People of Turkish origin in Germany

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Photo of a parade in front of the Brandenburg Gate
Janissaries parade through the Brandenburg Gate on Turkish Day in Berlin

People of Turkish origin in Germany are people who are or were citizens of Turkey themselves or whose ancestors did this, and whose ancestors immigrated from Turkey to the Federal Republic of Germany for various reasons as of 1960 as a result of the guest worker migration. In 2018, there were around three million people with a migration background in Germany who had family or religious roots in Turkey. About half of this group are German citizens. In official statistics, the term Turks in Germany is used for citizens of Turkey who live in Germany. The ambiguous term “German Turks” is used colloquially. The term “people of Turkish origin” is a neologism which , in contrast to the common parlance of “people of Turkish origin ”, expresses that it includes all ethnic and linguistic groups in the territory of the Republic of Turkey, in particular the Kurds living as an ethnic minority within Turkey (see Kurds in German-speaking countries ) and Armenians (see Armenians in Germany ). In Turkey these people are referred to as almancılar (translate as “Germany drivers ”) or gurbetçiler (“who go abroad professionally”). The milieu of people of Turkish origin also includes people of Turkish-Muslim origin from the neighboring states of Turkey, namely Western Thrace Turks , who, however, have a privileged legal status as citizens of the European Union even without having acquired German citizenship .

history

In 1961 the recruitment agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and Turkey was signed. The initiative to recruit Turkish workers in Germany came from Turkey. The agreement was preceded by recruitment agreements between Germany and Italy (1955), Spain and Greece (1960). The Republic of Turkey linked several goals with this labor migration agreement . On the one hand, she wanted to reduce her foreign trade deficit (home transfers to improve the balance of payments), and on the other hand, the social and economic problems in Turkey were to be alleviated. At first it was not considered that the workers referred to as “ guest workers ” should stay in Germany permanently. Over the following years women and children followed suit. There are now great-grandchildren of the first generation of migrants who are Turkish citizens, although their parents were born in Germany.

Especially among those Kurds who entered the Federal Republic of Germany with a Turkish passport, there are many who were allowed to stay in the country as (former) asylum seekers or persons entitled to asylum.

Demographics

In 2018, around three million people with a migration background in Germany had their family or religious roots in Turkey, around half of whom were German citizens. With people of Turkish origin in Germany, as with many people with a migration background from the former recruiting countries, there is a disproportionate accumulation of people without their own migration experience, ie they were already born in Germany and did not immigrate to Germany themselves. Their share among people of Turkish origin was 54.2 percent in 2017. This is certainly related to another trend among people from the former recruiting countries: They have been living for a long time. 78.0 percent of people with a Turkish migration background have stayed in Germany for at least 20 years, their average length of stay is 29.4 years. The number of people with Turkish citizenship is recorded in official statistics, such as the BAMF's migration report. There “people from Turkey” are defined as a subset of the “foreigners” category. This means that people with German and Turkish citizenship are not recorded. Since there is no Kurdish state, and therefore no Kurdish citizenship, most Kurds who come from Turkey are counted among the “persons from Turkey” unless they have (as can also be the case with ethnic Turks ) assumed German citizenship.

A falling number of statistically recorded “Turks” in Germany is no proof of the decrease in the number of people of Turkish origin in the Federal Republic. Since January 1, 2000, children born here who are non-German citizens and have a secure residence status in Germany have automatically been given German citizenship, so they are no longer counted as “Turks” or foreigners.

Even if the approx. 500,000 to 800,000 Kurds who emigrated from Turkey are factored out of the number of "Turks", Turks represent the largest group of foreigners who lived in Germany in 2006: According to the Federal Statistical Office , they lived in Germany at the end of 2006 6.75 million foreigners , including 1.739 million Turks. On December 31, 2007, 25.4 percent of all foreigners living in Germany were Turkish citizens. The proportion of Turks among all foreigners living in Germany has since fallen by almost half to a total of 13.1%, while the proportion of foreigners from Eastern Europe and the Arab region has increased. As of December 31, 2019, 1,472,390 Turks with Turkish citizenship were living in Germany.

Number of Turkish citizens in Germany (until 1990: only old federal territory)

  • 1961: 0006,800
  • 1971: 0652,000
  • 1981: 1,546,000
  • 1991: 1,780,000
  • 1998: 2,110,000
  • 1999: 2,054,000
  • 2001: 1,998,534, of which 746,651 (37.36%) were born in the Federal Republic of Germany.
  • 2002: 1.912.169
  • 2003: 1,877,661
  • 2004: 1,764,318
  • 2005: 1,764,041
  • 2006: 1,738,831
  • 2007: 1,713,551
  • 2008: 1,688,370
  • 2009: 1,658,083
  • 2010: 1,629,480
  • 2011: 1,607,161
  • 2012: 1,575,717
  • 2013: 1,549,808
  • 2014: 1,527,118
  • 2015: 1,506,113
  • 2016: 1,492,580
  • 2017: 1,483,515
  • 2018: 1,476,410
  • 2019: 1,472,390

Number of people of Turkish origin in Germany

The number of people of Turkish origin in Germany (people with current or previous Turkish citizenship or immigration of at least one parent from Turkey) was in

  • 2006: 2,495,000
  • 2007: 2,527,000
  • 2009: 2,502,000
  • 2010: 2,485,000
  • 2011: 2,956,000
  • 2012: 2,998,000
  • 2014: 2,859,000
  • 2015: 2,851,000
  • 2016: 2,797,000
  • 2017: 2,774,000
  • 2018: 2,769,000

The jump from 2010 to 2011 was due to a different way of counting. For the first time in Germany, children born as Germans, where both parents were of Turkish origin, were counted. Previously, Germans, where both parents had a migration background, were not given in the statistics broken down according to origin, in order to avoid duplication if the parents had different migration backgrounds.

Naturalizations previously Turkish citizens

  • 1972-1979: 2.219
  • 1980: 399
  • 1985: 1.310
  • 1990: 2.034
  • 1995: 31,578
  • 1998: 59,664
  • 1999: 103.900
  • 2000: 82.861
  • 2001: 76,574
  • 2002: 64,631
  • 2003: 56.244
  • 2004: 44,465
  • 2005: 32,700
  • 2006: 33,388
  • 2007: 28,861
  • 2008: 24,449
  • 2009: 24,647
  • 2010: 26,192
  • 2011: 28,103
  • 2012: 33,246
  • 2013: 27,970
  • 2014: 22,463
  • 2015: 19,695
  • 2016: 16,290
  • 2017: 14,984
  • 2018: 16,700

Since January 1, 2000, children of Turkish citizens born in Germany have been granted German citizenship by law if at least one parent has been lawfully resident in the federal territory for eight years and has an unlimited right of residence ( Section 4 (3) StAG). Naturalization is not necessary for these children (unlike those born before January 1, 2000). However, if these children do not fall under the new rules of 2014, they must decide whether they want to give up Turkish citizenship when they reach the age of majority, at the latest when they reach the age of 23 ( option model ). If you opt for Turkish citizenship or do not make a declaration, German citizenship is lost. If you opt for German citizenship, you must prove that you have lost your Turkish citizenship by the age of 23, otherwise you will also lose your German citizenship ( Section 29 StAG). Turkish children who were not yet ten years old on January 1, 2000 and who met the requirements of Section 4 (3) StAG at the time of their birth could acquire German citizenship through naturalization by December 31, 2000 ( Section 40b StAG) . Anyone who has been naturalized according to this transitional regulation also falls under the option regulation, i.e. they can lose their German citizenship again at their 23rd birthday.

Since the revision of the option obligation from December 20, 2014 , the option obligation is no longer subject to anyone who “grew up in Germany” according to the definition of the law ( Section 29 (1) a StAG). Those who do not fall under the new regulation must opt ​​as before.

Loss of citizenship through resumption of Turkish citizenship

Since January 1, 2000, the reacquiring of Turkish citizenship after naturalization in the German state association has resulted in the loss of German citizenship. This consequence occurred through the deletion of the so-called domestic clause in § 25 StAG. An estimated 48,000 former Turkish citizens lost their German citizenship as a result.

Immigration of people with German citizenship from Turkey

The return of German citizens from Turkey has increased slightly in recent years:

  • 2010: 3,220
  • 2011: 3,166
  • 2012: 3,227
  • 2013: 3,660
  • 2014: 4,303
  • 2015: 4,732
  • 2016: 4,881
  • 2017: 4,891

Emigration to Turkey

The number of people who (also) live with Turkish citizenship in Germany has fallen steadily from a high of 2.1 million in 1999 to 1.47 million in 2018. In addition to naturalizations and deaths, statisticians also name returnees as reasons.

From 2005 to 2014, more Turks from Germany moved to Turkey than immigrated from there to Germany. For the negative net migration , however, the sharp drop in immigrant numbers (more than 50,000 in 2002 to 30,000 in 2008) is responsible as the increase in the number of emigrants between 2006 and 2008 to a greater extent So went in 2008, for example, 28,741 Turks to Germany in In the same year, however, 38,889 Turks from Germany to Turkey. This trend continued in the following years. In 2010 and 2011, too, more Turks left Germany than Turks moved to Germany. The trend continued to a lesser extent in 2018.

Between 2007 and 2011, 193,000 Turks living in Germany returned permanently to Turkey. Most often, unemployment and discrimination were the main drivers of return migration. This is the result of a survey by the Turkish-German Foundation for Education and Scientific Research (TAVAK). In the TASD study, the Dortmund institute futureorg asked 250 Turkish and Turkish academics, almost three quarters of whom were born in the Federal Republic, about their living conditions. According to an interim evaluation, 38 percent said they wanted to emigrate to Turkey. The reason given by 42 percent was that they lacked the “feeling of home” in Germany. Almost four fifths doubted “that a credible integration policy is being pursued in Germany”.

Groups and status of citizens with Turkish citizenship

According to ethnic groups

The Turkish citizens are a heterogeneous group of up to 25 to 30 different ethnicities and language groups from Turkey. The ethnic Turks, who cannot be clearly delimited, have the largest share, followed by Kurds , Yazidis , Zaza , Lasen , Circassians and other smaller ethnic groups, such as the Christian minorities of the Armenians and Arameans .

According to residence status

The residence status of people of Turkish origin in Germany varies greatly.

According to the Federal Ministry of the Interior, on June 30, 2000 owned by the Turkish nationals living in the Federal Republic of Germany

In 2011, the 1,607,161 Turkish nationals had the following residence status:

  • 561,355 people with residence permits issued before January 1, 2005 , namely
    • 502,005 people with an unlimited right of residence (residence permit); this has been valid as a settlement permit since January 1, 2005 according to § 101 Abs. 1 AufenthG,
    • 59,350 persons with a limited right of residence under the Aliens Act 1990 (residence permits in the form of a residence permit, residence permit, residence permit; these are mostly unlimited residence permits, which have also been valid as permanent residence permits since January 1, 2005 according to Section 101 (1) AufenthG),
  • 704,287 people with an unlimited settlement permit ,
  • 280,000 people with a temporary residence permit according to the Residence Act for the purpose of training, employment, humanitarian or family reasons,
  • 26,727 people who have applied for a residence permit and received a certificate of fiction or whose stay does not require a permit ,
  • 23,183 people without any residence status,
  • 5904 persons with a Duldung , i.e. without legal residence, but with a de facto right to stay; often these are rejected asylum seekers,
  • 4014 people with a residence permit under the FreizügG / EU ; These are mainly Turkish nationals who are married to a non-German citizen of the EEA and then hold a residence card,
  • 1691 persons with a residence permit for the duration of an incomplete initial asylum procedure .

Among the 280,000 people with a residence permit there are around 35,000 Turkish workers with their family members who enjoy a special status according to the Association Council Decision No. 1/80 (ARB 1/80). These persons formally receive a temporary residence permit ( Section 4 (5) of the Residence Act), which is based on a fundamentally unlimited right of residence under European law. In May 2012, the Federal Administrative Court ruled that Turkish nationals who fall under ARB 1/80 can claim a residence permit that is valid for at least five years and clearly shows their right of permanent residence. For further details see → Decision 1/80 of the EEC-Turkey Association Council . The status according to ARB 1/80 does not preclude obtaining another residence status; the ARB 1/80 status is basically not lost as a result. A number of people with ARB 1/80 status are therefore likely to be found among those with a different residence permit, especially with a settlement permit.

Religious affiliation and religiosity

Turkish cemetery in Berlin, laid out in 1863 (the Şehitlik mosque in the background )

In a survey carried out on behalf of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in 2001, the interviewed Turks and people of Turkish origin stated the following religious affiliations:

  • Sunni: 63 percent
  • Alevi: 12 percent
  • Shiite: 2 percent
  • others: 7 percent
  • Non-denominational: 8 percent

The majority of Turkish citizens and people of Turkish origin belong to two forms of Islam: Sunni Islam after the Hanafi school of law and the Alevis . In addition to the economically motivated immigration of Alevis, there were Alevis seeking asylum in Turkey in the 1980s due to the political situation. Alevism in Turkey has always not been recognized as a Muslim minority belief, which means restrictions in their religious practice for the believers living there.

Kurds of the Yazidi faith in Turkey were exposed to even greater restrictions . The number of Yezidi Kurds in Germany is estimated at 35,000 to 40,000. However, not all Yezidi Kurds immigrated from Turkey.

The permanent residence of Muslim " guest workers " from Turkey in Germany meant that temporary backyard mosques were abandoned in order to build new mosques in Germany that could also be architecturally recognized as such . This delayed effect of labor migration in the 1960s and 1970s is often interpreted subjectively by the German population as Islamic missionary activity, infiltration and Islamization . As a result of this interpretation, there were several conflicts, for example about the Cologne Central Mosque in Cologne-Ehrenfeld or Frankfurt-Hausen .

There is also a Christian-Oriental congregation of Syrian Orthodox Christians with a bishopric in Warburg and a Syrian Orthodox monastery in North Rhine-Westphalia. Most of them emigrated because of poor living conditions (cf. Genocide of the Assyrians and Arameans and Arameans in Germany ). The number of Syrian Orthodox Christians in Germany is estimated at 80,000. You own several churches in Germany, some of them newly built, some of them taken over by other parishes. (Hüsnü Acar: People between cultures. Aramaic young people in Germany. Paderborn 1997.)

The Armenian Apostolic Church has its diocese in Cologne. There are several parishes in Germany (see Armenians in Germany ). Many Armenians came to Germany from Anatolia in the course of the Armenian genocide .

People with not very strong ties to their religion and non-denominational people are more willing than their compatriots who are more strongly tied to their religion to apply for German citizenship . A study by Liljeberg Research International also shows, however, that Germans, German-Turks and Turks reject a member of another denomination to marry into their family. Religious affiliation can therefore also complicate the integration process.

According to a survey by the Essen Center for Turkish Studies in 2005, 80 percent of Muslims of Turkish origin between the ages of 18 and 29 described themselves as “somewhat” or “very religious”.

The study published in 2016 by the Cluster of Excellence “Religion and Politics” at the University of Münster dealt in particular with “facets of religiosity” among people of Turkish origin. It is based on a representative survey commissioned by the opinion research institute TNS Emnid among 1201 immigrants from Turkey and their descendants aged 16 and over. The study found that in terms of religious practice (visiting mosques, personal prayer), the second / third generation is less active than the first (23 percent versus 32 percent who visit the mosque frequently; 35 percent versus 55 percent who visit several times a day perform personal prayer). However, the second / third generation rate themselves as more religious than the first (72 percent versus 62 percent rate themselves as “deeply”, “very” or “somewhat” religious). The study interprets this fact to the effect that the answers to the questions may not reflect the “actually lived” religiosity, but “more a demonstrative commitment to one's own cultural origin”. 47 percent of the respondents agreed with the statement "observing the commandments of my religion is more important to me than the laws of the state in which I live". While those of the first generation of Turkish origin agreed with this statement to 57 percent, the agreement with those of the second / third generation was 36 percent. On the other hand, religiously based acceptance of violence is comparatively low. Only 20 percent of the respondents agreed with the statement "The threat to Islam from the Western world justifies Muslims defending themselves by force" (25 percent of the first generation, 15 percent of the 2nd and 3rd). Regarding the “Traditional Belief Practice”, 23 percent of the respondents stated that Muslims should avoid shaking hands with the opposite sex. 41 percent of the first generation women surveyed wear a headscarf, compared to 21 percent of the second / third generation. In addition, 61 percent of those questioned agreed with the statement that "Islam certainly fits the Western world". 73 percent believed that “books and films that attack religions and hurt the feelings of deeply religious people” should be banned by law. The attitude towards Christians was "very positive" or "rather positive" in 80 percent of the respondents, the attitude towards atheists and Jews in 49 percent. With regard to religion, the study comes to the conclusion that the respondents interpreted Islam as an “attacked religion that must be protected from harm, prejudice and suspicion”. In addition, a “considerable proportion of Islamic fundamentalist attitudes could be identified that are difficult to reconcile with the principles of modern societies”.

integration

Poster for Erdoğan's visit to Germany with the inscription: "Our Prime Minister is in Düsseldorf"

A study by the Berlin Institute for Population and Development in 2009 identified those migrants in Germany who or whose ancestors immigrated from Turkey as by far the least integrated group of immigrants. The Federal Agency for Civic Education , on the other hand, stated that “the population of Turkish origin in Germany […] is so heterogeneous” that “it is almost impossible to draw up an integration balance sheet for the group of 'Turks'”.

Hans-Ulrich Wehler expressed himself critically on the subject on several occasions and doubted the willingness of Turkish immigrants to integrate. In principle, the “Muslim diaspora ” cannot be integrated. "[...] One should not voluntarily bring explosives into the country." In 2007 he said in connection with public discussions about the DITIB Central Mosque in Cologne (planned at the time and started in 2009) , it was "finally an open-hearted discussion about the position of German Muslims to lead ”, since DİTİB tends to“ curl up in its own subculture and refuse any assimilation. ”

According to the study published in 2016 by the Cluster of Excellence “Religion and Politics” at the University of Münster ( see sectionReligious affiliation and religiosity ”), 90 percent of the interviewed people of Turkish origin feel at home in Germany, 87 percent have very close to close ties with Germany, 85 Percent have very close to close ties with Turkey. The will to integrate (“I would definitely like to integrate myself into German society without any compromises.”) Is present in 70 percent of the respondents. 51 percent of the respondents feel they are “second class citizens”, but only 24 percent as “members of a population group” that would be discriminated against in Germany.

In a multi-topic survey of people of Turkish origin in Germany carried out in 2017, the Foundation for Turkish Studies and Integration Research identified a trend towards a growing focus on Turkey that has existed at least since 2012, especially among the following generations.

In a survey carried out from November 2015 to February 2016 among 1,201 people of Turkish origin by the University of Münster (Cluster of Excellence "Religion and Politics"), the following conditions were named for successful integration:

  • Learning the German language: 91 percent
  • Observe the laws in Germany: 84 percent
  • Have good contacts with Germans: 76 percent
  • Adopt more of German culture: 39 percent
  • Adjusting with one's clothes: 33 percent
  • Applying for German citizenship: 32 percent

education

A study that was presented in April 2010 showed that every fifth Turkish citizen in Germany has a poor or no command of the German language. Quite a few first-generation immigrants have not attended school in their home country and thus have a low to very low level of education. Around 70 percent of Turkish students in Berlin, where the proportion of Hartz IV recipients in the total population is generally higher than in all other federal states, at best achieved an extended secondary school leaving certificate in 2001, so that most young people of training age would have enormous educational deficits. In the same year, for example, just under 42 percent of all Turks of working age in Berlin were unemployed. In this context, Axel Börsch-Supan speaks of an “educational emergency”. Parents of Turkish origin also send their children to kindergarten less often than parents without a migration background, although the children could acquire German language skills there before starting school; the reasons for this are also due to the fact that few educators are bilingual. The journalist Canan Topçu points out that the first generation of immigrant Turks "hardly any offers" were made.

In 2006, more than 20 percent of those who did not have a school-leaving qualification stated that they had “little or very little written language skills in Turkish”. Many of them are illiterate in two languages.

14 percent of people of Turkish origin in Germany have a university entrance qualification. In 2007, 14,910 Turkish citizens with a university entrance qualification obtained in Germany (so-called Bildungsinländer ) studied at German universities . In the same year, 7,180 students in Germany with Turkish citizenship acquired their university entrance qualification abroad (so-called Bildungsauslaender ).

The situation of women among people of Turkish origin differs in part from common clichés: In the first generation of women (35–64 years) only 35 percent have very good knowledge of German, but this is in the second generation of women (15–34 years) Quota has already risen to 70 percent. Women of Turkish origin usually speak better German today and graduate from high school more often than men of Turkish origin.

In the period from 2001 to 2006, the proportion of people of Turkish origin between the ages of 25 and 35 without a vocational qualification increased from 44 percent to 57 percent.

According to the study published in 2016 by the Cluster of Excellence “Religion and Politics” at the University of Münster ( see sectionReligious affiliation and religiosity ”), 26 percent of all people of Turkish origin in Germany have no school-leaving qualifications, 40 percent of the first generation, 13 percent of the second / third generation. To the question “According to your own assessment, how well do you understand German?”, 47 percent of the first generation and 94 percent of the second / third generation answered “good / very good”.

Economic situation

In the case of Turkish households (taking into account the poverty risk line), it has been shown that incomes are far below average and that they are dependent on state social benefits. Around 42.5 percent of all households (44 percent of all persons) are at risk of poverty. In the Federal Government's report, the situation of relevant incomes (persistent unemployment), the low level of schooling or vocational training and the family situation of many of those affected were identified as the contemporary cause of poverty.

45.6 percent of all people of Turkish origin do not have any private pension provision (this applies to 35.6 percent of the total population of Germany). There are reservations among people of Turkish origin, especially about the Riester pension , as subsidies and tax breaks have to be repaid if the saver moves to Turkey in retirement.

In the public service people of Turkish origin with German citizenship are far underrepresented, as they are often not familiar with the access routes and requirements. They are still underrepresented among the self-employed, but their start-up rate is higher than that of people of German origin under the age of 35.

The HWWI observes a pronounced “niche economy” that start-ups with a Turkish migration background use in Germany. While the former niche markets of the 1970s, in which mainly groceries were sold for their own compatriots, and the gastronomic sector are already saturated, a "new niche" in the field of knowledge-intensive services has emerged since the 1990s, and it still exists today. Another niche that entrepreneurs of Turkish origin are increasingly using for their own purposes consists of culturally sensitive supply services for migrants of retirement age, such as nursing and funeral homes. Such niches, however, are not intended to be permanent. A Turkish grocer explains this as follows:

“Today you have to open a business for all customers. Specializing only in Turks makes no sense. The Turks have adapted to the Germans, have fewer children and therefore shop less and eat the same thing as the Germans - Gouda instead of sheep's cheese. "

In 2011 there were 80,000 companies, roughly three times as many Turkish-owned companies as in 1990. They employ around 420,000 people and have a turnover of over 40 billion euros. Depending on the industry, around 35 to 40 percent of Germans are employed there. The provision of capital is largely carried out with the help of families, and increasingly also through Turkish banks, while German banks are often extremely cautious towards Turkish founders. Mixed German-Turkish companies that take on a bridging function are becoming increasingly important. B. in the logistics industry.

Situation of the older population

Among the older population of Turkish origin, the (subjective) quality of life is overall significantly lower than that of German older people or other national and ethnic groups. This applies in particular to the dimensions of health and the environment, in which physical stress, unhealthy living conditions and psychosocial stress factors due to the experience of foreignness and social rejection come into play. Poverty, insecurity and a lack of information - for example about pension and social security in Germany and in the country of origin - reinforce the impression of not being able to adequately control one's own living and environmental conditions. The psychological and social dimensions of quality of life, however, are high. This is where familial and relational resources come into play, as well as voluntary work in ethnic associations and religious institutions. The possibility of a transnational lifestyle both in the country of origin and in the new home country is rated particularly positively , as far as the resources (health, financial means, stable networks) allow this. The lifestyle of older Turkish migrants is strongly related to the family, particularly to their own children. The fear of dependence is particularly pronounced in the population of Turkish origin, as a result of their marginalized social position. At the same time, there are clear reservations about day centers and especially about elderly care facilities in Germany.

Right to vote and behavior at the polls

Turkey

Until 2014, Turkish citizens living in Germany could only participate in Turkish elections if they were in the Republic of Turkey at the time of the election or at a border crossing. For this reason, for the Turkish election dates in 1995 and 1999, cheap flights were organized by Turkish groups who want to support the Islamist Millî Görüş or the right-wing extremist MHP . In principle, however, foreign organizations are prohibited for Turkish parties. In 2008, the Turkish AKP cabinet decided to introduce postal voting rights for Turks living abroad. This should apply to political parties, but not to independent candidates (Kurdish politicians often appear as such). The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Turkey retroactively repealed the change in the law with a ruling of May 29, 2008, since postal voting was not guaranteed to be confidential.

For the presidential election in Turkey in 2014 , Turkish citizens living abroad were allowed to vote in the consulates of their home country for the first time, including in Germany. This procedure was also used in the parliamentary elections in June and November 2015 , which is why the Turkish parties in Germany carried out an intense election campaign. 8.3 percent of Turks abroad exercised their right to vote. In Germany, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan received more than two thirds of the vote.

In the constitutional referendum in 2017 , 63 percent of Turkish voters in Germany voted for the proposed changes. In Turkey the approval rate was only 51.2 percent. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan achieved the highest approval rating in Belgium.

Germany

As such, Turkish citizens have no voting rights in Germany , unlike citizens of the European Union who can participate in local elections in Germany. In many municipalities, however, Turkish citizens have active and passive voting rights for the Foreigners ' Advisory Council, and due to the numerical strength and the comparatively high level of Turkish organization, they are often over-represented there (in North Rhine-Westphalia: 55 percent of the advisory board members Turks (1995), 57.6 percent of the Advisory board members Turks (1999)).

Germans of Turkish origin most frequently vote for the SPD (approx. 39 percent) and the Greens (approx. 13 percent) parties, as these appeal to immigrants of Turkish origin through their immigration policy and their liberal attitudes towards citizenship law. A survey carried out in 2010 also showed a similar tendency in voting behavior. A survey of the integration barometer of the German Advisory Council of German Foundations in 2018 shows, however, that the favor of voters of Turkish origin is changing. Accordingly, the SPD remains the strongest party (37.0 percent), but the gap to the CDU (32.9 percent) is narrowing.

The Berlin Association of Turkish Congregation in Germany explicitly called for people of Turkish origin, such as Cem Özdemir or Lale Akgün , to be elected in the 2009 Bundestag election .

In the 2017 federal election on September 24, 2017, 14 members of parliament of Turkish origin were elected to the Bundestag:

In the 18th German Bundestag (elected on September 23, 2013) there were 11 members of parliament from Turkey:

In the 17th German Bundestag (elected on September 27, 2009) there were five MPs from Turkey:

The 16th German Bundestag ( legislative period : 2005–2009) also had five members of Turkish origin, three from the Left, one from the SPD and one from the Greens. In the 2009 election, Lale Akgün (SPD), Hüseyin Kenan Aydın and Hakkı Keskin (both from the left) were eliminated .

The result of a representative survey carried out by Data-4U on behalf of the Union of European-Turkish Democrats (UETD) and the Center for Migration and Political Science at Hacettepe University in Ankara (HUGO) after the 2013 federal elections brought the number of voters of Turkish origin for the 17th German Bundestag the following results: “Around 64% of voters of Turkish origin voted for the SPD. This corresponds to around 425,000 votes for the Social Democrats or around 1 percentage point on the overall result of the SPD (25.7%). In second place are the Greens and the Left Party with 12% each and the CDU / CSU with around 7%. The BIG party voted for 3% of those of Turkish origin eligible to vote. The FDP can be found among the others (2%). A comparison with poll results from previous elections shows that the Greens are recording the greatest losses with a minus of 17 percentage points - in favor of the SPD. "

A cross-party “network of elected officials from Turkey ” of around 70 members of German local and state parliaments , the Bundestag and the European Parliament , who or their families come from Turkey, was initiated in 2004 by the Körber Foundation . Its work and its regular meetings are coordinated by the network's office in the German-Turkish Forum Stuttgart .

Term German Turks

definition

"German-Turks" or "German Turks" is a slang term, on the one hand for German citizens who or whose ancestors lived in Turkey , and on the other hand for all ethnic Turks living in Germany, regardless of their nationality. Members of non-Turkish ethnic groups in Turkey, such as Kurds, are also often included. In the case of the latter, the word component “-türke” is related solely to (former) nationality , as was the case in a survey by the weekly newspaper “ Die Zeit ” among German Turks .

The term, according to the approach already in its early usage, does not normally refer to a (dual) nationality or dual ethnic affiliation (one German and one Turkish parent), but rather is intended to reflect the fact that most of the people living there are Germany Of people of Turkish origin has become the center of their lives.

Conceptual criticism

The term “German-Turk” or “German-Turk” is not used uniformly.

  • If one compares the term with analogous such as German or Anglo-Americans, it is noticeable that, according to the rules, "German-Turkish" should actually refer to a Turkish citizen who originally came from Germany. This is how Gerd Bender used the term in 2011 when he referred to the German-born Jewish legal scholar Ernst E. Hirsch, who emigrated to Turkey in the 1920s, as "German Turks". This word usage follows the word formation rules of the German language, which say that when words are put together, the word at the end has the essential meaning (here: the former German became a Turk).
  • In contrast to traditional language usage, the term “German-Turkish” describes people with a Turkish migration background who live in Germany. The term is assessed by social scientists as partly disintegrative, since people designated with this term would continue to be perceived primarily as Turks in the public perception, even after assuming German citizenship. On the other hand, z. B. Mesut Özil , who plays for the German national soccer team : only he is not referred to as “German” in public; Nobody, however, comes up with the idea, e.g. B. Sami Khedira as "German-Tunisian" or Lukas Podolski as "German-Poland". In addition, the term “German Turk” as a collective term for people with a Turkish migration background living in Germany lacks precision: Around a third of the “German Turks” living in Germany in 2007 have never lived in Turkey, and a large number of others immigrated as children. Others have only recently come to Germany from Turkey.
  • In a study published in November 2009 by the opinion research institute INFO GmbH (Berlin) and Liljeberg Research International Ltd., the term “German Turk” is different. Sti. ( Antalya ) used. This divides the respondents into the groups “Germans”, “German-Turks” and “Turks”. Such people of Turkish origin who have German citizenship are therefore regarded as "Germans" (without any additions) and not as "German Turks".

On the occasion of this study, Lisa Altmeier criticized the confusing use of language in the word field “Germans and Turks”, to which she fell victim by failing to notice that the term “Germans” in the study did not only refer to German citizens of Turkish origin.

The pedagogue and non-fiction book reviewer Yalçın Yıldız sees the term “German-Turkish” as “problematic per se” and points out that his frequent non-questioning reveals the limits of intercultural research. Caroline Fetscher from the Tagesspiegel sees the term primarily shaped by German society. The term is used not only thoughtlessly, but often also consciously to discriminate against and marginalize people with a migration background. In particular, it is often assumed that the (only and “ real” ) home of a person of Turkish origin is Turkey, even if he was born and raised in Germany.

Unofficial "German-Turkish flag"

Black-red-gold with crescent moon

The German-Turkish flag (sometimes called DeuTürk-Fahne ) is a German tricolor in black, red and gold with the Turkish symbols crescent and star . The flag has no official status, but has been used time and again in various media as a symbol for Turkish immigrants and their descendants in Germany, in order to show their ties to both their Turkish roots and their new home in Germany. In addition to its use in various media, it is primarily shown at football matches and tournaments by fans of Turkish origin.

Fevzi Ömer Han and Behçet Algan from Hamburg claim the invention of the flag for themselves. Algan handed his copy over to the Hamburg Museum of Ethnology, where it was shown in the 2006 Fascination Football exhibition. In fact, the flag appeared more and more in various German cities, such as Munich and Berlin, during the 2006 World Cup and two years later, many fans showed it at the 2008 European Football Championship when Turkey and Germany met. The union of German and Turkish symbols was used to promote a peaceful football game. Various media, such as the TAZ , recorded this, but also used it independently of football for German-Turkish topics and this even before 2006. The flag was already used in 1997 on a front page of Die Zeit . The special issue of the Zeitmagazin Türken in Deutschland (No. 51/97) received an award from the Art Directors Club in the category “Magazine design”.

Since there are no fixed specifications for the flag, there are different variants. The crescent moon and star can also be gold-colored or rest on a red disc in the center of the tricolor. Another shape has a broadened red stripe with a crescent moon and a star.

List of important Turkish cultural institutions in Germany

German-Turkish institutions

German-Turkish political organizations

Turkish-Islamic Organizations in Germany

Turkish media in Germany

Print media

The Turkish daily newspaper with the highest circulation in Germany was Zaman with around 26,000 copies until it was closed by the Turkish state in 2016 .

Radio and television broadcast

See also

literature

  • Başar Alabay: Cultural Aspects of Socialization - Young Turkish Men in the Federal Republic of Germany . Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2012, ISBN 978-3-531-19609-1 .
  • Irmgard Ackermann (Ed.): Turks German language. Reports, stories, poems. dtv, Munich 1984, ISBN 3-423-10311-6 .
  • Ismail Boro: The faked republic. Why integration in Germany fails. Heyne, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-453-15536-7 .
  • Hıdır Eren Çelik : Immigration between Assimilation and Ghetto: Labor Migration from Turkey to the Federal Republic of Germany. Free Pen Verlag, Bonn 2009, ISBN 978-3-938114-45-2 .
  • Hasan Cil: Beginnings of an Era. Schiler, Berlin 2003, ISBN 3-89930-015-7 .
  • Kai Diekmann , Ertuğrul Özkök (ed.): Super friends: what Turks and Germans really have to say to each other. Piper, Munich / Zurich 2008, ISBN 978-3-492-05255-9 .
  • Andreas Goldberg, Dirk Halm, Faruk Şen : The German Turks. Lit, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-8232-2 .
  • Andreas Goldberg, Faruk Şen: German Turks - Turkish Germans? Lit, Münster 1999, ISBN 3-8258-4396-3 .
  • Annemarie von der Groeben: Yıldız and Aytekin. The second generation tells. Hammer, Wuppertal 2006, ISBN 3-7795-0056-6 .
  • Karin Hunn: "We'll be back next year ...". The history of the Turkish "guest workers" in the Federal Republic. Wallstein, Göttingen 2005, ISBN 3-89244-945-7 .
  • Hakki Keskin : German-Turkish Perspectives: Plea for a future-oriented integration policy. Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach / Ts 2009, ISBN 978-3-89974-474-3 .
  • Heike Knortz : Diplomatic barter deals. 'Guest workers' in West German diplomacy and employment policy 1953–1973. Böhlau, Cologne / Weimar / Vienna 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-20074-9 .
  • Stefan Schmid: Integration as an ideal - assimilation as reality: ideas of young Germans and migrants of Turkish origin about life in Germany. V & R Unipress, Göttingen 2010, ISBN 978-3-89971-783-9 .
  • Haci-Halil Uslucan: People of Turkish origin in Germany - homeless or at home everywhere? In: From Politics and Contemporary History . Issue 12–13 / 2017, pp. 31–37 ( online )

Web links

Commons : Turks in Germany  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

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