. How the crime scene group missed the DVDs is unclear.
The investigators also found a list of names and addresses of 88 people on a USB stick, including two members of the Bundestag and representatives of Turkish and Islamic organizations. In addition, city maps with handwritten, scouted addresses were found in 14 cities, which recorded a total of 191 objects and streets. An address list was found on another data carrier. The 10,000 addresses also include politicians, churches, local party organizations and associations against right-wing extremism.
In the remains of the Zwickau kitchen, additional videos, which were made in 2001, were reconstructed on hard drives from computers that were partly damaged by the fire. A video from March of that year celebrates the murder of Şimşek and two pieces of music by the group Noiewerte are used as background music, in which it says, among other things: “All who call themselves our enemies, we will hate them forever and fight we will be against them until they leave our country. ”In this video the“ NSU ”is mentioned for the first time and its logo reminiscent of the SA is used. Another video from October 2001 mocks the murdered Özüdoğru, Taşköprü and Kılıç. Another video sequence shows 14 framed fields, five of which are filled in with the dates of these four murders and January 19, 2001, on which the bomb exploded in Cologne's Probsteigasse.
Review of further crimes
After the NSU became known, the Federal Prosecutor's Office and the BKA investigated connections to other unresolved crimes and on December 1, 2011 initiated a public search to identify further offenses as well as those behind them and supporters. At times up to 400 people worked in the BAO Trio, from September 2012 onwards it was reduced to the EG Trio. Even after the public prosecutor's office published the indictment in November 2012, there were further suspected cases and investigations. By November 2016, 1,500 references and 7,000 evidence objects were evaluated and over 100 witnesses were heard, but there were no further investigative attempts, in particular regarding suspected depots and other apartments; of the approximately 4700 days underground, almost nothing remains known about 4500. At the 27 known crime scenes (ten murders, two bomb attacks and 15 bank robberies), no DNA traces from Mundlos, Böhnhardt or Zschäpe were found, but other DNA traces that could not be assigned. 43 DNA traces were found on objects from her possession, which cannot be assigned to any person known to the investigating authorities. In autumn 2016, Clemens Binninger demanded a “general revision” of these DNA samples and a comparison with possible NSU supporters. In addition, the Federal Prosecutor's Office is investigating nine people known by name from those who supported the NSU; Binninger does not expect charges to be brought against them. In addition, a structure investigation procedure “against unknown persons” is being carried out on various people in the NSU support group, in which 112 witnesses were heard up to July 2015. The federal prosecutor's office denied access to the files in the NSU trial.
The BKA is examining around 4,000 previously unsolved homicides and more than 100,000 explosive offenses for a connection to the NSU. The duration of this work is estimated at 20 years. In March 2017 only the killings were investigated; According to the Hessian Interior Minister Peter Beuth, it was open whether bank robberies, explosives, weapons and association crimes will be checked for a connection in the next phase . In a dummy letter bomb sent to Ignatz Bubis in March 1999, the BKA noted that it was similar to the dummy from Jena. The explosives attacks in Saarbrücken in 1999 ( Wehrmacht exhibition ), in Düsseldorf in 2000 and in Berlin on Heinz Galinski's grave in 1998 and on the Jewish cemetery in Heerstraße in 2002 were also reported. The murder of rabbi Abraham Grünbaum in Zurich in 2001 and the murder of Fefzi Ufuk were also reported a mosque in Rheda-Wiedenbrück in 2006 and the house fire in Ludwigshafen am Rhein , in which nine people of Turkish origin died in 2008. No connection with the NSU was found in any of these attacks. A ZDF documentary on the NSU list with 10,000 potential target objects prompted a more thorough investigation in June 2018.
In 2016, a scrap of cloth with traces of Böhnhardt's DNA was found at the site of the body of Peggy Knobloch, who disappeared at the age of nine in 2001 . The Bavarian and Thuringian authorities then expanded their previous investigations to include a possible connection between the NSU and prostitution of minors and child pornography, and several federal states ordered the investigation of unsolved cases of missing and murdered children. In March 2017, the Bayreuth public prosecutor announced that it was a deception ; The scrap of cloth reached the Peggys corpse site on July 3, 2016 while the police were securing evidence . The transmission route remains unclear.
Alleged supporters
More arrests
Holger Gerlach (* 1974), an alleged supporter of the group, was also arrested on November 13, 2011 in Lauenau near Hanover . The federal prosecutor accused him of having provided identification documents since 2007. In addition, mobile homes were rented several times for the group in his name. On May 25, 2012, the Federal Court of Justice revoked the arrest warrant against Gerlach, as there was no longer any urgent suspicion of complicity in the attacks and murders of the National Socialist underground. In the NSU trial, however, he is charged with various aid services.
On November 24, 2011, the GSG 9 of the Federal Police arrested André Eminger in Mühlenfließ . He was suspected by the Attorney General of having made the confession film. As the owner of a media company together with his brother Maik, he has specialist knowledge and technical capabilities. In June 2012 the Federal Court of Justice ordered his release, but he is still charged as an alleged supporter. In the spring of 2013, the police searched E.'s apartment a second time, assuming that E. was a close confidante of the NSU trio. He is said to have helped Zschäpe escape and organized an apartment, mobile homes and train cards. The woman is suspected of having provided Zschäpe with clean and therefore non-marking clothing after the fire in Zwickau. The Federal Prosecutor's Office is investigating them in this context. The federal prosecutor's office also suspects André Eminger aiding and abetting the 2004 bomb attack in Mülheim.
On November 29, 2011 Ralf Wohlleben , former deputy state chairman and press spokesman of the NPD Thuringia and chairman of the NPD district association Jena, was arrested. Wohlleben is accused of providing the NSU with a firearm and ammunition in 2001 or 2002. This was to be seen as an aid to six completed murders and one attempted murder. He is also said to have supported the trio financially in their escape in 1998. He is also said to have established contact with Holger Gerlach.
On December 11, 2011, the 36-year-old Matthias D. was arrested at his place of residence in the Erzgebirgskreis with an arrest warrant from December 8, 2011 by a special task force of the police - on suspicion of renting an apartment in Zwickau in May 2001 and March 2008 To have left the group. He was accused of sharing the group's goals and at least condoning their crimes. He was released on May 29, 2012 by order of the federal prosecutor's office.
The 31-year-old social worker Carsten S. was arrested in Düsseldorf's Oberbilk district on February 1, 2012. Together with Ralf Wohlleben, he is said to have been involved in the procurement of a weapon with a silencer in 2001 or 2002, as well as having handed over funds the year before and looking for accommodation for Böhnhardt, Mundlos and Zschäpe. In addition, he is said to have been commissioned by Böhnhardt and Mundlos to break into the apartment in Jena, which was sealed by the police, in order to take ID documents and a folder with him. A second person was present. Subsequently, Carsten S. is said to have buried the papers with Wohlleben in the forest. He made a full confession and was accepted into the witness protection program. He was released on May 29, 2012 by order of the federal prosecutor's office.
Support network
In March 2013, the BKA and BfV named 129 possible supporters of the NSU after examining 415 people; the names were not published. The list contains the following categories: perpetrators, accused, persons with proven contact to perpetrators or accused and persons for whom such contact cannot be excluded. According to the Berliner Zeitung (BZ), eight V-men from the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and one V-man from the Berlin State Criminal Police Office are on the list. The chairman of the 2nd Bundestag NSU investigative committee, Clemens Binninger, estimated the number of people in the NSU environment at around 100 in July 2018. The anti-fascist press archive and education center Berlin (apabiz) assumed 200 supporters in April 2013. The Brandenburg State Center for Civic Education and the Neue Zürcher Zeitung also name a number of supporters of up to 200 people , citing secondary prosecutors in the NSU trial and right-wing extremism experts.
Some experts see clear indications that the NSU consists of more than three people, such as the political scientist Hajo Funke for the police murder in Heilbronn , in which witnesses saw possible escape helpers. According to a testimony from May 2000, Zschäpe and Mundlos were observed studying a map of the city with two other people in the immediate vicinity of the Rykestrasse synagogue in Berlin , which is on a list of potential attack targets. Political scientist Steffen Kailitz sees some evidence that local right-wing extremists are involved and considers it obvious that local residents have given the order or information for some NSU murders. Relationships with the local right-wing extremist scene in Chemnitz and Zwickau during the hiding also remain incomplete.
Right-wing extremist scene
What knowledge of the NSU trio and its actions the right-wing extremist scene had before 2011 is not fully understood. After going underground, Uwe Mundlos is said to have been the author of several articles in the Saxon Blood and Honor magazine White Supremacy , published by Jan Werner , which appeared between 1998 and 2001 and for which he is said to have done the layout. In the 1/1998 edition he wrote: “Anyone who is not ready to actively participate in the struggle and the movement, passively supports everything that is directed against our people and our country and our movement!” The texts that lead to “Deeds "Call in this unspecified" fight "are to be understood according to the NSU co-prosecutor Alexander Hoffmann as a kind of early letter of confession from the NSU.
In 2002 the scene magazine Der Weisse Wolf , published by the later NPD functionary David Petereit , thanked the then publicly unknown NSU for a donation with the line in bold: “Many thanks to the NSU, it has borne fruit ;-) The fight continues …". A donation of several hundred DM was later found at Petereit in a letter with the NSU logo. The letter described the NSU as a "new political force in the struggle for the freedom of the German nation", whose tasks would be "to vigorously fight the enemies of the German people" - "true to the motto" victory or death "there will be no turning back" . A file with the same text from March 2002 was found on a computer in the trio's Zwickau apartment. The right-wing extremist newspaper Fahnträger received the same letter along with a donation, in which it also says: "Words have been changed enough, they can only be emphasized with deeds". Investigators later found a list with a total of ten addresses of right-wing extremist organizations and magazines, including the German Legal Office , the aid organization for national political prisoners and their relatives and the publications Foiersturm , Nation und Europa , Nordische Zeitung and Der Landser , which were apparently also supposed to receive the letter . The right-wing extremist band Eichenlaub sang the trio's hiding in 1999 in the song February 5th , Daniel Giese published the song Döner Killer in 2010 , which derisively glorifies the Ceska series of murders . The trio was apparently well known among Blood and Honor fans; In 2008, it is said that a concert organized by them was said to have been collected for the people in hiding.
Even after the self-exposure, many actors in the right-wing extremist scene refer to the NSU, including in social networks such as Facebook . At the beginning of December 2012, a Thuringian neo-Nazi published a photo in which ten people with NSU references were holding weapons at the ready. Rainer Biller from Nuremberg was expelled from the NPD because of similar Facebook activities and sentenced to a four-month suspended sentence for sedition. In May 2013, Facebook removed a fan page called "Paulchen Panther - NSU is watching you", on which the NSU's deeds were glorified. The neo-Nazi Norman Bordin and a photographer from the anti-anti-fascist scene played the Paulchen-Panther tune on January 21, 2012 during a neo-Nazi march, on April 26, 2012 Weißenburg neo-Nazis placed eleven 1.50 m tall Paulchen- Panther figures with the inscription "We are not terrorists" on.
By mid-2015, the BKA had received 259 NSU-related crimes, including shortly before the start of the NSU trial , and 359 by July 2018, in particular desecrations of the memorials to the NSU victims. The Federal Government saw no "major effects on the right-wing extremist spectrum" by the NSU, but the Office for the Protection of the Constitution observed how the scene gathered around the helpers Wohlleben and Eminger, who were released after the NSU trial, after solidarity rallies, trial visits and for them during the trial Fundraising had taken place.
In December 2018, a right-wing extremist chat group became known to the Frankfurt police . A fax sent by the group, which threatened the daughter of the NSU victim lawyer Seda Başay-Yıldız, was signed with " NSU 2.0 " in reference to the National Socialist underground .
Conduct of the security authorities
The role of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution in monitoring the group, in particular the Thuringian State Office for the Protection of the Constitution and its former President Helmut Roewer , is the subject of a broad political and media debate.
Dealing with V-persons in particular came under criticism. Seven security authorities led over 40 V-persons in the vicinity of the NSU. Some have committed significant criminal offenses. Among the Thuringian informants, Tino Brandt was considered the top source, who co-founded the THS and has expanded it into one of the largest right-wing extremist organizations in Germany since 1995. In the course of his V-Mann work between 1994 and 2001, state funds of 200,000 DM flowed to him, which he used largely for his "political work". Brandt was a close confidante of the trio, kept in sporadic contact even after going into hiding and is accused by Ralf Wohlleben of having made the money available for the NSU to purchase weapons.
Operation Rennsteig caused a particular stir . The secret operation, which only became publicly known during the work of the first parliamentary committee of inquiry, was a collaboration between the Thuringian and the BfV and the MAD. The operation, which ran from autumn 1996 to 2002 or 2003, was intended to bring the right-wing extremist scene in Thuringia under the control of state authorities and thus to control, structure and keep them controllable. In particular, it was about the recruitment of possible V-persons in the area of the Thuringian Homeland Security, in order to be able to monitor them officially, which is why - due to the age of the activists of the right-wing extremist scene - in particular those doing military service were addressed. A total of 40 of the 140 people in this organization are said to have been informants. What is criticized about this cooperation is that the considerable state funding has significantly promoted the growth and degree of organization of the right-wing extremist structures - from which the NSU emerged - without preventing radicalization. Authorities representatives have emphasized that none of the V-men recruited in Operation Rennsteig belonged to the management level of the Thuringian Homeland Security or gave information about the NSU trio.
There are still numerous inconsistencies, questions and suspicions due to the numerous errors and omissions in the area of the NSU observation. Particularly after the NSU was uncovered, files related to the NSU were extensively destroyed, which is why five chairmen of the German constitution protection authorities resigned, see #Personal Consequences .
Andreas Temme
After the murder of Halit Yozgat on April 6, 2006 in his Internet café in Kassel, Andreas Temme, an employee of the Hessian Office for the Protection of the Constitution , was briefly arrested as a suspect on April 21, 2006 . During the crime, he was present in the back room of the internet café and had not reported to the police despite repeated searches for a wanted man. Investigators could only find one book about serial killers after a house search ; the investigation was hindered by the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution and stopped at the beginning of 2007 due to lack of evidence and a lack of suspicion. From November 2011, the federal prosecutor's office re-examined the role of the intelligence service after it became known that Temme had telephone contact with an undercover agent from the right-wing extremist scene that afternoon. In addition, even before the murder case, Temme was a frequent customer of Yozgate's internet café, where he passed the time with an online affair using the pseudonym wildman70 . The statement of a former neighbor that Temme is said to have been nicknamed "Little Adolf" in his home village as a teenager gave rise to various assumptions. In addition, it became known that copies of right-wing extremist texts and several weapons were found during a house search at Temme in 2006. The case occupied the NSU investigative committees of the Bundestag and the Hessian state parliament, Temme had to testify several times in the NSU trial . Even after his further statements, doubts remained, but the Munich Higher Regional Court declared in July 2016 that it believed Temme's account. In March 2017, the Left Party's parliamentary group in Hesse filed a criminal complaint against him for undecided false statements .
In December 2016, a written instruction from March 2006 had emerged which asked undercover agents to question their undercover agents about the series of murders, and which Temme had apparently signed while he had claimed in the first parliamentary committee of inquiry in 2012 that there was no previous one Having knowledge of the series of murders. An internal investigation by the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution into possible NSU references or NSU contacts of the local neo-Nazi scene between 1992 and 2012 revealed no evidence of prior knowledge, but indicated that traces had not been followed up carefully enough. The report was given a blocking period of 120 years under great criticism . After the allegedly right-wing extremist murder committed against the Kassel District President Walter Lübcke in June 2019, demands arose to shorten the embargo and to make the findings available to investigative authorities. At the instigation of the Wiesbaden Administrative Court, which upheld a lawsuit by journalists, it became known in September 2019 that the alleged murderer Lübckes was mentioned eleven times in the first draft of the 2013 report, but never in the final version from 2014. According to findings, Temme was on the interior committee of the Hessian state parliament is also professionally concerned with the alleged murderer Stephan E. Investigations into the murder of Lübcke also revealed further cross-references by the constitutional protector Temme to the murders in June 2005 in Munich and Nuremberg and in 2000 in Nuremberg.
Authority behavior and informants
Various informants were placed in the vicinity of Beate Zschäpe, Uwe Böhnhardt and Uwe Mundlos before and after they went into hiding. Until 1998, Tino Brandt, the then leader of the Thuringian homeland security, was an informant for the Thuringian constitutional protection. After they went into hiding, the authorities tried to use Brandt to give the group around DM 2,000 for passports in order to obtain information on their whereabouts. However, the project failed for unknown reasons. The undercover agent Michael See (code name: "Tariff") had contacts with the Thuringian Homeland Security and claims to have informed the BfV that a right-wing extremist asked him in 1998 for help in finding accommodation for the trio. The authority and his undercover agent deny this. The original file on Michael See was destroyed , so that only the statements of those involved are available. It is also unclear whether Uwe Mundlos published an article in 1997 in the right-wing extremist magazine Voice of Zwickau , which was published by informant Ralf Marschner (alias: "Primus"). A text analysis by the BfV from 2012 sees him as a possible author. Marschner was also accused of employing the trio, which he denies; the witness statements are ambiguous. Attempts to summon Marschner, who now lives abroad, as a witness in the NSU trial or in the Bundestag investigation committee, failed.
A commission headed by the former federal judge Gerhard Schäfer on the circumstances of going into hiding on January 26, 1998 accused the Thuringian authorities of structural errors and technical deficits. There was a lack of coordination, information transfer and evaluation of findings. However, speculations have been refuted that Böhnhardt, Mundlos and Zschäpe were covered by the state or had worked as informants.
In August 1998 the then informant Carsten Szczepanski (code name: "Piatto") informed the Brandenburg Constitutional Protection Agency that a sought-after skinhead trio was in Chemnitz and was planning bank robberies. The responsible clerk classified this as an indication of right-wing terrorism and suggested forwarding it to the police. The then head of unit, however, apparently rejected this for reasons of source protection. Also in 1998 it turned out that an unknown person had withdrawn 1,800 DM from Böhnhardt's account at an ATM of the Sparkasse in Jena. A video from the surveillance camera was later handed over to the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and was not passed on to the target investigators from there. The Military Counter- Intelligence Service reported to the Thuringian Office for the Protection of the Constitution in December 1999 that a questioning of a scene contact revealed that the people in hiding "had already moved on the level of right-wing terrorists who wanted to bring about a change in this state with a certain objective". This information did not reach the target investigators either.
The MDR reported in November 2011 that in 1998 or 1999 a Thuringian special task force (SEK) was ready to access the tracked trio that target investigators had previously discovered in Chemnitz. The mission was canceled shortly before the SEK left. The LKA Thuringia denied the report and stated that it had no knowledge of the whereabouts of the wanted person at any time. An aborted SEK mission was therefore not even possible. According to the television magazine fact , the mobile phone of the hiding Böhnhardt was tapped for four weeks. This resulted in several hours of discussion material with escape helpers and the parents of Böhnhardt and Zschäpe. In the absence of any information about the trio's whereabouts, the material was deleted at the time.
The police officer Marco G. testified before the Thuringian NSU committee that the later LKA president Werner Jakstat had instructed him in 2003 in a one-minute telephone conversation to only carry out the search against Böhnhardt on the pretext. Such an instruction was denied by both the policeman's colleagues and Jakstat himself. The latter described G.'s statement as “insane” and pointed to disputes between him and the unionized official. According to the “ Süddeutscher Zeitung ”, the conclusion is that the federal states tried to systematically keep the federal prosecutor out of the investigation against the trio in hiding. This could only use newspaper articles to check whether the requirements for a takeover were met.
The authorities also failed in the case of people who were accused of helping the NSU trio in the NSU trial . Lower Saxony authorities admitted serious errors in the observation of Holger Gerlach, who was classified as a follower. In July 2013, dozens of highly confidential documents relating to recruitment attempts by the Thuringian Office for the Protection of the Constitution became known. According to this, there had been hundreds of recruitment processes in Thuringia up to 2007, including an attempt to recruit Carsten Schultze, who was convicted as a NSU helper.
The right-wing extremist Thomas Starke delivered around 1.1 kg of TNT to Uwe Mundlos in 1995 or 1996 , which was used to build the pipe bombs that were later confiscated by the police in rented garages . Starke worked as an undercover agent for the Berlin State Criminal Police Office from 2000 to 2011 and is said to have given information about the trio he was looking for. He claims to have known nothing of its terrorist activities in the meantime. A corresponding investigation against him has been discontinued.
References to the NSU before 2011
There were indications of the existence of the NSU even before the self-exposure.
A letter from the Italian domestic intelligence service AISI dated December 14, 2011 to the BfV referred to a previous communication dated March 21, 2003, which spoke of a possible network of militant European neo-Nazis. The BfV did not follow up on this information at the time. However, the notification from the Italian service does not contain any references to the Zwickau trio or the NSU and the acts allegedly committed by them.
The undercover agent “Corelli” , who died in 2014 , presented the BfV in 2005 with a CD with the abbreviation NSU / NSDAP displayed next to a pistol on the cover . At the end of February 2014, the Hamburg State Office for the Protection of the Constitution, according to its own statements, received a DVD from 2006 from an unidentified V-person, on which there is talk of an NSU . The V-Person found the DVD while cleaning up.
A police officer testified in the Bavarian NSU investigation committee in June 2013 that he had heard of the term NSU in connection with right-wing extremist groups in 2007 or 2008 during a service meeting of the BAO Bosporus. The reference to this came from the management level of the Thuringian or Saxon constitutional protection. Two colleagues contradicted the statement.
Shredding of files
In a meeting of the investigative committee in the Bundestag in June 2012 it became known that on November 11, 2011 in the Cologne headquarters of the BfV, the files relating to the Rennsteig operation previously requested by the Federal Prosecutor were destroyed. The head of unit then apparently backdated the destruction of files to January 2011. For this reason, families of the victims filed criminal charges against the BfV and the Thuringian Office for the Protection of the Constitution in July 2012 with the charge of thwarting punishment in office. In September 2016 it became known that the head of division responsible for the destruction of files (code name “Lothar Lingen”) said that “already on 10./11. November 2011 it was completely clear "
- “That the public will be very interested in the sources of the BfV in Thuringia. The mere numbering of the sources kept by the BfV in Thuringia at the time with eight, nine or ten cases would have led to the ... question of why the constitutional protection authorities were actually not informed about the terrorist activities of the three. The bare numbers indicated that we knew what was going on, which was not the case. And so I thought, if ... the number of our sources ... is not known in Thuringia, the question of why the BfV did not know anything might not arise at all. "
Several co-plaintiffs thereupon again filed criminal charges for thwarting criminal offenses and suppressing documents . Further investigations were suspended until the public prosecutor's office in Cologne initiated an investigation against the head of unit on November 11, 2016, because he had once again destroyed a NSU-related file that appeared a few days after the first file destruction, despite the BfV President of the BfV had already ordered a review. In March 2018, the prosecutor presented probable cause of custody breach firmly against Lingen, but closed the case against payment of 3,000 euro for the time being a ( § 153a paragraph 1 Code of Criminal Procedure).
Until an order was issued at the beginning of July 2012, further right-wing extremism files were destroyed at the BfV, a total of 310 between November 4, 2011 and July 4, 2012; for most of them, the Federal Office rules out a NSU reference. However, in November and December 2011 four wiretaps and an undercover agent report from Jan Werner, a suspect in the NSU investigation, were destroyed, and in February 2012 it was discussed whether the documents on Thomas Starke should be destroyed. The internal investigation did not reveal any indications of an intention to cover up, particularly in the case of reports based on surveillance measures, as these are legally to be deleted after a certain period. The inconsistent deletion practice came under criticism. In the Department for the Protection of the Constitution of the State of Berlin, files relating to the proceedings relating to the right-wing extremist volume “Landser” were destroyed in May / June 2012 , which should actually have been archived; According to the findings of a special investigator, it was the oversight of a single employee. In addition, files relating to the Blood and Honor network were destroyed in July 2010 . The partially reconstructed files contained some references to people from the NSU environment (Thorsten Heise, Thomas Starke, Jan Werner); the trio itself was not mentioned. Documents related to NSU were destroyed at other authorities. Parts of the files could be reconstructed, but many copies of telephone calls and meeting reports have been lost.
In December 2013, the Chemnitz public prosecutor's office came under suspicion of suppressing documents and attempting to thwart punishment when it became known that the files relating to the first NSU robbery on December 18, 1998 had been prematurely destroyed in 2006; the public prosecutor's office in Görlitz ended the investigation in 2014 with no result. In 2014, the federal prosecutor's office had the notebook of the alleged NSU helper Jan Werner destroyed, which led to a criminal complaint from co-plaintiffs in the NSU trial, but the responsible public prosecutor's office did not allow any investigations to begin. In the spring of 2015, files relating to the V-Mann Carsten Szczepanski (code name “Piatto”) were destroyed at the Brandenburg Office for the Protection of the Constitution , which could have provided information about the lack of communication with the Saxon authorities in the early phase of the NSU trio's disappearance.
Personal consequences
In the second half of 2012, after the destruction of files became known, heads of the office for the protection of the Constitution took personal consequences. On July 2, 2012, BfV President Heinz Fromm asked for his early release due to the investigation mishaps, which Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich (CSU) accepted. On July 3, 2012, the President of the Thuringian State Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Thomas Sippel, was put into temporary retirement. On July 11, 2012, the President of the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution in Saxony, Reinhard Boos, resigned; on September 13, 2012, that of Saxony-Anhalt, Volker Limburg . In November 2012, the head of the Berlin State Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Claudia Schmid , admitted further cases of illegal file destruction in her authority and immediately resigned. After a previously unknown file relating to right-wing terrorism was found, the previous Vice President of the Saxon Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Olaf Vahrenhold , was recalled. On July 1, 2013 he became head of department at the Saxon State Archives .
Committees of inquiry
In January 2012, the 17th German Bundestag set up a committee of inquiry to investigate the right-wing extremist crimes committed by the NSU and the failure of the German security authorities and the state agencies involved in the protection of the constitution to prevent the crimes. The committee was chaired by the SPD MP Sebastian Edathy . The former Federal Minister of the Interior Otto Schily (SPD) assumed political responsibility for investigative errors and the slow resolution of the series of attacks, but saw no personal misjudgment. The former Bavarian Minister of the Interior Günther Beckstein (CSU) took the offices of his country under protection and stated that he did not see any failures. The long-time BfV vice-president and later secret service coordinator Klaus-Dieter Fritsche complained that the committee was taking part in a “scandal competition”; He justified the investigation, which was slowed down by the authorities, by stating that disclosure of state secrets could “undermine government action”.
In about a year and a half, around a hundred witnesses and experts were questioned and over 12,000 volumes of files were viewed. The final report of August 2013 records serious errors and omissions by law enforcement agencies and domestic intelligence services in their search for those in hiding and the investigation of their crimes. The MPs involved did not reach agreement on whether institutional or structural racism played a role in the work of the authorities. The motives for the extensive destruction of files by authorities in the NSU environment remained unclear; in particular the circumstances of the self-exposure on November 4, 2011 were postponed. A number of recommendations were made, in particular in order to better identify and explain racially motivated acts of violence and to make the use of informers more transparent.
On October 14, 2015, the parliamentary groups of the 18th German Bundestag applied for the establishment of a further NSU investigative committee to clarify open questions - also with regard to the work of the authorities. This committee dealt intensively with investigative work, informants, local support networks and emerging conspiracy theories, some of which it refuted. The parliamentary groups represented did not agree on the consequences to be drawn, but saw all further need for clarification; the left faction called for a subsequent committee on right- wing terrorism and the role of secret services.
Eight state parliaments set up committees of inquiry to clarify individual crime complexes, possible regional support networks and the respective work of the state authorities. In Berlin and Hamburg, despite blatant administrative errors in the NSU complex, no investigation committees were formed, in Brandenburg in 2016 and in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in 2018. The work is assessed differently. While the Bundestag and the Thuringian Landtag were generally recognized for their thorough and courageous work, the Landtag of Hesse and Brandenburg were often criticized for their partisan blockades. The slow enlightenment in Saxony was hampered by the participation of an NPD MP and lack of interest in the subject; in Bavaria - where most of the murders had taken place and where investigative work had been coordinated until 2011 - the committee completed its compulsory program in one year. Overall, the difficult working conditions were criticized, as many authorities blocked the cooperation; Access to the files was refused and the transfer of files dragged on for months, the permission of underwriters to testify was severely restricted, and legal advisers were sometimes organized and paid for these statements.
Legal proceedings
The criminal process against Beate Zschäpe, who was accused as an accomplice , and four other accused as assistants - Ralf Wohlleben , André Eminger , Holger Gerlach and Carsten Schultze - began on May 6, 2013 before the Munich Higher Regional Court . Before the beginning, there was a controversy over the accreditation of journalists and a permanent audience seat for the Turkish ambassador.
Over a hundred people were involved in this, the largest criminal case since reunification , in addition to the presiding judge Manfred Götzl and four assessors, 14 defense attorneys, 95 co-plaintiffs and their 60 lawyers. The indictment consists of 488 pages, the investigation files comprised 1200 files at the end of the trial. Many co-prosecution attorneys concentrated their work completely on this process and advocated a comprehensive clarification of the NSU complex in court in order to prevent a simplified "line of business".
The Senate rejected a number of requests for evidence on local helpers and informants in the vicinity of the trio, stating that the court must limit itself to assessing the criminally relevant conduct of the accused within the framework defined in the indictment. The indications that some security authorities possibly tolerated the trio's going into hiding are not sufficient to prove that state agencies allowed the acts to happen - a "state-supervised murder", which the chairwoman of the Thuringian NSU investigative committee Dorothea Marx spoke of, was not to be assumed according to the current state of the investigation. The Federal Prosecutor's Office did not comply with demands for further investigations.
In December 2015, Zschäpe and Wohlleben testified after they had previously exercised their right to refuse to testify. Zschäpe had her lawyer Mathias Grasel read a statement of several hours in which she admitted the actions accused of Mundlos and Böhnhardt, but denied any previous knowledge of them (with the exception of the robberies). The statement painted the picture of a weak, dependent person; Zschäpe also apologized to the victims. In general, her statement was received as tactically motivated and not credible. In his testimony, which he presented as a prepared text, Wohlleben also did not admit any responsibility for the NSU acts. Both were then questioned, Zschäpe only replied in writing through her lawyers. In January 2017, the psychiatrist Henning Saß determined that Zschäpes was fully guilty and dangerous. On July 18, 2017, the taking of evidence ended after 373 days of trial. After 774 summons, a total of 540 witnesses and 56 experts were heard and 248 requests for evidence made. 13 constitutional protectors and 8 informants were questioned.
The verdict was announced on July 11, 2018. According to the prosecution's demands, Zschäpe was sentenced to life imprisonment and the gravity of her guilt was determined. Wohlleben was sentenced to ten years, Gerlach and Carsten Schultze to three years each, Eminger to two and a half years imprisonment. The defense lawyers appealed against the respective judgments, the Federal Prosecutor's Office against the judgment on Eminger, which are being heard before the Federal Court of Justice . Several co-plaintiffs have announced follow-up proceedings before the Federal Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights .
The members of two murder victims, Enver Şimşek and İsmail Yaşar , filed in June 2017 her lawyer Mehmet Daimagüler each damages due to faulty investigative work against the collar, Bavaria and Thuringia the Landgericht Nürnberg-Fürth one. Further civil lawsuits for those affected are in preparation. The claim for damages brought by Mehmet Kubaşık's relatives against the Free State of Thuringia was suspended by the Erfurt Regional Court in August 2017 because the Thuringian state government compensated the NSU victims out of court.
reception
politics
The discovery of the NSU caused a shock to German politics and society, which, according to Der Spiegel, went into a "state of shock". The murders of migrants were mostly attributed in the media to the alleged involvement of the victims in criminal activities within the German-Turkish community, despite the discussion of possible right-wing extremist backgrounds. After the attacks in Norway , Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich declared in July 2011 that he did not see any immediate danger for right-wing extremist terrorist attacks in Germany. Federal Prosecutor Rainer Griesbaum was surprised, "because in our investigations in recent years we have not been able to determine that there were right-wing terrorist - that is , firmly established - structures in the right-wing extremist scene." The political scientist Kien Nghi Ha stated that the social elites, scientists, The media and anti-fascist activists had failed in their “critical watchdog function”, which continued after the NSU was uncovered with the traumatizing, delayed reappraisal, ongoing revelations and speculations and hypocritical stagings. The extent of the official involvement in the NSU complex is spectacular and unique, but can basically be traced back to the continuity of the intelligence services in particular with the Nazi elites, so that a national-conservative culture with links to the right-wing scene still prevails there.
The political impact can be seen in the parliamentary committees of inquiry and resignations in security authorities, the media interest in the NSU process and an intensified discussion about racism and integration. Awareness of the danger of right-wing terrorism increased. The German security architecture in particular was called into question, a challenge that continues years after the NSU was discovered. Expert commissions called for reforms of the security authorities, in Thuringia under the direction of Gerhard Schäfers , in Berlin under Dirk Feuerberg and in Saxony under Monika Harms . A federal-state commission on right-wing terrorism, headed by Karl Peter Bruch and Heino Vahldieck , criticized politicians for insufficient control of the security authorities and deficits in dealing with the right-wing extremist scene.
The federal and state justice and interior ministers agreed in mid-November 2011 to create a central file to record neo-Nazi structures and persons and to better interlink the federal police and the protection of the constitution. In mid-December 2011, Federal Interior Minister Friedrich founded a joint defense center against right-wing extremism (GAR) based on the model of the GTAZ , which was founded against Islamist terrorism in 2004 , which was expanded into the GETZ ( Joint Extremism and Terrorism Defense Center ) in November 2012 , and in which experts from the federal and state levels are represented more than 40 authorities exchange. On August 20, 2012, the Right-Wing Extremism File Act was passed. The criteria for recording fatalities from right-wing extremist violence have been revised and their number has been revised upwards. A new NPD ban proceedings were negotiated before the Federal Constitutional Court from 2013 ; While the first trial from 2001 onwards still failed due to the strong influence of government agencies on the party - including through informers such as NSU supporter Tino Brandt - the court rejected the ban in January 2017 because of the reduced importance of the NPD.
In 2016 , Thomas Grumke called the public reputation of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution "almost irreparably" damaged. Major voices are calling for the abolition of these institutions or at least the V-Person character, while others call for a reform aimed at “breaking the legal monopoly” among employees as well as improving their specialist knowledge and analytical skills. With the law to improve cooperation in the field of the protection of the constitution in 2015, the BfV was strengthened in terms of resources and responsibilities and for the first time a nationwide legal framework was created for the deployment of underwriters. Some publicists have sharply criticized the lack of learning from the NSU scandal; Sun saw Hajo Funke and Micha Brumlik the Federal Republic in 2013 on the way to the infiltrated by the secret deep state . The journal Der Journalist confirmed that the German media had blind spots in reporting on right-wing extremist structures and acts in 2017; the public control of the authorities in this field continues to fail.
In particular, the NSU had an impact on the migrant population: many lost their trust in the state and were increasingly alienated from the majority society. Stephan J. Kramer , General Secretary of the Central Council of Jews until January 2014 , summed up in October 2016 as the new President of the Thuringian Office for the Protection of the Constitution that the poor educational work meant that there were not fewer, but rather more questions about the NSU open; he exempted the work of parliamentary committees of inquiry from criticism. He attributed the long-standing underestimation of right-wing extremism to "sympathizers of right-wing ideology in the security authorities". The publicist Tanjev Schultz stated at the end of 2016 that large parts of society were not interested in the problem of right-wing extremism, which had taken a back seat to Islamist terrorism.
Civil society and journalism
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Civil society initiatives such as the watch blog NSU-Watch , which critically accompanies the educational work, and local initiatives such as Keupstrasse is everywhere , Initiative 6 April Kassel and NSU-Tatort Hamburg , which try to strengthen the memory of the victims and try to change social attitudes, emerged . The newspaper Jungle World ruled at the end of 2016 that with the founding of NSU-Watch , an intensive and supra-regionally networked engagement of left-wing initiatives with the NSU complex had begun, which had "become so large and heterogeneous" that it had achieved " movement character ". In May 2017, a hundred people in seven cities organized an “ NSU-Complex dissolve ” in Cologne, in which those affected raised their voices and an indictment going beyond legal matters in front of 3000 visitors. After further interventions such as rallies, temporary street renaming and the reading out of their indictment in the NSU trial, the campaign received the Amadeu Antonio Prize 2017. The Kulturbüro Sachsen supports projects such as history workshops for the NSU with young people in Chemnitz and Zwickau, where there is an information and education center is under discussion. Jana Hensel summed up in July 2018 that what had happened in East Germany had largely been suppressed; an East German perspective is missing, especially since the NSU trial in Munich has been eliminated from the field of vision of the East. According to Hensel, East German journalists are trying to make the NSU trio understandable to the broader population by parallelizing them with other résumés.
A number of non-fiction books and anthologies on the NSU complex have been published, including Heimatschutz in 2014 . The state and the series of murders by the NSU journalists Stefan Aust and Dirk Laabs . The sociologist Samuel Salzborn called it “one of the most important contributions to date” to the NSU, which provided an explanation for the failure of the authorities, while the terrorism expert Holger Schmidt called it “hard work” that was “too suggestive” and flawed, but promised to become a standard work . The first general overview after the end of the NSU trial, NSU: The terror from the right by Tanjev Schultz , is according to Schmidt sober, differentiated and realistic, according to Friedrich Burschel "knowledgeable, detailed, comprehensive", but he gets lost "in endless reconstructions" - and have a system-stabilizing effect through all too muted criticism of government action. Due to the great complexity of the matter and many unanswered questions, especially about the role of authorities, many doubt the Federal Prosecutor's narrative about the NSU, especially the assumption that it was an isolated cell that prepared and carried out all acts without support. Parliamentarians, victim lawyers, investigative journalists, publicists and scientists have therefore carried out their own research, analyzes and hypotheses.
At the same time, especially in right-wing populist to right-wing extremist circles, conspiracy theories are widespread which - analogous to the thesis of the RAF phantom - cast doubt on the responsibility of the alleged terrorists and the right-wing extremist scene as a whole or portray them as victims of state machinations ("NSU phantom") . The leading media generally see this broad-based strand of NSU reception as dangerous disinformation that is detrimental to clarification. According to Tanjev Schultz , the NSU scandal , together with the NSA scandal at about the same time, gave conspiracy theories a general boost in popularity.
Tanjev Schultz also counts among these conspiracy theories the speculations about the death of Uwe Mundlos and Uwe Böhnhardt on November 4, 2011, which Wolfgang Schorlau makes the fictionalized starting point for a criticism of the NSU investigations in his detective novel Die Schutzende Hand - and that of the Authorized version of double suicide rejected. Schorlaus' novel, published in November 2015, reached number 1 on the Spiegel bestseller list - according to the publisher Helge Malchow , because the case was “so close to us” “that it still shines in its glowing core.” After the publication of an expanded paperback edition in April ZDF made a film adaptation as a political thriller in November 2017. Two other detective novels, published in 2016, revolve around the death of the NSU terrorists, the thriller Dunkelmacht by Harald Lüders and Wolfsspider by Horst Eckert . Eisenach on November 4, 2011 is well on the way to becoming a "German Dallas ", Die Welt noted in September 2016. Deutschlandfunk Kultur registered an upswing in the German-language political thriller genre, as the boundaries to fiction in the NSU complex are fluid, opening up a “space for stories” that did not exist before the terrorist cell discovered itself.
Movie
The following documentaries about the NSU were shown on television:
- Matthias Deiß , Eva Müller , Anne Kathrin Thüringer: Eight Turks, one Greek, one policewoman. ARD 2011.
- Ulrich Stoll: NSU - terror from the right. ZDF 2012.
- Matthias Deiß, Jochen Graebert, Robin Lautenbach : State failure - The NSU committee and the difficult process. ARD 2013. The film received the Bundestag media award in 2014.
- Anke Hunold, Anna Orth, Christian Fuchs , John Goetz : The Nazi murders. NDR 2013.
- Rainer Fromm : The National Socialist Underground. What did the state know about brown terror? ZDF 2014.
- Sibel Karakurt: The Ceska murders. Al Jazeera 2014.
- Katja and Clemens Riha (production): Fight for the truth. The NSU and too many questions. 3sat 2015.
- Rainer Fromm: NSU private: Inside views of a terror cell. ZDF 2015.
- Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: The NSU complex. BR 2016.
- Rainer Fromm: Death in a mobile home: How did the NSU terrorists really die? ZDFinfo 2016.
- Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: The NSU complex. N24 2017.
- NSU - The environment of right-wing terrorists. ARD alpha 2017.
- Rainer Fromm, Ron Boese: The NSU's death list. ZDF 2018.
In 2016, ZDF showed the docudrama Last Exit Gera - Eight Hours with Beate Zschäpe by Raymond Ley , ARD the feature film trilogy In the Middle of Germany: NSU ( The perpetrators - Today is not every day , The victims - Don't forget me , The investigators - Only for official use ).
The 2016 has come to the cinema documentary of Kuaför from the Keupstraße over the nail bomb attack in Cologne is the agonizingly slow pace of the investigation based on interviews with the residents are. Fatih Akin's feature film Out of nowhere treated fictionalized a lawsuit after an assassination attempt by right-wing extremists and is based on observations Akins at the NSU trial on how to deal with the victims and relatives there. The documentary 6 Years, 7 Months and 16 Days - The Murders of the NSU by Sobo Swobodnik shows the crime scenes in their apparent normality. Jan Bonny's film Winter Tale deals on the basis of the NSU with the fictionalized story of a three-man terror cell that carries out right-wing extremist attacks in the Cologne area.
theatre
The NSU has experienced extensive employment through the theater. The theater critic Silvia Stammen regards the complex topic as “permeated by productions in many ways”, which is why it is so suitable for the stage. According to the Mannheimer Morgen , it is a fashion, but also shows that the topic is still virulent. Theater offers explanations about the NSU that other social actors are unable to provide, according to Der Spiegel .
The first confrontation with the NSU took place in Elfriede Jelinek's stage essay Rein Gold , which was originally read in 2012 and confronts the discovery of the NSU with German heroic traditions, in particular The Ring of the Nibelung . Jelinek's The Silent Girl about Beate Zschäpe was premiered in September 2014 at the Münchner Kammerspiele .
Individual NSU projects were shown in Berlin and Potsdam in 2013, followed by productions at important theaters such as the Schauspiel Frankfurt , the Residenztheater Munich , the Schauspiel Köln , the Deutsches Theater Berlin and the Staatstheater Karlsruhe . Some plays focus on the perpetrators, including Lothar Kittstein's The White Wolf , a sex-and-crime play about the trio living together (Frankfurt). The directors Benjamin and Dominik Reding showed their play NSU for you / An evening with Beate in the Deutsches Theater Berlin. Their project is based on an attack by a right-wing extremist trio, which they experienced on New Year's Eve 1996/97 in Erfurt and in which they believed they recognized the NSU after its exposure. The play Die Lücke (Cologne) and Christine Umpfenbach's Judgments (Munich), directed by Nuran David Calis , deal with the victims . Germans among the victims were also performed on various stages; With him, the Zimmertheater Tübingen won the Monica Bleibtreu Prize in 2016 .
The journalist Mely Kiyak has mounted excerpts from the minutes of the investigation committee on Homicide is to be expected , and the Münchner Kammerspiele and the Freiburg Theater have had the minutes of the NSU trial read on stage. In 2015, Ersan Mondtag staged the Performance Party # 4 - NSU based on the protocols . In October 2016 everything will be fine - the dream and nightmare of an incorrigible German premiered in Celle, a play by co-plaintiff Mehmet Daimagüler about the NSU trial . On the fifth anniversary of the NSU's self-exposure in November 2016, the Theatertreffen Undiscovered Neighbors took place in Chemnitz and Zwickau, the long-term residences of the people in hiding , during which there was a possibly right-wing extremist bomb attack. In November 2016, the NSU monologues based on statements from relatives of the victims were premiered in the home port of Neukölln .
art
In 2015 the artist Sebastian Jung published an illustrated book and an exhibition of the same name about the Jena district of Winzerla ("Winzerla. Art as a search for traces in the shadow of the NSU") and traces the youth centers of the NSU trio. Malte Kübel photographed the crime scenes of the NSU murders for his thesis and named the project places of remembrance . Regina Schmeken has been taking photographs of the crime scenes under the title “Bloody Floor” since 2013, showing their apparent return to normal. The pictures were exhibited from November 2016, first in the Military History Museum in Dresden . The journalist David Schraven published his research on the NSU references of the Dortmund neo-Nazi scene in the fictionalized form of the comic strip “White Wolves” drawn by Jan Feindt . For this they received the German Reporter Award 2015 .
In Zwickau, the art activist group Grass Lifter keeps memories of the NSU alive with interventions in public spaces. To mark the fifth anniversary of the NSU's exposure , the artist group Sternendekorateure set up eleven benches in Zwickau as a memorial to the victims who were vandalized on November 7, 2016.
Several radio plays also deal with the NSU, including Esther Dischereit's Flowers for Otello , Christiane Mudras Off the record , Tuğsal Moğuls Also Germans Among the Victims and Clemens Meyer's radio essay Im Netz der Spinnenfrau . The Bayerische Rundfunk in charge produced a twelve-hour documentary play for NSU process that is to be sent after sentencing.
science
At a conference to review the NSU complex at the Frankfurt am Main University of Applied Sciences in October 2016, the sociologist Samuel Salzborn described that the NSU had received little attention from the academic scientific community so far, and this led to a lack of money and a lack of social interest in this topic back. In addition to sociology, law, social psychology and gender studies could make contributions; As in general research, the perspectives of those affected by right-wing violence were lacking. So far, no social learning process, such as questioning racist stereotypes, is discernible. Klaus Theweleit's investigation The laughter of the perpetrators from 2015 about the joy of murdering a certain type of men is also a topic of the NSU. The sociologist Matthias Quent , who noted a “hitherto rather hesitant” reaction from the social sciences, analytically summarized the NSU 2016 as vigilantist terrorism aimed at maintaining the previous order through vigilante justice . His reviewer Wolfgang Frindte stated that the research situation was better in October 2016 and pointed to around 7,000 hits for the NSU on Google Scholar .
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Remembering the victims and dealing with relatives
On November 13, 2011, the Turkish community in Germany organized a vigil in front of the Berlin Brandenburg Gate and called for solidarity against racism and right-wing extremist violence. The participants, including Kenan Kolat and Stephan J. Kramer, wore signs with the names of the NSU murder victims. On November 21, 2011, the Bundestag observed the victims in a minute's silence; President Norbert Lammert apologized on behalf of the MPs for "suspicions and hostility" and said he was ashamed of the work of the security authorities. Federal President Christian Wulff invited the relatives of the NSU victims to personal talks at Bellevue Palace on November 23, 2011 , which many described as an important gesture. On December 20, 2011, the former Berlin commissioner for foreigners, Barbara John, was appointed “Ombudsman of the Federal Government for the Victims and Relatives of the Zwickau Cell”, which consists of over seventy people in 33 families (23 of the Cologne bombings and 10 of the murder victims). John found that until November 2011 they had received almost no support from government agencies and that they had only received makeshift help through lawyers, the White Ring and in part through the Victims Compensation Act . By April 2013, the victims' families had received a total of almost one million euros in hardship.
On February 23, 2012, a state ceremony in memory of the victims of the NSU took place in the Berlin theater on Gendarmenmarkt . For the relatives, the father Halit Yozgats and the daughters Enver Şimşek and Mehmet Kubaşık spoke for the Federal Republic - instead of Wulff, who has since resigned - Angela Merkel . Semiya Şimşek said: “For eleven years we were not even allowed to be victims with a clear conscience,” Merkel asked for forgiveness on behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany and promised: “We will do everything we can to investigate the murders and uncover the accomplices and backers and bring all perpetrators to justice "And at the same time" to do everything within the possibilities of our constitutional state so that something like this can never happen again. "This promise was repeatedly and critically taken up in the course of the sluggish and partially disabled clarification in the years to come.
In April 2012, the seven cities in which people were murdered by the NSU published a joint statement condemning the acts of the "neo-Nazi criminals":
- “Nine fellow citizens who found a new home with their families in Germany, and a policewoman. We are dismayed and ashamed that for years these acts of terrorism have not been recognized for what they were: murders out of contempt for human beings. We say: never again! "
These cities - Nuremberg, Hamburg, Munich, Rostock, Dortmund, Kassel, Heilbronn - had memorials erected between the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2014 for the ten fatalities with the text of the declaration. The memorials in Nuremberg and Dortmund, inaugurated in 2013, had initially engraved a false date of death. Individual memorial sites have been created at individual crime scenes, for example in Dortmund, in Kassel with Halitplatz , in Rostock and in Nuremberg at the three murder scenes. In November 2016, Ulf Aminde's monument design for the NSU attacks of 2001 and 2004 was selected in Cologne , a "virtual house" near Keupstrasse serving as a meeting place.
According to a survey by Welt am Sonntag , vandalism occurred at the memorials in four of these seven cities: in Kassel, the memorial stone for Halit Yozgat was covered with bitumen in 2014 , in Rostock the memorial for Mehmet Turgut has been damaged three times since 2014. In 2015, strangers removed a memorial plaque in Nuremberg, and a stele was smeared with a swastika in November 2017. In 2008, strangers dug up a memorial stele for Michèle Kiesewetter in Heilbronn and threw it into the Neckar. A memorial plaque was sprayed in 2014.
After Federal President Joachim Gauck had initially refused a memorial event and a meeting, he invited NSU victims and their families for talks on February 18, 2013. Several relatives declined the invitation because their co-plaintiffs were not invited; they demanded clarification instead of concern. In June 2014, on the 10th anniversary of the nail bomb attack, Gauck visited Keupstrasse and gave a speech in front of 70,000 visitors to the Birligte rally , which has been calling for engagement against right-wing extremist violence every year since then.
In 2013, the mayor of Zwickau , Pia Findeiß , rejected a memorial specifically for the NSU victims: she feared that the NSU's places of residence could become contact points for right-wing extremists. On September 8, 2019, a German oak was planted on the Ziegelwiese in the northern part of the Zwickau Swan Pond Park in memory of Enver Şimşek . Weeks later the tree was sawed off by strangers, for Findeiß a testimony to “intolerance, a lack of understanding of democracy and contempt for victims of terrorism and their families”. A wooden bench with an inscription set up in the same place was damaged after a short time. At a memorial ceremony with ten newly planted memorial trees and memorial plaques on November 3, 2019, there was criticism due to incorrect spelling of the names of the murder victims and the failure to invite survivors and relatives.
In September 2017, the red-red-green majority in the Thuringian state parliament decided to set up a compensation fund for the NSU victims and a memorial for the NSU acts. The AfD rejected both for ideological reasons, the CDU because they were waiting for a judicial clarification and did not want to create a “place of pilgrimage for neo-Nazis”. By the end of the submission deadline in October 2018, 68 applications had been submitted and the 1.5 million euros made available were almost completely allocated by the end of the year. In March 2019, the politician Katharina König-Preuß called for the establishment of an archive on the NSU for further clarification. In April 2019, Jena’s Lord Mayor Thomas Nitzsche rejected the naming of an Enver-Şimşek-Platz in Winzerla , which was initiated by the local council and supported in a public survey .
Sociologist Jasmin Siri described the dehumanizing paraphrase of the murder victims with the term “kebab”, which prevailed until the NSU self-exposure, and their non-mourning in the general public as “the most extreme form of exclusion”. Many survivors were disappointed with the slow NSU trial ; they criticized the fact that the accused and officials hardly contributed to the investigation. Your skepticism towards the judiciary has remained. According to Esther Dischereit, there is no larger forum in which the NSU victims would be honored as people with their entire biographies beyond their status as victims or migrants. Because they continue to be referred to as “chance victims”, according to cultural anthropologist Lee Hielscher, the perpetrator's view continues to dominate public perception; the victims would be "made without history and place". The traveling exhibition “The victims of the NSU and the coming to terms with the crimes” has been shown in over a hundred locations in Germany since November 2013. The ARD broadcast on 11 December 2011, the documentation eight Turks, a Greek, a policewoman , the first "give a face" to the victims should. In 2013, Semiya Şimşek published the book Painful Homeland , which deals with the death of her father and the investigators' subsequent dealings with relatives , and served as the basis for the ARD television film The Victims - Don't Forget Me 2016 and, according to the Stuttgarter Zeitung, “maybe exactly the gap in the Reception ”concluded by providing“ emotional access ”to the“ faceless co-plaintiffs in the NSU trial ”.
literature
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- Daniel Koehler: Right-Wing Terrorism in the 21st Century. The 'National Socialist Underground' and the History of Terror from the Far-Right in Germany. Routledge, Oxford / New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-138-12328-1 .
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- Antonia von der Behrens (ed.): No closing words. Nazi Terror - Security Authorities - Support Network. Pleading in the NSU trial. VSA, Hamburg 2018, ISBN 978-3-89965-792-0 .
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Web links
Wikinews: National Socialist Underground - in the news- NSU-Watch.info , watch blog on the NSU trial and various NSU investigative committees (German and Turkish)
- Gerhard Schäfer , Volkhard Wache, Gerhard Meiborg: Expert opinion on the behavior of the Thuringian authorities and public prosecutors in the persecution of the "Zwickau trio" . (PDF) Thüringen.de, May 14, 2012 ("Schäfer report"; summary (PDF))
- Johannes Radke: The "National Socialist Underground" (NSU). In: bpb, Dossier right-wing extremism , October 16, 2013
- Elke Grittmann, Tanja Thomas, Fabian Virchow : The unword explains the crime: The coverage of the NSU murders - a media criticism . (= The workbook. No. 79). Otto Brenner Foundation , 2015 ( summary article in Communicatio Socialis )
- Peter Künzel, Matthias Leitner, Thies Marsen: NSU terror , ARD web documentation 2016
- NSU and the state - prevented reconnaissance. In: Bürgerrechte & Polizei / CILIP , No. 110, June 2016
- Heike Kleffner : The NSU and media coverage. Federal Agency for Civic Education , right-wing extremism dossier , January 20, 2017
- NSU tribunal. 17.-21. May 2017, Schauspiel Köln , "Dissolve NSU complex" campaign
Individual evidence
- ^ Günter Platzdasch: Right-wing terrorism: where it all began. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), November 26, 2011, p. 44.
- ↑ Heike Kleffner : Generation Hoyerswerda. Amnesty Journal , October 2016; Tanjev Schultz: NSU , Munich 2018, pp. 45–48.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 126.
- ↑ Christoph Scheuermann: The brown virus . In: Der Spiegel . No. 51 , 2011, p. 63 ( online ).
- ^ Frank Döbert: Memory of the 90s. Ostthüringer Zeitung , December 17, 2011.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 127–130; German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , August 22, 2013, pp. 85-90.
- ↑ a b Butz Peters : NSU-Trio: 13 years in the underground - a reconstruction. Cicero , July 10, 2013.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , 22 August 2013, pp. 91–97, for the number of members p. 92, for the section leadership p. 96 f.
- ↑ Schäfer report, May 14, 2012, PDF pp. 36 and 43 f.
- ↑ NSU murders, Ku Klux Klan and the police: Where does a fraternization of the state with the Klan begin? Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ), October 24, 2012; Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Homeland Security. Munich 2014, p. 135 f.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 158–169.
- ↑ Thuringian Neo-Nazi Committee: "That was TNT and not baking powder". Spiegel Online , December 3, 2012.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 248 f.
- ↑ Barbara Hans, Jens Witte: NPD and brown terror cell: incriminating images. Spiegel Online, December 13, 2011.
- ↑ Pitt von Bebenburg: "We know where you live". Frankfurter Rundschau (FR), May 8, 2015; The debate of the 1990s: the Wehrmacht exhibition and the extensive network of neo-Nazis. Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk (MDR), November 25, 2015.
- ↑ Andrea Röpke: The face of the brown terror. Explosives attacks by the "German Action Groups". Look to the right , November 15, 2011.
- ↑ Schäfer report, May 14, 2012, PDF p. 76.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 190–195.
- ↑ Schäfer report, May 14, 2012, PDF p. 27 f.
- Jump up ↑ Eike Kellermann: Mugshots: Suddenly he was gone. Der Tagesspiegel , November 24, 2011.
- ^ Zwickau brown cell: neo-Nazi terrorists left confession on DVD. Spiegel Online, November 12, 2011.
- ↑ A network after all. Junge Welt , January 28, 2013.
- ↑ Schäfer report, May 14, 2012, PDF p. 28 f.
- ↑ Frank Döbert: From the beginnings of the right-wing radical bomb makers in Jena. Ostthüringer Zeitung, November 9, 2011.
- ↑ Wolf Schmidt: NPD and NSU: Apple brown core. The daily newspaper (taz), December 12, 2011.
- ↑ Schäfer report, May 14, 2012, pp. 62–75 and 83–88.
- ↑ Hans Leyendecker : Investigations against Zwickau terror cell - explosive finds. In: SZ , January 14, 2012. Retrieved on May 10, 2019. See also the Tagesschau 20 years ago , February 12, 1998, 9: 29–9: 52 (about the bomb workshop finds). Retrieved May 10, 2019.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , Aug 22, 2013, pp. 326-333; Andreas Förster: State development aid. In: ders. (Ed.): Geheimsache NSU , Tübingen 2014, pp. 100-104.
- ↑ Julia Jüttner: Thuringian Neo-Nazi Committee: "That was TNT and not baking powder". Spiegel Online, December 3, 2012; Jana Simon : NSU series of murders: It happened on a Monday. Die Zeit , June 14, 2013; Holger Witzel : An NSU investigator accuses: “You can clear up almost anything - you just have to be allowed to”. Stern , April 3, 2016.
- ^ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz , Munich 2014, pp. 262–274, pp. 807–811 (statement by Matczak).
- ↑ Schäfer report, May 14, 2012, PDF p. 75
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 291–295, 299, 304 f. and 321.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 317.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 340 f., 361 f., 373 f.
- ^ A b Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 382–384.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 364–369.
- ↑ Wiebke Ramm : Zschäpe statement in the NSU trial: "We feared that we would now be arrested". Spiegel Online, May 12, 2016.
- ↑ Thomas Moser: Deadly Money. Friday 3rd February 2016.
- ↑ Andreas Förster: Zwickau Terror Cell: How did the NSU finance its deeds?
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 444 f.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 483–485.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 129.
- ↑ Bertolt Hunger, Maximilian Schäfer: In the network of the NSU. Spiegel Online, May 6, 2013.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 514 f.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 128.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 554 f.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 742–745.
- ^ Daniel Koehler: The German 'National Socialist Underground (NSU)' and Anglo-American Networks. The Internationalization of Far-Right Terror. In: Paul Jackson, Anton Shekhovtsov (Eds.): The Post-War Anglo-American Far Right: A Special Relationship of Hate. Palgrave, Basingstoke 2014, p. 111 f.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 132.
- ↑ a b Christoph Busch: The “National Socialist Underground” in the light of right-wing extremist violence. Federal Agency for Civic Education (bpb), May 10, 2012.
- ↑ Left collection: From Ku Klux Klan to Turner Diaries - the US neo-Nazi scene as a piece of the puzzle in the NSU complex. NSU-Watch, August 17, 2017.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , August 22, 2013, p. 875 f.
- ^ Bernd Kasparek: Anti-migrant Konjunkturen. In: Azar Mortazavi u. a. (Ed.): Judgments. Münster 2016, pp. 146–159.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 131.
- ↑ a b Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 137 f.
- ↑ Patrick Gensing: Right-wing Terrorism: The deed is the message. Tagesschau.de, November 24, 2011.
- ^ A b Antonia von der Behrens: The NSU network. In this. (Ed.): No closing words. Hamburg 2018, pp. 197–322, here p. 248 f.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 391–393, 396–398.
- ^ Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, pp. 249–251.
- ↑ Jonas Miller, Martin Hähnlein, Elke Graßer-Reitzner, Sabine Stoll, Michael Reiner: NSU assassination attempt in Nuremberg: trace leads to Zschäpe's close friend. In: Nordbayern.de , June 26, 2018.
- ^ Secondary action NSU trial: Minutes plea of the Federal Prosecutor's Office 1st day. July 25, 2017.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 470–476; State Parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia , 16th electoral period, printed matter 16/14400: Final report of the Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry III , March 27, 2017, Chapter BI: "Probsteigasse", pp. 291–329 landtag.nrw.de (PDF)
- ^ Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, pp. 245–249.
- ↑ Kim Finke: The undercover agent Johann H .: One trace led to the intelligence agency. CILIP No. 110, June 2016.
- ↑ a b NSU trial secondary suit: Minutes pleading by the Federal Prosecutor's Office 3rd day. July 27, 2017
- ^ A b c Patrick Gensing: Indictment against the NSU: Document of horror. Tagesschau.de , November 15, 2012.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, p. 124.
- ↑ Heike Kleffner : Traces of the Reid Method: Forced Confessions and Institutional Racism. Cilip , April 27, 2018; Daniel Geschke, Matthias Quent: Secondary victimization by the police? In: Wolfgang Frindte and others (eds.): Right-wing extremism and “National Socialist Underground” , Wiesbaden 2015, pp. 481–506, here p. 481 f.
- ↑ Crime - Dark Parallel World . In: Der Spiegel . No. 8 , 2011 ( online ).
- ^ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatzschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 646–649, citations p. 646.
- ↑ Henrik Dosdall: organizational failure and NSU investigation . In: Journal of Sociology , Volume 47, 2018, No. 6, pp. 402–417.
- ^ "No 10th victim!" - Short film about the silent marches in Kassel and Dortmund in May / June 2006. NSU-Watch, January 7, 2014; German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , August 22, 2013, p. 495 f.
- ↑ General Federal Prosecutor at the Federal Court of Justice: Further arrests in connection with the investigations against members and supporters of the terrorist organization National Socialist Underground (NSU). Press release No. 41/2011, November 29, 2011.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 581–589.
- ↑ Stephan Kuhn: The attack on Keupstrasse and the investigation against those affected. In: Antonia von der Behrens (ed.): No closing words. Hamburg 2018, pp. 163–179, here p. 164.
- ^ NSU committee: Kiesewetter was a chance victim. Heilbronner Voice , January 15, 2016. For further dead witnesses see Gareth Joswig: Another possible NSU witness died: Time for answers. taz, February 16, 2016.
- ↑ Kerstin Herrnkind , Rainer Nübel: NSU murder of Michèle Kiesewetter: Clarification undesirable? In: Stern . September 13, 2016; Kiesewetter murder: weren't there secret services at the crime scene in Heilbronn? dpa / Badische Zeitung , March 20, 2017.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 364–367 and 664–666; Summary 381st day of negotiations. NSU-Watch, September 1, 2017; Björn Elberling: The robberies of the NSU. In: Antonia von der Behrens (ed.): No closing words. Hamburg 2018, pp. 185–196.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, inside front cover, “Die Verbrechen des NSU” (all information in euros, for information in DM see p. 365, 403, 404, 469).
- ↑ Minutes 277th day of the hearing - April 20, 2016. In: NSU Watch. April 20, 2016, accessed on March 1, 2020 (German).
- ↑ Gotha police chief reveals details of Eisenach bank robbery. Thuringian General, November 30, 2011; the details of the times were later corrected: Minutes 114th day of the hearing - May 21, 2014. NSU-Watch, June 14, 2014.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 9–16 and pp. 768–775; Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, pp. 423–429.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 771; BT-Drs. 18/12950 , June 23, 2017, p. 622, 1025. On Kapke's role, see Antonia von der Behrens: The NSU network. In this. (Ed.): No conclusion , Munich 2018, pp. 197–322, here pp. 226–228, 246 f., 281 f.
- ↑ The invalidated myth of the murder of Böhnhardt and Mundlos. Time May 22, 2014.
- ↑ Landtag-Drucksache 5/8080, July 16, 2014, pp. 1573–1575; thueringer-landtag.de (PDF)
- ↑ Left-wing MPs: Mundlos and Böhnhardt were not murdered by a third person. Ostthüringer Zeitung, October 30, 2017; Madeleine Henfling, Katharina König-Preuß, Dorothea Marx: “Pioneers” of the Enlightenment? The Thuringian committees of inquiry into right-wing terrorism and the "National Socialist Underground". In: Benjamin-Immanuel Hoff , Heike Kleffner , Maximilian Pichl, Martina Renner (Eds.): Unreserved Enlightenment? NSU, NSA, BND - secret services and committees of inquiry between state failure and state welfare. VSA, Hamburg 2019, pp. 209–224, here pp. 218–220.
- ↑ Gunther Hartwig, André Bochow: Interview with Clemens Binninger: "Many have failed". Südwest-Presse , February 9, 2017; Caro Keller: No plausible alternative recognizable - The Thuringian NSU investigative committee completed its work on November 4th, 2011. NSU-Watch, February 20, 2017. The Federal Prosecutor's Office on the NSU trial: Plea of the Federal Prosecutor's Office 3rd day. NSU-Nebenklage.de, July 27, 2017. The secondary suit: Björn Elberling: The robbery of the NSU. In: Antonia von der Behrens (ed.): No closing words. Hamburg 2018, pp. 185–196, here p. 195. For defense, for example, Wolfram Nahrath ; Plea with quotes from Hitler. FRI, May 17, 2018.
- ^ Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, p. 424.
- ↑ Demolition excavator removes remains of the Zwickau NSU shelter. Märkische Oderzeitung , April 24, 2012.
- ↑ Hannelore Crolly: Ten murders: The murderous dimension of the brown terror. Die Welt , November 12, 2011.
- ↑ Thomas Knellwolf, David Nauer: So the only hot lead to the murderous neo-Nazis was lost. Berner Zeitung , September 28, 2012.
- ↑ Thomas Knellwolf: The pistol in the Zwickau cell cost 1250 francs back then. Tages-Anzeiger , November 17, 2011.
- ^ NSU-Watch: Transcript of the NSU confessional video .
- ↑ a b Wolf Schmidt: 15 minutes of human hatred: confession video of the Zwickau cell. taz, November 16, 2011
- ↑ Right-wing extremist series of murders: The confession video with victim-mocking images. World.
- ↑ Ahmet Senyurt, Birgit Kappel, Pia Dangelmayer: The NSU police murder in Heilbronn: New facts, new questions. Bayerischer Rundfunk, July 10, 2012.
- ^ Tanjev Schultz: NSU trial: "Ali9" and "Ali9 aktuell": The video work of the NSU. SZ, March 15, 2016.
- ↑ Barbara Hans, Birger Menke, Benjamin Schulz: Confessional video of the Zwickau cell: 15 minutes of sadism. Spiegel Online, November 14, 2011.
- ^ Plea of the Federal Prosecutor's Office 3rd day. NSU secondary lawsuit, July 27, 2017.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 784.
- ↑ DVD suggests connection to arson attacks. Spiegel Online, December 2, 2011.
- ↑ Andreas Förster: NSU investigation began with a breakdown. Stuttgarter Nachrichten , November 25, 2012; BT-Drs. 18/12950 , p. 982 (PDF).
- ↑ Neo-Nazis also targeted politicians. Spiegel Online, November 16, 2011.
- ^ Christian Unger: NSU trio marked twelve locations in Hamburg. Hamburger Abendblatt , June 3, 2013.
- ^ New, extensive list of neo-Nazis names appeared. Time November 18, 2011.
- ↑ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz. Munich 2014, p. 471.
- ↑ Birger Menke: Investigators reconstruct the skull message. Spiegel Online, December 14, 2011.
- ↑ Brown terror cell: Investigators ask the population for help. Spiegel Online, December 1, 2011.
- ↑ No new evidence of further NSU crimes. Bundestag.de, November 24, 2016.
- ↑ Miguel Sanches, Christian Unger: The riddle about the traces of the NSU is getting bigger and bigger. Hamburger Abendblatt, October 15, 2016.
- ↑ Andreas Förster: NSU Terror: Many traces, no suspects. FRI, October 14, 2016.
- ^ A b Martín Steinhagen, Pitt von Bebenburg: NSU trial: "NSU did not only consist of three people". FRI, September 5, 2016.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 18/12950 , June 23, 2017, pp. 617–622.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 18/5516 , July 8, 2015; BT-Drs. 18/12950 , June 23, 2017, pp. 623–628.
- ↑ Andreas Förster: NSU Terror: “Who were the helpers of the NSU trio?” FR, November 4, 2014; Stefan Aust, Helmar Büchel, Dirk Laabs: Protocols? Under lock. Results? Secret. World, April 17, 2016.
- ↑ a b Manuel Bewarder, Martin Lutz: Right Terror: Search for further NSU acts takes 20 years. World, June 14, 2013.
- ↑ a b Pitt von Bebenburg: NSU: Left faction reports Temme because of false statements. FRI, March 22, 2017.
- ↑ Right-wing extremist trio from Zwickau: Police arrest alleged accomplices. Stern, November 13, 2011.
- ↑ Murder of Rabbi: Did the Zwickau Cell Kill in Zurich? Spiegel Online, December 13, 2011; Routine review in the Ufuk murder case. In: Die Glocke , November 15, 2011; Felix Helbig: Trace of the Zwickau terror group leads to the Rhine. FRI, December 17, 2011.
- ↑ See for example Michael Brakemeyer: NSU “death list”: Also Göttinger in sight. In: Göttinger Tageblatt , June 21, 2018; Does Tatort appear on the NSU death list? In: Westfalen-Blatt , June 22, 2018.
- ↑ Hannelore Crolly, Dirk Laabs: DNA trace in the Peggy murder case: The Böhnhardt folding rule becomes a GAU for the investigators. Welt, October 27, 2016.
- ↑ Olaf Przybilla : Peggy case: Suspicious find was part of Böhnhardt's headphones. SZ, March 8, 2017; German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 18/12950 , June 23, 2017, pp. 59-62, 968-970; Kai Mudra: Böhnhardt trace in the Peggy case: expert opinion exonerates Thuringian LKA crime scene group. Thuringian General, July 20, 2018.
- ^ Neo-Nazi terror group: judge issues arrest warrant for Holger G. Welt, November 14, 2011.
- ^ Neo-Nazi terror group: Police arrest fourth suspect. Spiegel Online, November 13, 2011.
- ↑ Federal Prosecutor General at the Federal Court of Justice: arrest of a suspected member of the terrorist organization "National Socialist Underground (NSU)". Press release No. 36/2011, November 13, 2011.
- ^ A b Günter Platzdasch: Releases in the neonacite terror process: Holger G., Carsten Sch., Matthias D. and André E. exonerated from the charge of NSU support. Linksnet.de, May 26, 2012.
- ↑ Christian Fuchs, Daniel Müller: The white brothers. Time April 17, 2013.
- ↑ a b The "National Socialist Underground" and its environment. LN-Online.de, January 31, 2013.
- ^ Presumed NSU helper André E .: The shop steward. Spiegel Online, May 4, 2013.
- ↑ Federal Prosecutor's Office initiates investigations against further NSU suspects. Spiegel Online, February 24, 2013.
- ↑ Patrick Gensing: Andre E. - Prototype of a neo-Nazi. Tagesschau.de, May 5, 2013.
- ^ Right-wing extremist Ralf Wohlleben arrested. Spiegel Online, November 29, 2011.
- ^ Neo-Nazi terror: Investigators arrest neo-Nazis on suspicion of terrorism. FRI, November 29, 2011.
- ^ Neo-Nazi terror: police arrest supporters of the Zwickau cell. Spiegel Online, December 11, 2011; Günter Platzdasch: Releases in the neonacite terror process: Holger G., Carsten Sch., Matthias D. and André E. exonerated from accusations of NSU support. Linksnet.de, May 26, 2012.
- ↑ Jörg Diehl, Julia Jüttner, Sven Röbel: Alleged terrorist helper Carsten S .: The long shadow of the brown past. Spiegel Online, February 1, 2012.
- ↑ Patrick Gensing: Carsten S. - the permanent dropout. Tagesschau.de, May 4, 2013.
- ↑ Andreas Förster: The actual underground. BZ, March 26, 2013.
- ↑ Florian Harms, Jonas Mueller-Töwe: NSU reconnaissance officer Clemens Binninger: "Mundlos and Böhnhardt were perhaps not the shooters". In: T-Online , July 11, 2018.
- ↑ Archive estimates NSU support group at 200 people. dpa / Berlin.de, April 14, 2013.
- ^ National Socialist Underground NSU. Political Education Brandenburg, Lexicon, June 2013, updated in July 2017; Stephanie Lahrtz: The verdict on Beate Zschäpe is not a line under the NSU file. Neue Zürcher Zeitung, July 11, 2018.
- ↑ Expert doubts the size of the NSU. n-tv , January 25, 2013.
- ↑ Christoph Arnowski: New evidence against Zschäpe. BR.de, February 3, 2017.
- ↑ NSU probably had helpers in Bavaria. SZ, November 27, 2012.
- ↑ Andrea Röpke: The National Socialist Underground and its Network. In: Andrea Röpke, Andreas Speit (eds.): Blut und Ehre , Berlin 2013, pp. 122–148; Kulturbüro Sachsen : swept under the carpet. The support network of the NSU in Saxony. Dresden 2017.
- ↑ Konrad Litschko: Uwe Mundlos wrote for Nazi magazine: Spelling mistakes gave him away. taz, September 6, 2016.
- ↑ a b German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , August 22, 2013, p. 161 f. (PDF).
- ↑ Tom Sundermann: Letters of confession before the murders? Zeit, NSU trial blog, October 1, 2014.
- ^ Wiebke Ramm : NPD deputy in the NSU trial: The memory gaps of Mr. Petereit. Spiegel Online, July 13, 2016.
- ↑ Tom Sundermann: Greetings to the terrorist group. Time, July 13, 2016.
- ↑ Maik Baumgärtner, Sven Röbel: Cash from the underground: NSU sent money letters to right-wing extremist organizations. Spiegel Online, November 16, 2012.
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- ↑ Online photo glorifies NSU terror: Left turns on justice. Thuringian General, December 3, 2012.
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- ^ Robert Andreasch: Neo-Nazi action in front of the NSU process building. NSU-Watch, April 23, 2013.
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- ↑ Two-year-old daughter of a lawyer threatened: threatening letter triggered right-wing extremism investigation against police officers. hessenschau , December 16, 2018, accessed on January 30, 2019 .
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- ^ Wiebke Ramm : Ex-V-Mann in the NSU trial: Brandt, the founder. Spiegel Online, June 7, 2016.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , August 22, 2013, pp. 106-114; Hartmut Kaczmarek: Operation “Rennsteig” was supposed to monitor Thuringian homeland security. Thuringian newspaper, June 18, 2012.
- ↑ NSU terror cell: "Thuringian Heimatschutz" - 40 of 140 probably V-people . Welt Online , September 4, 2012.
- ^ Markus Deggerich, Hubert Gude, Frank Hornig, Sven Röbel, Steffen Winter: Secret services: alias ink . In: Der Spiegel . No. 27 , 2012 ( online ).
- ^ Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatzschutz. Munich 2014, pp. 636–644, 649–661, 670–676 as well as passages in the chapter “The Promise”.
- ^ Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, p. 272; 275.
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- ^ Hanning Voigts: Pressure on Interior Minister Peter Beuth is growing. FRI, June 22, 2019; Hanning Voigts: Lübcke murder in Hesse: Stephan E. was in the NSU report. FRI, September 22, 2019.
- ^ Matthias Lohr, Daniel Göbel: NSU: Committee of Inquiry into Andreas Temme and "North Hessian neo-Nazi scene" called for - Kassel. In: hna.de. April 6, 2006, accessed January 12, 2020 .
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- ^ Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, p. 174 f.
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- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , August 22, 2013, p. 90 f.
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- ↑ Thuringian SEK "whistled back" shortly before access. MDR, December 19, 2011, accessed July 24, 2018 .
- ↑ Media report on the NSU trio: Investigators overheard Böhnhardt. taz, February 26, 2014.
- ↑ Sebastian Haak: Police officer accuses LKA chief of sabotage during investigations. Time January 9, 2014.
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- ^ Neo-Nazi series of murders: Lower Saxony admits breakdown in terrorist manhunt. SZ, November 16, 2011.
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- ↑ Manuel Bewarder, Uwe Müller: The terror cell and me. World on Sunday , September 23, 2012.
- ↑ Andreas Förster: Zwickau cell: Italians gave evidence of NSU. BZ, July 2, 2012.
- ↑ Bernd von Heintschel-Heinegg : Terror group "National Socialist Underground" (40 pages PDF), report of the 2nd committee of inquiry of the 17th German Bundestag, March 25, 2013, p. 35.
- ↑ Lena Kampf: The Protection of the Constitution had known the abbreviation "NSU" since 2005. Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR), October 1, 2014.
- ↑ Tanjev Schultz : Explosive find when cleaning up. SZ, June 2, 2014.
- ↑ Johannes Hartl: Was the name "NSU" already known in 2007? Right end of the line , June 19, 2013; Bavarian State Parliament , printed matter 16/17740: NSU committee of inquiry, final report , p. 80 (PDF).
- ↑ Toralf Staud: The secrets of Lothar Lingen. Zeit, January 19, 2017; Tanjev Schultz: NSU. Munich 2018, chapter “Operation Confetti: The Shredder Affair in the Protection of the Constitution”, pp. 353–385.
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- ↑ Konrad Litschko: Investigations against constitutional protection officers: On the trail of shredding. taz, November 23, 2016.
- ↑ Dirk Laabs: Procedure for destruction of files after money has been issued. Welt Online, March 27, 2018; Important partial victory against the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution. DKA office, March 27, 2018.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 17/14600 , pp. 787-798, 800.
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- ↑ NSU: Investigations into the destruction of files in Chemnitz public prosecutor's office discontinued. dpa / Leipziger Volkszeitung , April 17, 2014.
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- ^ Resignation of the head of the protection of the constitution: Saxony's enigmatic secret files. Spiegel Online, July 11, 2012.
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- ↑ Holger Schmidt: "Shredder man" is now working on the Federal President. Südwestrundfunk (SWR), July 3, 2013.
- ^ SPD politician Edathy. Reboot with obstacles. Spiegel Online, January 18, 2012.
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- ↑ Dirk Laabs: The protection of the constitution and the NSU. In: Wolfgang Frindte u. a .: Right-wing extremism and "National Socialist Underground" , Wiesbaden 2015, pp. 225–258, here p. 256.
- ^ Heike Kleffner , Andreas Feser: The NSU investigation committee. bpb, right-wing extremism dossier, November 18, 2013.
- ^ German Bundestag, BT-Drs. 18/6330 (PDF); Maik Baumgärtner, Martin Knobbe, Sven Röbel: NSU committee of inquiry: “What if we don't even know the head of the group?” Spiegel Online, April 14, 2016.
- ↑ Tom Sundermann: NSU Committee: The Chaos at the Secret Service. Zeit, June 27, 2017; Konrad Litschko: Final report of the NSU committee: “More than sobering”. taz, June 22, 2017.
- ↑ Marcel Fürstenau: NSU: State failure confirmed again. Deutsche Welle , August 21, 2014; Maximilian Pichl: There is no trace of clarification: 20 years of the NSU complex. Sheets for German and international politics. No. 1, January 2018, pp. 111–120.
- ↑ Kien Nghi Ha: The NSU complex , Bielefeld 2017, pp. 35–57, here pp. 47–49.
- ↑ Judge refuses a firm seat for the Turkish ambassador. SZ, March 8, 2013.
- ↑ Seda Başay-Yıldız: “Not just a legal task” - representing the victims in the NSU trial. In: Barbara John (Ed.): Time cannot heal our wounds. What the NSU terror means for the victims and their families. Herder, Freiburg, Basel, Vienna 2014, pp. 154–160, here p. 155.
- ↑ Maike Zimmermann: This process must not be a conclusion. Analysis & Criticism No. 620, October 18, 2016.
- ^ Andreas Förster: Guilt and state failure. Friday, July 25, 2016; Konrad Litschko: NSU series part 5: The role of the federal prosecutor. taz, November 4, 2016; Antonia von der Behrens: The network of the NSU, state contributory negligence and prevented clarification. In this. (Ed.): No conclusion , Hamburg 2018, pp. 197–322, here pp. 301–316.
- ^ Felix Hansen, Sebastian Schneider: The NSU process in numbers - an evaluation. NSU-Watch, September 10, 2017.
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- ^ NSU trial: Members of the NSU victims are suing the state. SZ, June 18, 2017.
- ^ Process: Compensation for relatives of NSU victims. Schwäbische.de, August 29, 2017.
- ^ Severin Weiland: Zwickau cell: Republic in shock. Spiegel Online, November 13, 2011.
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- ↑ Kien Nghi Ha: The NSU complex. A case study of structural and institutional racism. In: Bärbel Völkel , Tony Pacyna (ed.): Neorassismus in the immigration society . A challenge for education. Transcript, Bielefeld 2017, pp. 35–57, here pp. 37–39, 42–44.
- ↑ Michael Edinger, Eugen Schatschneider: Terrorism Made in Germany , London / New York 2016, pp. 137-139 ; Stefan Aust, Dirk Laabs: Heimatschutz , Munich 2014, p. 851.
- ^ Fight against right-wing extremism: the federal and state governments agree on a central neo-Nazi file. Spiegel Online, November 15, 2011.
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- ↑ Federal Constitutional Court rejects NPD ban. FAZ, January 17, 2017 (agency reports).
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- ^ Sabine am Orde: Reform of the protection of the constitution: consequences of total failure. taz, March 25, 2015; Heiner Busch: defeat overcome. The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution is rewarded. CILIP No. 110, June 2016.
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- ↑ Imke Schmincke, Jasmin Siri : NSU murders. In: Torben Fischer, Matthias N. Lorenz (Hrsg.): Lexicon of “Coping with the Past” in Germany: Debate and Discourse History of National Socialism after 1945. 3rd, revised and expanded edition. Transcript, Bielefeld 2015, pp. 391–394, here p. 393.
- ↑ Toni Kantorowicz: The observation left. Jungle World No. 45, Nov. 10, 2016; Konrad Litschko: "The victims are not extras". taz, May 17, 2017.
- ↑ Cologne art project for NSU awarded the Amadeu Antonio Prize. In: Deutsche Welle , November 28, 2017.
- ↑ Bastian Brandau: NSU history workshop in Zwickau: The brown terror trio from next door. Deutschlandfunk, June 6, 2018.
- ^ Jana Hensel: NSU: Our empty space. In: Die Zeit , July 23, 2018.
- ↑ Overviews by André Anchuelo: Books on the NSU - an overview. Netz gegen Nazis , November 1, 2012; Jenny Lindner: 5 years after NSU III: Current literature on the NSU complex. Media Service Integration, October 28, 2016; Timo Schenker: Read more…! Books on NSU, right-wing terror and the constitution protection scandal . In: Der Rechts Rand , Vol. 27, 2016, No. 162, p. 46 der-rechte-rand.de (PDF). Carsten Janke, Lea Hoffmann: New books on the NSU complex. Media service integration, May 8, 2018.
- ^ Samuel Salzborn: Review. Political Science Portal , July 17, 2014; Holger Schmidt: Heimatschutz: A hard job, not a standard work. SWR, May 26, 2014.
- ↑ Holger Schmidt: A sober look at the NSU series of murders. NDR, August 21, 2018; Friedrich Burschel: Stabilizing the system and apologizing. NSU-Watch, September 25, 2018.
- ↑ Isabella Greif, Fiona Schmidt: State self-protection by the Federal Prosecutor's Office - The prevention of clarification in the NSU trial In: NSU-Watch , July 29, 2017.
- ↑ Johannes Baldauf: Jewish World Conspiracy, UFOs and the NSU Phantom. bpb, dossier right-wing extremism, October 14, 2015; Michael Butter : "Nothing is what it seems". About conspiracy theories. Suhrkamp, Berlin 2018, p. 206 f .; Kilian Behrens, Vera Henßler, Ulli Jentsch, Frank Metzger, Eike Sanders, Patrick Schwarz: The rights and the NSU. magazine, No. 3, March 2019; apabiz.de (PDF)
- ^ Nils Markwardt: Die Volksverhetzer. Friday June 21, 2013; Tomas Lecorte: Dark Forces . With regard to the NSU, many believe in a state conspiracy - including the left. analysis & criticism, No. 584, June 21, 2013; Jara Behrens, Kaya Schwarz: The 'Fatalist': Disinformation as a Strategy. NSU-Watch, February 7, 2016; Philipp Grüll, Marcus Weller: The NSU and the investigation mishaps: Dangerous conspiracy theories from the right. Report Munich , April 5, 2016; Yunus Özak: "Murderous Marionettes": The processing of the NSU complex and conspiracy theories. ZAG No. 73, 2017. For the content of the speculations, see Annette Ramelsberger , Tanjev Schultz: Conspiracy theories on the NSU: Murderous Legends. SZ, November 9, 2014; Excursus: on conspiracy theories on the subject of NSU. NSU-Nebenklage.de, June 9, 2018.
- ↑ Tanjev Schultz: Conspiracy Theories: Where Dark Forces Work. SZ, January 1, 2016.
- ↑ Peter Unfried : Krimi about the NSU: The literary investigation. taz, January 9, 2016; Collateral damage to world politics. NSU-Watch, February 13, 2016.
- ^ Kai Mudra: ZDF filmed "Dengler - The protective hand". Crime sows doubts about NSU investigations. Thuringian General, October 13, 2017.
- ^ Elmar Krekeler: NSU investigative committees? The thriller knows more. Welt, September 22, 2016; Elmar Krekeler: Why the German secret services are evil. World, September 30, 2016.
- ↑ Ulrich Noller: Thriller on the NSU complex: neo-Nazi terror as crime fiction. Deutschlandradio Kultur, November 4, 2016.
- ↑ Juan S. Guse : Documentation on NSU committee: A sad case. FAZ, August 20, 2013.
- ↑ Media award for TV documentary “Staatsversagen”. Bundestag.de, March 19, 2014.
- ^ Matthias Fässler: Documentary about the NSU: substitute family neo-Nazis. taz, June 3, 2015.
- ^ The NSU complex. In: BR.de , October 4, 2016.
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- ↑ ZDFzoom: The NSU ZDF death list , June 20, 2018.
- ↑ Daniel Kothenschulte : "The Kuaför from Keupstrasse": A Chronicle of Failure. FRI, February 26, 2016.
- ^ Wenke Husmann: Cannes Film Festival: Nazi terror as a thriller. Time May 27, 2017.
- ↑ Karsten Polke-Majewski: In the vortex of thoughts of the bereaved. Time May 20, 2017.
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- ↑ Ralf-Carl Langhals: Do the NSU the process. Mannheimer Morgen, February 22nd, 2014.
- ↑ a b Tobias Becker: Beate and we: Theater artists are putting the NSU terrorist cell on trial. Der Spiegel, January 27, 2014.
- ^ Sylvia Staude: "The White Wolf": The NSU as a play. FRI, February 10, 2014.
- ↑ Tobias Becker: Theater about Beate Zschäpe: "We light up a soul". Spiegel Online, January 26, 2014.
- ↑ Shots at the train station: Erfurt public prosecutor's office stops investigations against Zschäpe. Spiegel Online, July 31, 2013.
- ↑ Tunay Önder, Christine Umpfenbach, Azar Mortazavi (eds.): Judgments. A documentary play about the victims of the NSU. With texts about everyday and structural racism. Unrast, Münster 2016, ISBN 978-3-89771-217-1 .
- ↑ See for example Jürgen Reuss: The question of justice. Badische Zeitung, October 8, 2015.
- ^ Curt Bernd Sucher : Sucher's world: Theater. 49 passionate recommendations. Droemer, Munich 2018, p. 66.
- ↑ Ronald Meyer-Arlt: Piece about the NSU trial: "In each of us there is a murderer and rapist". HAZ, October 21, 2016.
- ↑ Danny Hollek: bombing of Chemnitz cultural center. Zeit, Störmelder, November 8, 2016.
- ↑ Kemal Hür : NSU monologues: Spartan staging of poignant stories. Deutschlandradio Kultur, November 7, 2016.
- ↑ Jenaer Kunstverein , Verena Krieger (Ed.): Sebastian Jung. Winzerla. Art as a search for traces in the shadow of the NSU. Kerber, Bielefeld, Berlin 2015; Tobias Maier: Artistic search for traces of the NSU: The demons of Winzerla. taz, June 4, 2015.
- ^ NSU series of murders: Places of Remembrance. Evangelisch.de, January 12, 2016.
- ↑ The "Bloody Floor" exhibition shows NSU crime scenes. Welt, November 3, 2016.
- ^ Andreas Platthaus : Neo-Nazis in Dortmund. In: FAZ.net , February 10, 2015.
- ^ Franz Knoppe, Maria Gäde: Case study Grass Lifter. Artistic interventions on the NSU in public space. In: Wolfgang Frindte and others (ed.): Right-wing extremism and “National Socialist Underground” , Wiesbaden 2015; Text archive - Internet Archive
- ^ Zwickau: Unknown people desecrate memorial for NSU victims. Spiegel Online, November 8, 2016.
- ↑ Esther Dischereit: I wish I still couldn't believe it. In: Deutschlandfunk Kultur , May 21, 2014; Christoph Lemmer: Radio play: The whole truth about the NSU, Beate Zschäpe, the secret services and the terrorist murders. In: Bitterlemmer.net , December 19, 2016; Klaus Ungerer : The murder pistol. In: HPD.de , October 19, 2017; Clemens Meyer: In the web of the spider woman. Or: ten attempts via the NSU. In: SWR.de , January 11, 2018.
- ↑ Tom Sprenger: ARD-Kulturwellen produce 12-hour documentary radio play on the NSU trial. In: Radiowoche.de , January 29, 2015.
- ↑ Martín Steinhagen: Conference on the NSU: Little research interest in the NSU. FRI, October 23, 2016.
- ^ Event: Klaus Theweleit on September 30th in Munich: The laughter of the perpetrators. NSU-Watch, September 7, 2015.
- ↑ Wolfgang Frindte: Review of Matthias Quent: Racism, radicalization, right-wing terrorism. How the NSU came about and what it reveals about society. Socialnet, October 10, 2016; Matthias Quent : Vigilante justice in the name of the people: Vigilantist terrorism. From Politics and Contemporary History No. 24/25, June 10, 2016.
- ↑ Alexander Schwabe: Right-wing extremism: Bundestag asks relatives of the victims for forgiveness. Time November 22, 2011.
- ↑ Barbara John: Introduction. In: Time cannot heal our wounds. Freiburg, 2014, pp. 9–27, here pp. 11–15.
- ↑ "hardship payments" of the Federal Government: 973,542.67 Euros for NSU victims. taz, April 9, 2013.
- ↑ Barbara John: Introduction. In this. (Ed.): Time cannot heal our wounds. Freiburg, Basel, Vienna 2014, pp. 9–27, here p. 18.
- ↑ Merkel's memorial speech for neo-Nazi victims in full. SZ, February 23, 2012.
- ↑ Olaf Sundermeyer : The NSU judgment and Merkel's promise. Jewish General, July 16, 2018.
- ↑ Joint declaration by affected cities: Dortmund commemorates victims of the NSU series of murders. WDR, April 3, 2012.
- ↑ Faulty memorial for NSU victims. Deutschlandradio, July 17, 2013.
- ↑ Nora Gohlke: Memorial for Mehmet Turgut - Rostock: Quiet tones in concrete ( Memento from October 30, 2016 in the Internet Archive ). art - Das Kunstmagazin , February 13, 2014. Rostock replaced the joint declaration with its own text.
- ^ Places of remembrance for the victims of the NSU acts of violence. Nürnberg.de.
- ↑ Helmut Frangenberg: This is how the memorial for the victims from Keupstrasse should look. Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger , November 7, 2016.
- ↑ Martin Lutz, Annelie Naumann: Most memorials for victims of the NSU were desecrated . In: Welt am Sonntag . October 13, 2019.
- ↑ Gauck rejects meetings with NSU victim families. WAZ.de, November 23, 2012.
- ↑ Gauck receives members of the NSU victims: "I want you to be able to gain new confidence". Spiegel Online, February 18, 2013.
- ^ NSU series of murders: Other survivors turn down Gauck's invitation. Time February 18, 2013.
- ↑ Reiner Burger : Gauck meets victims of the NSU attack: Together the different. FAZ, June 9, 2014.
- ^ Zwickau's mayor supports a memorial for NSU victims. Evangelisch.de, December 30, 2013.
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- ↑ Another memorial for NSU murder victims damaged . In: Spiegel Online . October 6, 2019.
- ↑ Zwickau inaugurates memorial for NSU victims . In: Zeit Online . 3rd November 2019.
- ↑ 68 NSU victims and their surviving dependents received compensation. n-tv, March 17, 2019; Gerlinde Sommer: Thuringian Compensation Fund: The Late Appreciation of the NSU Victims. Thuringian General, May 14, 2019.
- ↑ Thorsten Büker: Dispute over "Enver-Simsek-Platz" - Jena city administration rejects naming after NSU victims. Ostthüringer Zeitung, April 2, 2019.
- ↑ Jasmin Siri: "Missing?" On the emergence of positions of invisibility. In: Imke Schmincke, Jasmin Siri (eds.): NSU-Terror , Bielefeld 2013, pp. 193–202, here p. 199.
- ↑ Seda Başay-Yıldız: “Not just a legal task” - representing the victims in the NSU trial. In: Barbara John (ed.): Time cannot heal our wounds , Freiburg, Basel, Vienna 2014, pp. 154–160, here pp. 157–159.
- ↑ Esther Dischereit : The faces of the neighbors. An epilogue. In: Andreas Förster (Ed.): Secret thing NSU , Tübingen 2014, pp. 293–303, here p. 300 f.
- ↑ Lee Hielscher: De / Reality of Terror: An urban spatial documentation of visual axes at the former home points of the victims of the NSU terror. In: Movements. Journal for critical migration and border regime research. Volume 2, 2016, issue 1.
- ↑ Margarete Schlüter: "Focus on their fate" (conversation with Birgit Mair about the exhibition). Der Rechts Rand, Vol. 27, 2016, No. 162, p. 42 der-rechte-rand.de (PDF).
- ↑ Torsten Wahl: "Eight Turks, one Greek, one policewoman": give face, show face. FRI, December 13, 2011.
- ↑ Antje Hildebrandt: NSU in the ARD: Goose bumps as history lessons. Stuttgarter Zeitung, March 30, 2016.