Genocide against the Armenians
The Armenian genocide was one of the first systematic genocides of the 20th century. It happened during the First World War under the responsibility of the Young Turkish government of the Ottoman Empire formed by the Committee for Unity and Progress . In massacres and death marches , which mainly took place in 1915 and 1916, between 300,000 and more than 1.5 million people died, depending on the estimate. Estimates of the number of Armenians killed during the persecution of the previous two decades vary between 80,000 and 300,000.
The events, which the Armenians themselves use the term aghet ("catastrophe") to refer to, are documented by extensive documentary material from various sources. The vast majority of historians around the world therefore recognize this genocide as a fact. The Armenians see in him an unpunished injustice and have been demanding appropriate remembrance in Turkey for decades . On the other hand, official Turkish historiography and the government of the Republic of Turkey, which emerged from the Ottoman Empire, deny that it was genocide. They describe the deportations as "war-related security measures" that had become necessary because the Armenians betrayed the Ottoman Empire, supported those who were opponents of the war and, in turn, committed massacres of Muslims. They attribute the deaths to unfavorable circumstances and only isolated attacks. The dispute over the recognition of the genocide as a historical fact still strains the relations between Turkey on the one hand and Armenia and numerous Western states on the other.
Social structure and demographics
The Armenians formed the second largest Christian minority in the Ottoman Empire after the Greeks. Its non-Muslim population groups were in Millets according to their religious affiliation - i. H. organized in recognized, legally protected "faith nations". From the Ottoman point of view, the Armenians were traditionally regarded as a “loyal nation” (Ottoman: millet-i sadika ), were able to practice their faith without significant restrictions, and within the Ottoman state had the opportunity to acquire honor, prosperity and status. Nevertheless, like Orthodox Greeks, Jews and other religious minorities, they were not treated on an equal footing with Muslims. They had to pay an additional poll tax , which was graded according to wealth, called cizye , which was increased in 1856 by a military exemption tax ( bedel-i askerî /بدل عسکری) has been replaced. They were legally underprivileged and sometimes exposed to discriminatory treatment.
Around 1800 the majority of the Armenians lived under Ottoman rule. Their main settlement areas were in the Ottoman Empire
- in what is now Eastern Anatolia - in the area of Erzurum , Kars , Van and Diyarbakır ,
- in Cilicia near Adana and Maraş ,
- in the Ottoman metropolises Alexandria , Smyrna (İzmir) and especially in Constantinople .
Before the First World War, the Armenians made up 1.7 million people, about ten percent of the population of Anatolia . The number of Muslims in no Vilayet (Greater Province) exceeded that of the Muslims. This was in 1896 only a few Kazas (jurisdictions) of the Sanjak Van and Siirt (Saird or Sartu District) the case. As a minority, however, they could not be overlooked. The Turkish government later put their number at 1.3 million. The Armenian Apostolic Patriarchate of Constantinople , on the other hand, assumed that there were almost 2 million church members in the Ottoman Empire, according to a census that it held in its congregations in 1913/14.
Ottomans and Armenians in the second half of the 19th century
Attempts at reform, nationalism and escalation of the domestic political situation
In the 19th century, the multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire was in decline. The so-called “ Sick Man on the Bosporus ” fell behind his European rivals economically and militarily. Internally, the awakening national consciousness of its peoples and ethnic groups increasingly disrupted the “delicate balance between official inequality and relative tolerance”.
In the Tanzimat period (1839–1876) the empire tried to reform itself by adopting western concepts. European powers often called for such reforms; in doing so, they were also pursuing their own interests. The Russian Empire, for example, which saw itself as the protective power of the Orthodox and ancient Near Eastern churches in the Ottoman Empire, tried, as part of its expansion policy , to instrumentalize the Anatolian Armenians for destabilizing it. Under the pressure of external events such as the Balkan crisis of 1876, Sultan Abdülhamid II initially continued the reforms of his predecessors and, in Article 61 of the Berlin Treaty of 1878, undertook to protect the Armenians from attacks by the Kurds and give them certain autonomy rights in the course of an administrative reform to grant. These commitments were never implemented, however, because Abdülhamid II, who had only half-heartedly agreed to them anyway, dissolved parliament for an indefinite period during the Russo-Turkish War in February 1878 .
The conflicts that increasingly shaped the relations between the ethnic-religious groups in the 19th century included a permanent land conflict, exacerbated by the settlement of Muslim refugees from the Caucasus and Europe in Eastern Anatolia (especially after 1878), which was often perceived as oppressive Relationship between rural Armenian population and Kurdish local princes and their family clans. The European socialized Armenians in Western Turkey, on the other hand, were characterized in part by a high standard of living and upward social mobility and thus aroused envy and resentment among the Muslims who felt themselves disadvantaged. The sultan as well as the conservative and liberal elites of the empire saw with growing suspicion that a small part of the Armenian ruling class was striving for reforms and seeking protection from European powers. Abdülhamid II was determined to vigorously counter this supposed threat. In the case of the Armenians in the Ottoman eastern provinces, the delay in the reforms promised in 1878 created permanent dissatisfaction. Their efforts for independence intensified, also supported by the political parties that emerged in the 1880s. The moderate party Armenakan Kasmakerputjun (Armenian Organization) was founded as the first in 1885 in Van . In contrast, the Social Democratic Huntschak Party, founded in 1887, and the Bells Party, which themselves considered the use of terrorist means to be justified, made radical demands for independence . In 1890 the Dashnak party was formed , which propagated a people's war against the Ottoman government. In 1890, Armenian terrorists also began targeted murder of Ottoman officials.
The aim of the Daschnak party was to unite all revolutionary forces that had existed until then, but the Huntschak party soon separated from it. The latter lost its effectiveness when it split into two warring camps in 1896. In the period that followed, Dashnak was the main actor in the Armenian revolutionary movement. In addition to the political parties, combat groups of the rural Armenian population sworn by oath emerged from 1885, which saw themselves as "self-protection associations" and called themselves Hajdukner or Fedajiner . In return, the Sultan created irregular cavalry units from 1891 based on the model of the Cossacks and in the tradition of the Akıncı and Deli , which were named Hamidiye in his honor . They were mainly recruited from government-loyal Kurdish tribes and were rewarded with tax exemption and the right to plunder. Officially, they were supposed to protect the borders with Russia, but actually serve as a domestic combat force against the Armenians. To this day (as of 2006) it is unclear whether Abdülhamid II approved or ordered the following massacres of Armenian rebels by the Hamidiyean under his command.
Massacres from 1894 to 1896
Growing nationalism intensified the already long-standing tensions between Armenians and Kurds. This had a cause in the dispute over the so-called kischlak (winter pastures) of the Kurdish pastoral nomads in Armenian villages. In addition, the Kurds collected irregular taxes in the form of money, natural goods or labor from the Armenians, who, like all Ottoman nationals, were under enormous tax pressure. The Ottoman authorities were often unable or unwilling to protect the Armenians from such arbitrary acts. The tensions finally erupted in numerous pogroms against the Armenians in the years 1894–1896.
This was triggered by the successful defense against Kurdish invaders from the region around Diyarbakır by the Armenians von Sason, who were considered to be able to defend themselves, in 1893. They also repulsed another attack, to which the Ottoman authorities had encouraged the Kurds. In the summer of 1894, the Sasun Armenians refused to pay the double tax burden demanded by the government and local Kurdish tribal leaders. Activists from the Huntschak Party tried to take advantage of this tax revolt, which eventually spread to 25 villages, to spark a nationwide uprising. During the resistance of Sason in 1894 there were armed clashes, but there was no general Armenian uprising. Nevertheless, the Ottoman state power struck back with great severity. The Turkish military and irregular Hamidiye units with a strength of around 3,000 stormed the rebellious villages in August after more than two weeks of bloody fighting. They killed between 900 and 4000 Armenians and destroyed 32 of the 40 Armenian villages in the region. Startled by the incidents in Sasun, the other European states increasingly demanded reforms and autonomy for the six eastern vilayets , in which most of the Armenians lived. As these reforms failed again, Great Britain, France and Russia submitted their own proposal to the Ottoman Empire in April 1895.
When the Sultan did not respond, the Huntschak Party organized a protest demonstration in Constantinople on September 30, 1895, which was shot down by the police. Around 20 demonstrators were killed. Incited Turkish counter-demonstrators pursued the fleeing Armenians and killed many of them. Around 3,000 Armenians who had fled to their churches were besieged there for days without the Turkish police intervening. The attacks in the capital only came to an end with the mediation of the Russian embassy.
In Trabzon on the Black Sea there were further massacres of the Armenians with several hundred dead, and the pogroms quickly spread to the highlands. In February 1896, the suppression of an alleged Armenian uprising in Zeytun / Ulnia , today's Süleymanlı near Maraş , was only ended after months of fighting through the mediation of the great powers.
On August 26, 1896 , 25 Dashnaks occupied the Ottoman Bank in Constantinople and took its 160 employees hostage. They demanded autonomy for the Armenian provinces under the supervision of European powers, the release of Armenian prisoners and the return of confiscated property. Although these demands were not met, the hostage-takers were granted free withdrawal to France. As a reaction to this, there were extremely bloody attacks on Armenians by the Turks in Constantinople, claiming 6,000 to 14,000 deaths. All reports from foreign diplomats agreed that the killers were organized and acted in consultation with the authorities. After the massacres of Armenians in Van and the surrounding area in June 1896, others followed in Egin and Niksar in September .
An estimated 80,000 to 300,000 people were killed in the pogroms of 1894–1896. In addition, tens of thousands of homeless Armenians died in the following years from starvation and harsh winters. In 1897 the Armenian Patriarchate counted 50,000 orphans. The Ottoman government restricted the Armenians' freedom of movement between the districts until 1908, which drastically reduced trade. Nevertheless, the massacres of these years "do not fall into the category of genocide [...] The aim was a harsh punishment, not extermination." It was also not a question of so-called ethnic cleansing , since the Armenians were not generally expelled from their home regions, but rather " in their place are repressed "should.
Further development up to the beginning of the First World War
After the end of the great pogroms from 1894 to 1896, the situation between the ethnic groups remained tense, although there were also examples of joint protests by Armenians and Turks against the tax policy of the Sublime Porte . As early as 1904 there was again heavy fighting in the Sasun region , and on July 21, 1905 the Dashnaks carried out an attack on Abdülhamid II . The sultan was unharmed, but 28 people died. Terrorist acts like this reinforced many Turks in their view that the Armenians pose a permanent threat. They aroused or intensified anti-Armenian resentment.
The Armenians initially hoped their situation would improve when the Young Turks came to power . This opposition group, which had formed against the despotic administration of Abdülhamid II, came to power in the course of the constitutional revolution of 1908 and forced the Sultan to reinstate the constitution in the same year . The movement, which consisted of different, sometimes conflicting factions, initially tried to establish a parliamentary-constitutional system of government in the Ottoman Empire, which also granted Christian and non-Turkish Muslim minorities of the multi-ethnic state co-determination or autonomy rights. But authoritarian , nationalistic and Pan-Turkist ideas quickly gained the upper hand among the Young Turks , especially within the Committee for Unity and Progress ( Turkish İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti ). The committee, founded as a secret organization in 1889, soon exercised actual power. In particular, Enver Bey , who later became Minister of War Enver Pasha, striving for the establishment of a "Greater Turkish Turanian Empire" with the involvement of Azerbaijan , Turkestan , and even parts of China. After the English or French name for the organization ( Committee of Union and Progress or Comité Union et Progrès ; abbreviated: CUP ), its members were also called unionists .
In March 1909, Sultan Abdülhamid II's attempt to wrest power from the Young Turks, who had been weakened domestically as a result of the Bosnian annexation crisis, failed . This not only led to his deposition, but also to serious attacks on Armenians in the Cilician Adana and in the surrounding areas. Between 15,000 and 20,000 Armenians died within a few weeks. Although warships from Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, Austria, Russia and the USA crossed the Cilician coast, their crews did not intervene, although they might have ended the massacres. The execution of 134 “guilty parties” - 127 Muslims and 7 Armenians - ordered by the government in Constantinople - was hardly able to calm the situation in view of the extent of these events.
Due to the defeats of the Ottoman Empire in the Tripoli War and in the First Balkan War , the situation for the minorities worsened again in 1912 and 1913. As a result of the enormous Turkish territorial losses, for which the Committee for Unity and Progress made “disloyal population groups” partly responsible, it radicalized itself strongly. In 1913, the " Young Turkish Triumvirate " Enver Bey , Talât Bey (who later became Grand Vizier Talât Pascha) and Cemal Bey (who later became Minister of the Navy, Cemal Pascha) carried out a coup and established a dictatorial system that was willing to take action against the "internal enemies" in the future. The beleaguered Armenians turned to other countries for help. In particular, Russia, which hoped that this would gain the loyalty of its own Armenian minority and further destabilize the Ottoman Empire, then forced the Young Turkish government to sign the Armenian reform package on February 8, 1914 : The Hamidiye should be disarmed, international observers sent to Eastern Anatolia, regional elections and the regional languages are officially approved.
By the eve of the First World War, the repeated attacks and the associated waves of emigration - especially to the Russian Caucasus regions - had already caused the Armenian population to decline considerably. Between 1882 and 1912 the number of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire had already fallen by a third. When the war broke out in 1914, there was no Armenian majority in any of the eastern Anatolian vilayets - with the exception of Vans .
On November 14, 1914, the Ottoman Empire joined the Central Powers in the First World War against the Entente , which included Russia. The Young Turkish government took the opportunity to terminate the hated treaties with foreign countries that restricted the sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire: the surrender of the Ottoman Empire , the Administration de la Dette Publique Ottomane and the Armenian reform package. Shortly afterwards, the attacks on Armenian villages began again, both in eastern Anatolia and beyond the borders with Russia and Persia, which were often organized by the Young Turkish "special organization" Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa .
Driven primarily by Pan-Turkish ideas, but also by the desire to recapture the territories that the Ottoman Empire had lost to Russia in earlier wars, the Ottoman government ordered a large-scale offensive in the Caucasus at the end of 1914 . However, this ended at the turn of the year 1914/15 with a devastating defeat in the Battle of Sarıkamış . In the course of the Russian counter-offensive, the empire lost further areas.
Some Armenians supported the Russian army in the hope of independence, and Armenian volunteer battalions fought on the Russian side. Both of these reinforced “the caricature of an alleged Armenian sabotage plan” in the Young Turkish leadership. Although the majority of Armenian civilians and soldiers remained loyal to the Ottoman Empire, the leadership now held the Armenians collectively responsible for the military problems in eastern Anatolia. She took the Russian invasion as a pretext to deport the majority of the Armenian population, which under the given circumstances amounted to “ mass murder ”.
Preparation and triggering factors
When exactly the Young Turkish “Committee for Unity and Progress” made the decision to destroy the Armenians as a whole, it cannot be determined with certainty, since the relevant documents are either missing, inaccessible or never existed. The latter could be due to the conspiratorial nature of the “Committee for Unity and Progress”, which usually issued important orders orally. The initially threatening war situation due to the lost battle of Sarıkamış and the frustration of the Young Turkish leadership are seen as just as important elements in the prehistory of the annihilation as the first Ottoman successes in the Battle of Gallipoli in March 1915. In the period from mid-March to early April 1915 In any case, the decisive prerequisites for the coming events must have been created.
As a first step, the Armenian soldiers of the Ottoman armies were disarmed in February 1915 and then either killed or combined in labor battalions . A little later, the execution of the members of several of these battalions followed. The special unit Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa , led by Bahattin Şakir , was mainly involved in this and the following actions, to which other volunteer formations ( Turkish Çete ) of all kinds must probably be added. This special unit consisted of Kurds, released prisoners and refugees from the Balkans and the Caucasus.
Before the actual deportation law of May 27, 1915, the first deportations took place in Anatolia in February and April, but they were not yet aimed at scheduled extermination and were therefore limited to the transfer of parts of the population from Adana , Zeytun and Dörtyol into the interior. In this context, too, it is not entirely clear when the decision was made to allow the deportations to proceed in such a way that they would lead to the deaths of as many Armenians as possible.
In April 1915 , the Armenians rose up in Van , which resulted in atrocities against the Muslim population. Whether this uprising and the revolutionary violence of the Huntschak activists represented a reaction to the increasing repression or, on the contrary, served as a justification for the central government to start the deportations of the Armenians, is disputed in the research. There were also the so-called Armenian Fedayeen, who from Persia or Russia spread "terror among Turks and Kurds all over Armenia".
Arrest of the Armenian elite
The genocide began on April 24, 1915 with raids in Constantinople against Armenian intellectuals who were deported to camps near Ankara . The initiative came from Interior Minister Talât Bey, who, against the resistance of colleagues who feared international entanglements, was able to push through with his plan to remove the Armenians from the capital. On April 24 and 25, 1915, 235 people were arrested. According to an official report dated May 24, 1915, the number of those arrested was 2,345. In the files of the Foreign Office of the German Reich, further arrests and deportations of Armenians from Constantinople are mentioned and in some cases described in detail. They happened in the course of 1915 despite the Ottoman government's assurance that it would spare the Armenians of Constantinople. Most of the Armenians in Constantinople were spared, probably because the Young Turks shied away from the attention of the western foreigners who were numerous in Constantinople. April 24th is the official day of remembrance for the Armenian genocide .
Now the mass deportations of the Armenians from their traditional residences to the Syrian and Mesopotamian deserts began . The Entente powers reacted quickly and on May 24, 1915, issued a joint declaration condemning the "extermination campaign against the Armenians" as a " crime against humanity " and threatening the members of the Ottoman government involved in it that they would be held accountable pull. In response to this, the Turkish government passed a deportation law on May 27, 1915 , which instructed the security forces to deport the Armenians individually or as a group. The army was charged with the immediate use of extreme military force to suppress opposition or armed resistance to government orders, national defense or public order. There have been reports of deportees' real estate being forcibly transferred by law , and cash and moveable property left behind "seized". There are no known cases in which deportees were compensated for the expropriation. Furniture and objects left in houses were looted. Often gold and jewelry were stolen on the way. Another law forbade giving the Armenians any food.
In Erzurum, Hilmi Bey, the inspector of the "Committee for Unity and Progress" wired Bahaettin Şakır:
“There are individuals within the country who need to be eliminated. We pursue this perspective. "
“It is evident that the exile of the Armenians was not motivated solely by military considerations. The Minister of the Interior, Talaat Bey, recently spoke to Dr. Mordtmann expressed unreservedly that the Porte wanted to use the world war to do away with their internal enemies - the local Christians - without being disturbed by diplomatic intervention from abroad; That is also in the interest of the Germans allied with Turkey, since Turkey would be strengthened in this way. "
Also in June, the Consul General in Constantinople Johann Heinrich Mordtmann reported :
“That can no longer be justified by military considerations; Rather, as Talaat Bej told me a few weeks ago, it is about destroying the Armenians. "
Up until July 1915, most of the Armenians were initially concentrated in their main settlement areas in a few places, mainly in the capitals of the affected vilayets. They were either murdered there by Turkish policemen and soldiers or Kurdish auxiliaries or, on Talat's orders, from May 27, 1915, they were sent on death marches over impassable mountains towards Aleppo . It was not about “resettlement”, as the official Turkish diction is. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter , the then German Vice Consul in Erzurum, reported on this in a letter to Ambassador Wangenheim at the end of July 1915:
“By the way, the supporters of the latter [ie the 'more rugged direction'] frankly admit that the ultimate goal of their action against the Armenians is the complete extermination of them in Turkey. After the war we will 'have no more Armenians in Turkey' is the literal expression of an authoritative figure. Insofar as this goal cannot be achieved through the various massacres, one hopes that the privations of the long hike to Mesopotamia and the unfamiliar climate there will do the rest. This solution to the Armenian question seems to be an ideal one to followers of the harsh tendency to which almost all military and government officials belong. The Turkish people themselves are by no means in agreement with this solution to the Armenian question and are already having a hard time feeling the economic hardship that is breaking in here as a result of the expulsion of the Armenians over the country. "
In a telegram to Mehmed Reşid , the governor of Diyarbakır , Talât Pasha admitted on July 12, 1915 that there had recently been “massacres” of the Armenians and other Christians deported from Diyarbakır. In Mardin, 700 Armenians and other Christians were brought out of the city at night and "slaughtered like sheep". Overall, the number of those "murdered" in the "massacres" is estimated at around 2,000 people. It is strictly forbidden to “involve” other Christians in the “disciplinary and political measures” against Armenians. Such incidents made a bad public impression, endangered the lives of Christians and should be stopped immediately.
On August 29, 1915, Talât Pasha wrote in an encrypted telegram:
“The Armenian question has been resolved. There is no need to defile the people or the government because of the superfluous atrocities. "
Two days later he declared in the German Embassy in Constantinople that the measures against the Armenians had stopped altogether:
«La question arménienne n'existe plus. »
"The Armenian question no longer exists."
Ernst Jäckh , the well-meaning head of the “Central Office for Foreign Services” in the Foreign Office of the German Reich, said in October 1915 about Talat's role:
"Of course, Talaat made no secret of the fact that he welcomed the extermination of the Armenian people as a political relief."
According to Jäckh, Talât was in contradiction to Finance Minister Mehmet Cavit Bey and the publisher of the government-loyal newspaper "Tanin", Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın: "Jawid and Hussein Jahid always opposed this Armenian policy vigorously, the former especially for economic reasons." but later believed that those who ordered and carried out the deportations saved Turkey.
Interventions and reprimands by the German ambassador on an extraordinary mission in Constantinople, Count Paul Wolff Metternich , in December 1915 with Enver Pascha, Halil Bey and Cemal Pascha, as well as Wolff Metternich's proposal to make the deportations and riots public, were not made by Reich Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg approved:
“The proposed public coramation of an ally during the ongoing war would be a measure that has never been seen before in history. Our only goal is to keep Turkey by our side until the end of the war, regardless of whether the Armenians perish or not. If the war lasts for a long time, we will still need the Turks very much. "
Other foreign envoys also covered the entire scope of the events, such as the US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau , who, based on conversations with the Young Turkish leaders, summed up in his memoir published in 1918:
“When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race; They understood this well, and, in their conversations with me, they made no particular attempt to conceal the fact. […] I am confident that the whole history of the human race contains no such horrible episode as this. The great massacres and persecutions of the past seem almost insignificant when compared to the sufferings of the Armenian race in 1915. "
“When the Turkish rulers gave the instructions for these deportations, they passed a death sentence for an entire race; they were well aware of this, and in their conversations with me they made no attempt to hide this fact. [...] I am sure that the entire history of mankind has not yet seen such a cruel incident. The great massacres and persecutions of the past seem insignificant compared to the sufferings of the Armenian people in 1915. "
Abdulahad Nuri , a senior deportation officer, later confirmed, according to court records, that Talât had told him that the deportations were intended to be exterminated. In the Yozgat procedure, twelve telegrams were read on February 22, 1919. In these telegrams, Nuri's statement that extermination was the goal of the deportation was confirmed several times. District Administrator Nuri, who was later executed in the Bayburt trial for his involvement in the genocide, later testified in court that he had received secret orders not to let any Armenians live. General Vehib Pascha , commander-in-chief of the 3rd Army, told the so-called Mazhar Commission after the war:
“The deportations of the Armenians were carried out in complete contradiction to humanity, civilization and official honor. The massacres and extermination of the Armenians, the robbery and looting of their property were the result of decisions made by the Central Committee of the Committee for Unity and Progress. "
The deportations showed the same basic pattern everywhere: disarmament, elimination of men capable of military service, liquidation of the local leadership, expropriation, death marches and massacres. Resettlement measures were not taken. The Interior Ministry rejected a request from the Governor of Aleppo to provide temporary housing for the deportees. Constantinople strictly refused all offers from other countries to provide humanitarian aid to the deportees during the marches or at their destination. There is no evidence that land was assigned to the deportees at the destination or that other goods were made available to them. Çerkez Hasan (Hasan, the Circassian ), an Ottoman officer responsible for resettling the Armenians in the Syrian and Mesopotamian deserts, resigned in 1915 when he realized that the goal was not resettlement but extermination . The central government took tough measures against governors and district administrators who opposed the deportation orders. The governors of Ankara, Kastamonu and Yozgat were deposed. Ankara's governor, Mazhar Bey , later reported that the reason for his dismissal was his refusal to carry out the interior minister's verbal order to kill the Armenians during the deportation. The district administrators of Lice, Midyat, Diyarbakır and Beşiri as well as the governors of Basra and Müntefak were murdered or executed for this reason. Under Moses Der Kalousdian there was the only successful Armenian resistance on Mosesberg , against which the German liaison officer Eberhard Graf Wolffskeel von Reichenberg, as before in Zeitun and shortly afterwards in Urfa , commanded the artillery attacks.
Military requirements for the deportations are ruled out, as the suspicion of cooperation with the enemy could not extend to women and children and Armenians far from the front, who were also deported directly to the war zone. The deportations also affected almost the entire Armenian civilian population in Anatolia, who generally kept quiet. They were also not the result of a civil war , as there was no centrally controlled nationwide rebellion by the Armenians.
It must have been clear to all those involved and responsible that the "delocalization" (Ottoman tehcîr or teb'îd , تهجير or تبعيد) had to come very close to a death sentence under the conditions of 1915/16. In the camps finally reached in what is now Syria, namely in the Deir ez-Zor concentration camp , the Armenians died from emaciation and epidemics due to lack of supplies. The German military was also involved in the logistics of the deportations, as shown by a deportation order signed by Lieutenant Colonel Böttrich , the head of transport (railway department) at the Turkish headquarters, in October 1915, which affected Armenian workers on the Baghdad railway. In 1918 the German military mission in the Ottoman Empire consisted of 800 officers and 18,000 to 20,000 soldiers. The Baghdad Railway itself and the Anatolian Railway had also previously served to transport captured Armenians. Franz Günther , Vice President of the Anatolian Railway Company, wrote on August 17, 1915 to Arthur von Gwinner , Spokesman for the Board of Management of Deutsche Bank:
"You have to go back a long way in human history to find something similar in bestial cruelty to the extermination of the Armenians in Turkey today."
Günther enclosed a further report to Gwinner with a photograph showing a large number of Armenians crammed into a train. He explained:
"Enclosed I am sending you a picture depicting the Anatolian Railway as a carrier of culture in Turkey. It is the mutton wagons in which, for example, 880 people are transported in 10 wagons. "
In the following two years, the Armenians living in the western Anatolian provinces also gradually became - with the exception of Smyrna, where the German general Liman von Sanders joined forces under threat of military countermeasures against the "with unforeseeable consequences for the victims" according to Graf Spee Mass arrests and deportations took place, and Constantinople, where most of the Armenian residents were largely spared after the arrest and deportation of the Armenian elite - deported or murdered.
The extent of the deportations and the underlying intentions were already clear to observers in 1915: Clara Sigrist-Hilty, a Swiss nurse who had seen a camp in Aleppo, stated that the Armenians would be led around in circles. She also wrote in her diary that young Armenian women were robbed during the marches.
The deportations were accompanied by massacres of the Armenian civilian population. The trains were repeatedly attacked by Kurdish or Circassian tribesmen. According to Rafael de Nogales , an officer in the service of the Ottoman army and eyewitness to the events, the Armenians were in some places protected and hidden by civilians on the death trains. In other places, the gendarmerie had to protect the column from attacks by the population. "Turkish policemen, gendarmes and soldiers [...] also took part in the killing of the evacuated, partly on the orders of their superiors, partly on their own initiative."
In Trabzon, for example, Armenian women and children were drowned in boats on the instructions of Governor Cemal Azmi . The city's American consul reported that boats were fully loaded and returned empty hours later. The Armenians from Erzincan were tied together in pairs by the Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa in June 1915 and thrown into the Kemach Gorge, killing over 20,000 people - the German consul in Aleppo, Walter Rößler , reported that corpses were washed down the Euphrates for weeks .
The number of people who fell victim to the massacres and deportations varies, depending on the estimate, between 300,000 and more than 1.5 million. The exact amount is difficult to quantify. The main problem with this is that the population statistics of the Ottoman Empire show serious deficiencies in its last decades. There is no reliable information on how many Armenians lived in the empire before the war. The Armenian Patriarchate put the number of Armenian subjects of the Sultan at around 2.1 million, the last Ottoman census, however, at 1.29 million. Depending on the pre-war number and whether one considers only the main phase of the genocide 1915–1917 or the entire period up to 1923, the estimates range between around 300,000 and 1.5 million dead Armenians.
A commission of the Ottoman Minister of the Interior put the number of Armenian victims at 800,000 in 1919. According to a report by US General James Harbord , Mustafa Kemal , who later became Ataturk , also mentioned this number on the occasion of a conversation between the two of them in October 1919. Grand Vizier Damad Ferid Pascha , Mustafa Kemal and the Turkish General Staff also put the number of Armenian victims at 800,000 in a book published in 1928. The Turkish historian and politician Yusuf Hikmet Bayur (1891–1980) wrote that this number was correct.
In a book published in 2006, Raymond Kévorkian estimated, based on the figures of the Patriarchate, the number of those murdered in Asia Minor at around 880,000. He gives the number of those who arrived alive in northern Syria in the summer or autumn of 1915 as 800,000. Around 300,000 other Armenians living in Asia Minor are likely to have managed to escape, hide or otherwise escape deportations and massacres. Thousands more, especially women and children, according to Kévorkian, were eventually brought into Muslim families, where they were forced to convert or raised to become Muslims.
Bernard Lewis sees no evidence that the massacres were the result of a government decision, but nevertheless set the number of victims very high in 2006: "Yes there were tremendous massacres, the numbers are very uncertain but a million may well be likely." there were tremendous massacres; the numbers are very uncertain, but one million is likely. "
The historian Viktor Krieger assumes that just under two million Armenians lived in the Ottoman Empire before the First World War. The population loss as a result of the genocide is between one and one and a half million. However, even the women and children in this number were included that were not murdered, but in Turkey Islamized and türkisiert been or Kurdish Siert.
Flight and Diaspora
During the genocide and in the years after, the Armenian diaspora grew considerably. Although the Young Turks wanted to destroy as many Armenians as possible, it is estimated that up to 600,000 of them had survived the events of 1915-1917. Around 150,000 had escaped the deportations in their original settlement areas, and around 250,000 people survived the death marches and camps. Together with members of other Christian minorities, many of these survivors first made it to the southern parts of the Arab Empire and the Mediterranean coast. From there they later emigrated in large numbers to the USA, Russia, Latin America and Australia or they settled in the countries of the Middle East that were soon to emerge. About as many Armenians and other oriental Christians are likely to have fled to the part of Armenia that belongs to Russia as to the south of the Ottoman Empire. Many Armenians also settled in Abkhazia , where they represent the third largest population group to this day (see Armenians in Abkhazia ).
A large number of Armenians had initially survived in the western provinces of the Ottoman Empire, especially in the big cities. There the Young Turks - probably because of the presence of foreign observers and diplomats - had not dared to act as obviously ruthless as in the east. However, many Armenians were also expelled or killed during the chaotic years of the Turkish Liberation War , including the Smyrna fire . In 1922 it is estimated that there were only about 100,000 Armenians left in Turkey.
In the 1980s, the number of Armenians living in Turkey was given as around 25,000. In addition, there were up to 40,000 so-called crypto - Armenians , i.e. people who denied their Armenian ancestry. Around half of both groups belonged to the so-called Hemşinli , whose main residential areas are between Trabzon and Erzurum .
The events from 1915 to 1917 not only claimed countless lives, but also resulted in enormous material losses for the Armenians. Armenian property - land, houses and apartments as well as personal effects of all kinds - was almost always forcibly expropriated without compensation. For the perpetrators, the appropriation of Armenian property was undoubtedly an important incentive. There are no completely reliable sources on the basis of which the Armenian prewar property could be accurately estimated. A report of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919/20 put the losses at 7.84 billion French francs based on the value at the time. This sum corresponded to around 1.8 billion francs from 1914 or 80 million Turkish lira and thus two and a half annual budgets of the Ottoman central government in peacetime.
In principle, Armenian property should go to the state, which used it to “nationalize” the economy, to resettle Muslims in the depopulated areas and to finance the costs of the war. Young Turkish functionaries, local officials and local potentates enriched themselves as well as many simple villagers.
The cultural loss that went hand in hand with the expulsion and murder of the Armenians cannot even begin to be quantified. Hundreds of Armenian schools, churches and monasteries were looted and destroyed or converted into mosques in the years 1915–1917 and afterwards; many other historical monuments, works of art and cultural assets were destroyed or lost forever. The western Armenian cultural renaissance (Զարթօնք / Zartʻōnkʻ), which began in Smyrna and only fully developed in Constantinople, came to an abrupt end. A pulsating literary life was characteristic of this period. During this period, Constantinople was the place of publication of numerous Armenian newspapers and magazines, and the residence and abode of many Armenian intellectuals, poets and writers such as Daniel Varuschan and Siamanto . Both died in the course of the mass arrest of Armenian intellectuals on April 24, 1915.
Situation of the survivors
Compared to survivors of other genocides, the psychological state of the survivors of the events from 1915 to 1917 is much poorer documented. Oral history projects and corresponding systematic evaluations of the same could be carried out far less often due to the time lag to the events. In addition, the survivors in the diaspora faced a variety of new problems. As socially and culturally uprooted, predominantly rural rural dwellers, they found themselves mostly completely destitute refugees in foreign cities with a completely foreign culture and mentality. In contrast to those of their ethnic group who had fled to the part of Armenia that belonged to Russia, they were safe. For those Armenians who fled to Russian Armenia , however, the horrors went even further. Many of them had already died of starvation and disease during their flight as a result of the privations they had suffered. Tens of thousands more were killed during the attacks by Ottoman forces on the Democratic Republic of Armenia in 1918 and 1920. In the end, both groups had to experience the painful experience that the governments of the former “protective powers” in Western Europe and the USA were ultimately indifferent to their fate even after the First World War and had not taken any concrete steps to help them.
Processing after the First World War
"Unionist Processes" and Political Development up to 1920
Following their announcement of May 24, 1915 that those responsible would be held responsible, France and above all Great Britain put the Ottoman government under pressure after the occupation of Istanbul to punish the murders of the Armenians. Thereupon Sultan Mehmed VI ordered. on December 14, 1918 the criminal prosecution of the Young Turkish functionaries responsible for the genocide, who were to be tried by a military court as a special tribunal . The establishment of an international court favored by Great Britain had already failed in the run-up to the conflicting interests of the Entente powers, especially those of France and Great Britain.
On January 23, 1919, at a conference in London, the Rules of Procedure were established, and on February 5, the trials began. It dealt with the following criminal offenses : violation of the agreements on warfare, attacks against Armenians and members of other ethnic groups as well as robbery, looting and destruction of property. For the first time in legal history, these so-called “unionist trials” represented an attempt to punish state crimes and war crimes at the government level. Numerous regional and local officials, officers and functionaries as well as 31 ministers of the war cabinets who belonged to the "Committee for Unity and Progress" ( Turkish Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti ) were charged. The proceedings against the latter lasted from April 28 to June 25, 1919. The former interior minister and grand vizier Talât Pascha, the former war minister Enver Pascha and the former naval minister Cemal Pascha were also indicted. However, they escaped the trial by fleeing to Germany and were sentenced to death in absentia. In total, the military tribunal pronounced 17 death sentences, three of which were carried out. The processes caused great indignation among the Turkish population, in turn they were seen as necessary concessions in government circles because they hoped to negotiate more favorable peace conditions with the Entente powers and to get them to recognize state sovereignty.
But when the Greek armed forces occupied Smyrna (Izmir) in May 1919 (they stayed there until September 9, 1922), the willingness of the Turkish government to pursue further prosecution quickly waned. After even 41 suspects had been released, the British transferred twelve prisoners to Moudros and 55 more to Malta at the end of May . However, they were later extorted by the Turkish national movement under Mustafa Kemal by threatening British hostages with execution. Mustafa Kemal, who later became Ataturk, had a tense relationship with the three Young Turkish leaders, whom he did not want to see in the ranks of the Turkish national movement as those primarily responsible for the deportations of the Armenians, and at first he had advocated severe punishment. As the situation in the beginning of the Turkish Liberation War became increasingly chaotic and Kemal realized that the Entente powers would not take the Turkish wishes for state sovereignty into account, he too lost interest in prosecuting those responsible for the genocide. This became apparent when, following the proclamation of the Democratic Republic of Armenia, there was Armenian-Turkish fighting and renewed massacres of Armenians. In a speech on April 24, 1920, one day after the opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara, Mustafa Kemal commented on the British demand to prevent this :
“The […] proposal provides that no massacres of Armenians should be carried out in the interior of the country. It is out of the question that these were found in Armenians. We all know our country. On which of its continents were or are massacres of Armenians carried out? I don't want to talk about the phases at the beginning of the [First] World War, and anyway what the Entente states are talking about is of course not an outrage that belongs to the past. With their assertion that such catastrophes are occurring in our country today, they asked us to refrain from them. "
Further political developments and the end of the trials in 1923
In the Treaty of Sèvres , the fifth and last of the Paris suburban treaties signed on August 10, 1920, the Turks were no longer left as a “rump state without actual sovereignty”. The treaty not only provided for the establishment of an Armenian state (in fact this already existed and had also annexed the Ottoman provinces of Eastern Anatolia), the borders of which the US President Woodrow Wilson determined on behalf of the signatory powers of the treaty, but also international control Constantinople and the Straits ( Bosporus and Dardanelles ) as well as the division of the rest of the Ottoman Empire among the Entente Powers and their allies. The Turkish National Assembly in Ankara in particular did not recognize this treaty and now continued its liberation struggle by all means. Initially, their armed forces turned to the Democratic Republic of Armenia and, after heavy fighting, forced their representatives on December 3, 1920 to sign the Treaty of Alexandropol ( Turkish Gümrü ; Armenian Gyumri ), in which today's border was determined. Thus the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres with regard to Armenia were de facto canceled. The result of this treaty was also confirmed in a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union in March 1921.
In the meantime, the Greek troops in the west had taken advantage of the Armenian-Turkish fighting in the east and began their advance into the Turkish interior, accompanied by massacres of the civilian population. However, the troops of the Turkish National Assembly succeeded in defeating the invading army in several battles in the following Greco-Turkish War and driving them back to the Aegean coast . Strengthened in terms of domestic and foreign policy, the Turkish National Assembly under Mustafa Kemal was now able to openly press for a revision of the Treaty of Sèvres, which the Entente powers and their allies, who had meanwhile evacuated large parts of the occupied Turkish territories, finally in the Treaty of July 24, 1923 Lausanne agreed. The judicial prosecution of those responsible for the genocide had long ago come to an almost complete standstill. The criminals interned in Malta had already been released by the British in October 1921, and on March 31, 1923 the Turkish government under Mustafa Kemal issued a general amnesty Turkish Aff-ı Umumi for all those accused of genocide. This step was largely due to the fact that not a few of those who were jointly responsible for the genocide from the ranks of the “Committee for Unity and Progress” belonged to the Turkish national movement under Mustafa Kemal. After the incorporation of their state into the Soviet Union and its conversion to the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, the Armenians had no diplomatic opportunities to push for the processes to be continued. And the Entente Powers, on the other hand, were no longer interested, because in this case they feared the newly founded Republic of Turkey would merge with the Soviet Union, which they had not recognized.
Apart from the Armenians themselves, after 1921 no one was seriously interested in carrying out the death sentences announced in the Unionist trials and in prosecuting other perpetrators. The Dashnak party therefore set up a secret task force to kill those responsible for the genocide under the code name Operation Nemesis . For example, on March 15, 1921 , the Armenian student Soghomon Tehlirian shot the former Interior Minister Talât Pascha, who was living in exile in Berlin . In the subsequent trial, the Berlin district court acquitted Tehlirian, mainly because of the presentation of the events in Armenia by surviving eyewitnesses such as Bishop Krikor Balakian . Only later did it emerge that Tehlirian was a member of the Dashnaken Sonderkommando. He had already in Constantinople Opel Armenian collaborator Harutiun Mugerditchian (also: Mkrttschjan ) shot, the list of those arrested on April 24, 1915 notables had created.
The murder of Talât was the prelude to a series of attacks in which other people involved in the genocide fell victim. On December 6, 1921, the former Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha was shot in Rome; On April 17, 1922, two assassins in Berlin liquidated Bahaettin Şakir , the head of Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa , and Cemal Azmi , another Young Turkish leader. On July 21, 1922, Cemal Pascha and his secretary Nusrat Bey were shot by three assassins while walking in Tbilisi . Enver Pasha , who had joined pan-Islamic insurgents in Central Asia, escaped the Avengers, but fell on August 4, 1922 in a battle with Red Army troops in the Pamirs in Tajikistan . Two Azerbaijani politicians were also victims of the series of attacks: Prime Minister Fətəli Xan Xoyski was killed on June 19, 1920 in Tbilisi and Interior Minister Behbud Khan Javanshir on July 18, 1921 in occupied Constantinople.
Recent reviews of the events
Importance to the Armenians
The memory of the genocide represents - next to religion and language - the strongest emotional link that unites the Armenian people, who are scattered over around 120 countries around the world. April 24, the anniversary of the first arrests of Armenian intellectuals in Constantinople, is regularly celebrated as " Genocide Remembrance Day " (Armenian: Եղեռնի զոհերի հիշատակի օր Jegherni soheri hischataki or ) and is one of the most important national holidays of the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian people . Every year hundreds of thousands make the pilgrimage to the Jerern Genocide Memorial on the Yerevan hill Zizernakaberd ("Swallow Fortress "). Millions more worldwide are celebrating the day of mourning. The deep emotional significance of the genocide for the Armenians also explains why Armenian politicians, organizations and lobbies around the world have been fighting so persistently against its trivialization and denial for decades and strive for it to be officially recognized as genocide, i.e. H. based on the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide (officially: English Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide , CPPCG) of 1948.
The struggle of the Armenian people for this recognition was made particularly difficult by the fact that for a long time they did not have their own state that could have served as a platform for it. In the Soviet Union , which was part of Armenia until its dissolution in 1991, the topic was taboo . Only in the so-called " thaw period " after the death of Josef Stalin could it be discussed publicly for the first time. In 1965 there were even public protests in Yerevan , the participants demanding recognition of the genocide. The government of the Armenian SSR did not comply with this demand, but arranged for the Zizernakaberd memorial to be erected in 1967. These and other memorials erected in the 1960s and 1970s are visible evidence of a memorial architecture now tolerated by the Soviet leadership.
During the Cold War , however, there was no political opportunity for the Armenians to make their concerns heard by the international community. The states of the West and especially the NATO -Staaten it did not seem opportune, Turkey - from a geostrategic point of view an important NATO ally - to scare because of this issue. As a result, several terrorist groups formed in the Armenian diaspora, the most active of which was the Asala (Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia) . Using terrorist means, they not only fought against the “crime of silence”, as they called it, but also for the “liberation” of the areas in Turkey that were once inhabited by Armenians. Their attacks claimed a total of 79 lives between 1975 and 1984: 40 Turks, 30 Armenians and nine members of other nationalities. The attacks also brought movement to the issue of recognition: the public was increasingly concerned with it, as did church and political bodies. However, it was only with the emergence of an independent Armenian state and its acceptance into international bodies that the Armenians were given the opportunity to emphasize their wish for the events of 1915 to 1917 to be recognized as genocide, also through political and diplomatic means. Since then, this endeavor has been an integral part of the foreign policy of all Armenian governments.
Rating in Turkey
Damat Ferid Pascha , the Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire at the time of the occupation of Istanbul by troops of the victorious powers, publicly admitted the crimes on June 11, 1919. Nevertheless, the denial of the Armenian genocide remains the official policy of all Turkish governments to this day. They describe the deportations as "war-related security measures" that had become necessary because the Armenians betrayed the Ottoman Empire, supported those who were opponents of the war and, in turn, committed massacres of Muslims. They attribute the deaths to unfavorable circumstances and only isolated attacks. They try, with varying degrees of success, to prevent resolutions and publications to the contrary through political pressure and exclusions from international contracts. In Turkey, the genocide is officially described with terms such as Turkish Ermeni soykırımı iddiaları (" Alleged genocide of the Armenians"), Turkish Sözde ermeni soykırımı ("Alleged genocide of the Armenians") and Turkish Ermeni Kırımı ("Armenian massacre"). This attitude repeatedly weighs on Turkey's relations with Armenia and other states that officially recognize the genocide.
Official Turkey does not deny that there have been hundreds of thousands dead. It assumes around 300,000 Armenian victims, but regards the deportations as an emergency measure by a state that had to fear for its existence during the First World War and could not be sure of the loyalty of its Armenian subjects. Some Turkish scientists deny intentional and planned extermination and state that this has not been historically proven.
The official Turkish historiography attributes the many deaths to attacks, hunger and epidemics and refers to the civil war-like conditions in which 570,000 Turks were also killed. Some Turkish scholars and historians of other nationalities such as Erik-Jan Zürcher or Klaus Kreiser regard the Andonian documents , which several scholars cite as evidence of the genocidal intentions of the Young Turks, as forgery . They describe Arnold J. Toynbee's Blue Book and the memoirs of the American Ambassador Henry Morgenthau as partisan. They also criticize the evidence of the Istanbul trials that took place during the Allied occupation and claim that there were a number of Young Turkish decrees to treat the deportees well.
The first Turkish politician after the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey to honor the victims of the genocide by visiting the memorial in Yerevan in June 1995 was Gürbüz Çapan, Esenyurt's social democratic mayor . In 2008, Turkish professors and intellectuals started the Özür Diliyorum (“I apologize”) signature campaign to ask forgiveness from the Armenians.
Internal Turkish critics of the official view must expect legal prosecution due to the controversial Article 301 of the Criminal Code, which, among other things. makes “insulting the Turkish nation” a punishable offense. Journalists such as Hrant Dink, who was murdered in 2007, and the writer and Nobel Prize winner Orhan Pamuk were the main sources of critical examination of the subject . Pamuk was sentenced in March 2011 for violating Article 301 to pay damages to six plaintiffs who felt offended by his statements about the killings of Armenians in 2005 (Pamuk: “The Turks have 30,000 Kurds and one million on this soil Armenians killed. "). The German writer Doğan Akhanlı , who fled Turkey in 1991 , published the novel Kıyamet Günü Yargıçları ( German The Judges of the Last Judgment ) in Istanbul in 1999 . This novel deals with genocide and its official state denial in the Republic of Turkey. Akhanlı was arrested and held in custody while visiting Turkey in August 2010. He was acquitted in October 2011 of his involvement in a robbery and attempted coup. Before the trial he was deported and banned from entering Turkey.
The Turkish governments have made several proposals to have the events scientifically investigated by a joint Turkish-Armenian historians' commission. This proposal was made in 2005 by the Turkish Prime Minister Erdoğan to the Armenian President Robert Kocharyan and in 2007 by the Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan to his Armenian colleague Vartan Oskanjan . The Armenian government rejects this proposal (as of April 2010). In 2010, President Serzh Sargsyan said that the creation of such a body would raise doubts about the fact of the genocide.
Turkey accused France and Russia of passing parliamentary resolutions, but not looking back on their own cruel past with many genocides. For example, when the French National Assembly passed a law in 2006 that was explicitly intended to criminalize the denial of the Armenian genocide, serious diplomatic disputes and economic boycotts by the then Turkish government, Erdoğan I, broke out . When the French National Assembly passed a similar law to combat the denial of the existence of legally recognized genocides in December 2011, the Erdoğan III government reacted in a similarly drastic manner. The law was rejected by the French Constitutional Court in February 2012 (see section “France” ).
On April 24, 2010, a public memorial event for the Armenian victims in Turkey took place in Istanbul for the first time. The date was chosen symbolically; on April 24, 1915, the first 235 Armenians were deported from the Haydarpaşa train station . Organized by the initiative “Irkçılığa ve Milliyetçiliğe Dur de!” (In German: Say stop to racism and nationalism), activists in mourning clothes met on Taksim Square , showed pictures of the deportees and laid flowers.
In a message published the day before April 24, 2014, Erdoğan described it as “a human duty to understand and share the memory of the Armenians of the memory of the suffering the Armenians went through at that time . "Towards the end of the message it says in the text: in the hope of common remembrance of the dead" we wish that the Armenians, who perished under the conditions at the beginning of the 20th century, rest in peace and express our condolences to their grandchildren . ”However, he did not call the acts genocide.
The genocide is still denied in Turkish school books from 2015. In the history book for grade 10 it says on page 212: “With the resettlement law, only those Armenians were removed from the war zone and brought to the safe regions of the country who had participated in the uprisings. This approach also saved the lives of the rest of the Armenian population, because the Armenian gangs killed those of their compatriots who had not participated in the acts of terrorism and uprisings. ”In September 2014, a hundred Turkish intellectuals, including Nobel Prize winner Orhan Pamuk, two demands on the government ( Davutoğlu I ): They should withdraw the history textbooks used so far and apologize to the Armenians.
Evaluation by the Kurds
Kurdish tribes provided numerous members of the guerrilla organization Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa , which was involved in the Armenian massacres. On the other hand, Kurds rescued between 20,000 and 30,000 Armenians from the columns of deportees, especially in the Dersim and Mardin regions , sometimes for financial reasons. In recent years, some Kurdish organizations and politicians, including MP Ahmet Türk , have acknowledged the Kurds' involvement in the massacres and have asked the Armenian people for their forgiveness for the deeds of that time.
Evaluation in history
In historical studies , the deportations and the massacres of the Armenians have been largely assessed as genocide for many years and are considered to be one of the first systematic genocides of the 20th century. These include the works of Wolfgang Gust , Vahakn N. Dadrian and Donald Bloxham , who, based on a wide range of sources from German and American archives, come to the unanimous assessment that the three leading men of the Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti - Enver Pascha, Talât Pascha and Cemal Pascha - set about the murder of up to 1.5 million Armenians. Their goal was on the one hand to eliminate all non-Turkish ethnic groups from Asia Minor, which was to become a "national home" for the Turks ("Türk Yurdu"), and on the other hand, the " fifth column " of Armenians, who were suspected across the board, with the To make common cause for the Russians, to eliminate them. The fact that the persecution of the Armenians in the final phase of the war and in the Turkish-Armenian War of 1920 also continued outside Anatolia, for example in the Armenian pogrom in Baku in 1918 , is seen as evidence that the Turks really want the complete annihilation of all Armenians went. The head of the Berlin Center for Research on Antisemitism, Wolfgang Benz , therefore describes the genocide of the Armenians as typical of the subsequent genocides of the 20th century: They were “staged according to plan and in cold blood”, they were the result of “systematic planning”, ethnic ones were affected , religious or cultural minorities, the persecution began under the “pretext that the majority had been provoked”, the “solution” to the alleged problem was presented as “resettlement, as a peacemaking measure” and was carried out as “displacement, robbery and murder”. In comparison with other genocides such as the one committed against the Armenians, Germans should not lose sight of the singularity of the Shoah .
Some scholars, such as Bernard Lewis , Justin McCarthy and Guenter Lewy , hold the opinion that the deportations and the murders were certainly crimes, but that overall one cannot speak of genocide. The American historian Justin McCarthy, based on demographic statistics, believes that 600,000 Armenians perished during the First World War, that is, 20% of the Armenian population of Anatolia. Of the Anatolian Muslim population, 18% died in the same period, i.e. 2.5 million. The acts of violence were not one-sided, rather a bloody " civil war " had taken place in Eastern Anatolia . According to the German political scientist Herfried Münkler , who does not deny the genocidal character of the Armenian murders, "elements of the [...] civil war" flowed into the conflicts in the Ottoman Empire during the World War, which significantly increased the cruelty "on all sides". For the German-American historian Guenter Lewy, on the other hand, it was by no means a civil war, but neither could one speak of genocide. Genocide presupposes central control, for which there is no authentic source material. Rather, the deportations and the massacres were so improvised and chaotic that central planning was not discernible. As evidence, he cites contradicting orders from the Young Turks and punishments for the murders of Armenians, for example on the deputy Krikor Zohrab . Lewy draws the conclusion: "Under the conditions of the Ottoman disregard, it was possible that even without a deliberate plan of extermination there was such great loss of life in the country."
Aspects of international law
The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide is decisive for the evaluation of the events of 1915/16 as genocide under international law . Their emergence goes back to these events. The attacks, which killed some of those responsible for the massacre in the early 1920s, drew the attention of the Polish constitutional lawyer Raphael Lemkin to the issue. As a result, he developed the international criminal offense of genocide. After the Second World War and the Holocaust , Lemkin drew up a bill to punish this crime, in which he used the name "genocide", which he had coined earlier. The General Assembly of the United Nations adopted this draft on December 9, 1948, almost unchanged and unanimously. It defines genocide as an act “committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such.” For the Republic of Turkey, which signed the convention on July 31, 1950, came into force it entered into force on January 12, 1951. Turkey thereby also recognized the definitions in Articles I and II.
Whether the events from 1915 to 1917 are to be regarded as genocide within the meaning of the UN Convention of 1948 also depends on whether this can even be applied to events before it came into force. The Entente powers, however , viewed the crimes of the Young Turks as early as the First World War - long before the term "genocide" found its way into international law - as a violation of generally applicable legal principles and as serious, punishable crimes. The Treaty of Sèvres explicitly called for the punishment of those responsible for the massacres and deportations and obliged the Ottoman government in Article 230 to extradite the suspects. Article 144 required her to declare the law of 1915, which made Armenian property “abandoned property”, null and void. Although the Treaty of Sèvres was never ratified, there is clear evidence of its relevance in the materials of the United Nations War Crimes Commission on the London Statute of August 1945. There it says
“The provisions of Article 230 in the Peace Treaty of Sèvres were obviously intended to cover, in conformity with the Allied note of 1915… This article constitutes, therefore, a precedent for Articles 6 c) and 5 c) of the Nuremberg and Tokyo Charters , and offers an example of one of the categories of 'crimes against humanity' as understood by these enactments. "
In a legal opinion of May 1951, on the question of possible reservations regarding the validity of the Genocide Convention, the International Court of Justice finally referred to the high humanitarian goals of this convention, which corresponded to the most elementary principles of morality , and stated that civilized states would regard these principles underlying the convention as binding anyway, which is why they would apply even without any obligation under the convention. Therefore, the Convention can legally be viewed as Ius Cogens , which means that it also applies to genocides that occurred prior to its entry into force.
Assessment by international institutions and organizations
UN Human Rights Commission
The 'Subcommittee on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities' of the UN Human Rights Commission named the events as genocide in a report on genocidal crimes published on August 29, 1985. In an addendum, it was noted that some members of the subcommittee objected to this because they considered the massacre of the Armenians to be inadequately documented and that certain evidence was falsified. With the acceptance of the report by this UN subcommittee , the genocide of the Armenians is nonetheless recognized by the UN.
The European Parliament (EP), through Decision of 18 June 1987 and 15 November 2001, the recognition of the genocide by the Turkish state today a prerequisite of EU accession of Turkey declared on 28 February 2002, in a further resolution Turkey reminded to comply with this requirement.
In 1987, the EP claimed to be the first major international organization to describe the events of 1915 as genocide.
On April 15, 2015, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, the EP passed a resolution calling on Turkey to recognize the genocide as such and to continue its efforts, including granting access to the archives.
European Court of Human Rights
In December 2013, the European Court of Human Rights declared the decision of three Swiss courts that convicted Doğu Perinçek for denying the crimes against the Armenians to be unlawful . According to the court, unlike denial of the Holocaust, this should not be prosecuted because the term “genocide” is controversial in the case of the Armenians and Perinçek's condemnation therefore violates the fundamental right to freedom of expression. The Switzerland appealed against the verdict. The large chamber of the European Court of Human Rights confirmed the first-instance judgment on October 15, 2015, but emphasized that it was not associated with an assessment of the mass murders and deportations of the Armenians by the Ottoman Empire.
Permanent tribunal of the people
The Permanent People's Tribunal investigated the massacres of the Armenians during the First World War in 1984 and ruled that the extermination of the Armenian population through deportation and massacre constituted a genocide, and called on the United Nations and all member states to recognize the genocide of the Armenians . The verdict was pronounced by 13 representatives of the tribunal, who listened to reports from various legal experts as well as reports from historians and survivors of the genocide. The representatives, consisting of Nobel Prize winners and respected international scientists, also examined archival material.
The tribunal's independent examination board described the genocide of the Armenians as an "international crime" and ruled that the Young Turkish government is to blame for this genocide and the Turkish state take responsibility for it and the reality of the genocide and the damage it caused the Armenian people has suffered officially. The declaration by the Republic of Turkey, which was proclaimed in October 1923, that it did not yet exist at the time of the genocide, is considered by the tribunal to be null and void.
International Association of Genocide Scholars
In 1997 the International Association of Genocide Researchers unanimously passed a resolution classifying the massacre of over a million Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1915 as genocide and condemning the denial on the part of the Turkish Republic. In 2005, the organization wrote an open letter to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, reaffirming that the Armenian genocide has been recognized by hundreds of independent genocide researchers. There is a reference to the lack of impartiality of researchers who advised the Turkish government and the Turkish parliament. In 2006, the organization wrote another open letter to those historians who follow the Turkish position of genocide denial, describing this stance as a blatant ignoring of overwhelming historical and scientific evidence and calling on the US Congress to do so a year later To officially recognize genocide. Between 1997 and 2007, the International Association of Genocide Researchers published four resolutions and declarations in which the genocide of the Armenians was recognized.
Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission
In 2001 a Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission was founded with the aim of promoting dialogue and understanding between Armenia and Turkey. The commission commissioned the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) to investigate the events of 1915. In 2003 the ICTJ came to the conclusion that the events of 1915 fulfilled all criminal offenses of the UN Genocide Convention .
Reviews outside of Armenia and Turkey
Since 1965, a number of states have officially recognized the deportations and massacres committed by the Ottoman state from 1915 to 1917 as genocide in accordance with the UN Genocide Convention of 1948 (including Argentina , Belgium , France , Greece , Italy , Canada , Lebanon , Luxembourg , the Netherlands , Austria , Russia , Sweden , Switzerland , Slovakia , Uruguay , the USA and Cyprus ).
Other states (such as Israel , Denmark , Georgia and Azerbaijan ) officially do not speak of genocide (as of 2008). In 2009, the Brown ( UK ) government condemned the crimes but did not label them as genocide under the UN Convention on Genocide.
In April 2005, the German Bundestag debated for the first time a resolution tabled by the CDU / CSU parliamentary group, according to which Turkey should be asked to acknowledge its historical responsibility for the massacre of Armenian Christians in the Ottoman Empire. The authors of the motion, who avoided the term “genocide” themselves, regretted “the inglorious role played by the German Reich, which in view of the wealth of information about the organized expulsion and extermination of Armenians did not even try to stop the atrocities.” In July of the same That year, the Bundestag unanimously passed a motion from all parliamentary groups, the reasoning of which referred to the more than one million victims and stated that numerous independent historians, parliaments and international organizations described the expulsion and extermination of the Armenians as genocide.
In a small question on February 10, 2010, the Left Party asked the Federal Government at the time to comment on whether it would consider the massacre of the Armenians in 1915/16 as genocide within the meaning of the 1948 UN Convention. The answer says: “The Federal Government welcomes all initiatives that serve to further process the historical events of 1915/16. An assessment of the results of this research should be left to scientists. The Federal Government is of the opinion that dealing with the tragic events of 1915/16 is primarily a matter for the two countries concerned, Turkey and Armenia. ”On June 4, 2010, the Federal Government replied to another small question that it saw no reason to to doubt the authenticity of the documents in the Political Archive and, overall, do not evaluate the available results of scientific research on the role of the German Empire. She mentioned that the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide does not apply retrospectively.
In the run-up to the Bundestag debate on the 100th anniversary of the start of the deportations, controversial discussions arose in the grand coalition about whether or not the genocide should be mentioned by name, as desired by the opposition parties. On April 14, 2015, the Scientific Services of the Bundestag presented a paper on the April 24th Remembrance Day.
On April 23, 2015, Federal President Joachim Gauck was the first Federal President to describe the Armenian massacre as genocide. According to Gauck, it is above all a matter of "recognizing, lamenting and mourning the planned annihilation of a people in all of its terrible reality". He warned against reducing the debate “to differences over a term”.
On April 24, 2015, the Bundestag discussed three motions (one joint from the Union and the SPD and one from the Greens and one from the Left ) on the genocide of the Armenians, in which this is referred to as such. The opposition parties also demanded a formal recognition according to the Genocide Convention of the United Nations , as well as a commitment to the historical responsibility of the German Reich. At the beginning of the debate, the President of the Bundestag Norbert Lammert said: "What happened in the middle of the First World War in the Ottoman Empire, under the eyes of the world, was genocide."
On June 2, 2016, the German Bundestag passed the resolution "Remembrance and commemoration of the genocide of the Armenians and other Christian minorities in 1915 and 1916" with one vote against and one abstention at the request of the CDU / CSU, SPD and Greens parliamentary groups. . Chancellor Merkel, Vice Chancellor Gabriel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier did not take part in the debate.
Part I of the Bundestag resolution states:
“The German Bundestag bows to the victims of the expulsions and massacres of the Armenians and other Christian minorities of the Ottoman Empire, which began over a hundred years ago. He laments the acts of the then Young Turkish government, which led to the almost complete annihilation of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Members of other Christian ethnic groups, in particular Aramaic / Assyrian and Chaldean Christians, were also affected by deportations and massacres. On behalf of the then Young Turkish regime, the planned expulsion and extermination of over a million ethnic Armenians began in Ottoman Constantinople on April 24, 1915. [...] The Bundestag regrets the inglorious role of the German Reich, which, as the main military ally of the Ottoman Empire, did not try to stop these crimes against humanity, despite clear information from German diplomats and missionaries about the organized expulsion and extermination of the Armenians. "
In Part II of the resolution, the German Bundestag calls on the Federal Government to to “advocate the ratification of the Zurich Protocols signed in 2009 against the Turkish and Armenian governments.” In order not to endanger the German mediator position, German complicity is not mentioned in the resolution.
Turkey had criticized the planned resolution of the Bundestag. Prime Minister Yıldırım told Chancellor Merkel that the resolution contained unjust and baseless accusations. After the resolution was adopted, Turkey recalled its Ambassador Hüseyin Avni Karslıoğlu from Berlin. President Erdoğan threatened that the resolution would have "serious" consequences for relations between the two countries. Yıldırım spoke of a “racist Armenian lobby” that was responsible for the Bundestag's decision. Foreign Minister Çavuşoğlu accused Germany of wanting to cover up dark chapters in its own history by “blackening the history of other countries” and criticized the resolution as “irresponsible and unfounded”. Justice Minister Bozdağ said that the genocide allegations contained in the resolution were a “defamation” of the people, the state, the history and the ancestors of the Turks and, with reference to the Holocaust, said: “First you burn the Jews in the stove, then you stand and accuse the Turkish people of genocide slander ”. He demanded of Germany: "Take care of your own story." The Turkish-born members of the German Bundestag who voted for the resolution are "people with bad blood and bad breast milk [and] cannot represent Turkey". Yıldırım said, "Regardless of the circumstances, we will continue our relationships with our friends and allies." Germany is an important ally. As a result, there were calls for murder against eleven members of the Bundestag of Turkish origin, and Erdoğan demanded that their blood be examined. Chancellor Merkel rejected Erdoğan's remarks. EU Parliament President Martin Schulz sharply criticized Erdoğan. At the opening of a plenary session, Bundestag President Norbert Lammert said: “It would not have been possible for a democratically elected president in the 21st century to associate his criticism of democratically elected members of the German Bundestag with doubts about their Turkish descent, to describe their blood as spoiled held. And I completely reject the suspicion of members of this parliament as mouthpieces for terrorists. "
On September 2, 2016, it was reported that the German government wanted to distance itself from the Bundestag resolution. A political gesture to the Turkish government is planned so that German MPs can visit the Bundeswehr soldiers stationed at the Incirlik air base again. Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD) then emphasized that the resolution had no legal effect. He said: “The German Bundestag naturally has every right and freedom to express its views on political issues. The Bundestag also says that not every resolution is legally binding. ”The reported plan aroused criticism and resistance from the opposition and the Union . Government spokesman Steffen Seibert then made it clear that the government did not have the right to interfere in the decisions of another constitutional body. However, the resolution is not a legally binding document. A spokesman for the Foreign Office announced that Minister Steinmeier “stood, he stands and he will stand by the German Bundestag's resolution on Armenia”. Federal Minister of Justice Heiko Maas (SPD) said there would be “no distancing from the Armenia resolution”. The Bundestag has the right to comment on any topic. The spokesman for the Turkish embassy in Berlin, Refik Soğukoğlu, commented on the statement by the German government: “We generally see it positively.” Most of all, Seibert's statement is appreciated, “that the courts decide what genocide is - and not parliament. "One also agrees that" the federal government does not always have to have the same opinion as the Bundestag. "
On January 30, 2001, the crimes against the Armenians from 1915 to 1917 were classified as genocide by law in France. The law contains a single sentence; it is La France reconnaît publiquement le génocide arménien de 1915. ("France publicly recognizes the genocide of the Armenians of 1915.")
The Socialist Party in 2006 (PS) brought a bill into the National Assembly, after the denial of genocide should be punished to the Armenians with a prison sentence of up to one year and a fine of up to 45,000 euros. A large number of MPs stayed away from the vote when the draft was passed on October 12, 2006. Ultimately, the law failed in the French Senate . Nevertheless, the process resulted in renewed boycott threats against French products from the Turkish side.
On December 22nd, 2011, the National Assembly passed a law providing that “the public praising, denial or grossly trivializing genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes” can be punished with severe imprisonment and fines. The law also affects the Armenian genocide. In response, the Turkish government withdrew its ambassador from France indefinitely and threatened sanctions. The French MPs criticized the “unbearable attempts” by the Republic of Turkey to put pressure on parliament. The law was ratified by the French Senate in January 2012 . At the request of a group of senators, the law was also examined by the Constitutional Council , which declared it unconstitutional because it violated freedom of expression .
Israel does not use the terms genocide and genocide in relation to the events of 1915-16. In 2001, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres said in an interview that the Armenians had suffered a tragedy, but not genocide. On December 26, 2011, the Armenian genocide was discussed for the first time in the Knesset , in the Committee for Education, Sports and Culture . The question was whether this genocide could be recognized. A bill was also discussed, according to which April 24th would be a “day of remembrance of the massacre of the Armenian people”. Following objections from the office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and at the request of the chairman of the National Security Council, Yaakov Amidror , the discussions were adjourned without result. Parliamentary President Reuven Rivlin ( Likud ) said: "We have a moral duty to remind ourselves and the world of the tragedy of the Armenian people." Rivlin, together with Chaim Oron ( Meretz ), has been campaigning for the genocide every year since 1989 set the political agenda (see also culture of remembrance ). “We call on the nations not to deny the Holocaust, and so we Jews have no right not to acknowledge the tragedy of another people. This is not a political issue, but a moral one, ”said Rivlin. Another initiator of the initiative, Arieh Eldad ( Hatikva ), said: “In the past you couldn't talk about this issue because we had such good relations with Turkey. Don't do it now because relationships are so bad. So when is the right moment for it? ”Committee chairman Alex Miller ( Jisra'el Beitenu ) emphasized the“ educational and academic ”and denied any“ diplomatic and security ”motivation for the debate. Some observers interpret this debate as a "provocation in the ongoing Israeli-Turkish dispute" that arose from the May 31, 2010 Ship-to-Gaza incident . Parliamentary President Reuven Rivlin, on the other hand, denied any political motivation.
The lower house of the Dutch Parliament recognized on February 22, 2018, almost unanimously at (142 3 MPs) the crimes committed against Armenians genocide as such.
On April 21, 2015, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the genocide, the Austrian National Council issued a declaration, signed by the chairmen of all political groups, which names and condemns the genocide of the Armenians as such. It also states that Austria is obliged to take this step because of its historical responsibility as a former ally of the Ottoman Empire. Turkey should face up to its past, come to terms with it and also recognize the crimes committed against Armenians as genocide.
The Turkish government ( Davutoğlu ) protested against the declaration and what it considered to be the “biased attitude” of the National Council and withdrew its ambassador from Vienna.
Sweden classified the events on March 11, 2010 in a resolution (with a narrow vote comparison of 131 to 130) at a session of the Reichstag as genocide. That is why the Turkish government ordered its ambassador Zergün Korutürk back from Stockholm , who had made serious allegations against the Swedish government before she left. The Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan also canceled a planned visit to Sweden in protest.
Slovakia classified the events of November 30, 2004 as genocide in resolution No. 1341 of the National Council of the Slovak Republic . Slovakia is the only EU country to criminalize denial of the Armenian genocide. There are two memorials for the victims in Slovakia, one in Bratislava and one in Košice.
While fighting continued as part of the Syrian civil war, in which Turkish troops fought on the side of Syrian opposition members, the Syrian parliament officially recognized the genocide of the Armenians on February 13, 2020.
The Vatican received first reports of massacres in June 1915. The Apostolic Delegate in Constantinople, Monsignor Angelo Maria Dolci , reported to the Vatican. Among other things, he sent Cardinal Secretary of State Pietro Gasparri and Cardinal Girolamo Gotti a detailed report on July 30, 1915.
During his visit to Armenia (September 2001), Pope John Paul II described the persecution as "genocide". Ignatius Maloyan , then Archbishop of Mardin and murdered on June 11, 1915, was recognized and beatified as a martyr by John Paul II on October 7, 2001.
Pope Francis described the atrocities committed against the Armenians on June 3, 2013 during a meeting with the Armenian Catholic Patriarch Nerses Bedros XIX. Tarmouni in the Vatican as "the first genocide of the 20th century", against which the Turkish Foreign Ministry protested. At a mass on April 12, 2015 he repeated this analogously, saying that there had been three tremendous and unprecedented tragedies in the past century. The first of these tragedies, widely considered to be the first genocide of the 20th century, hit the Armenian people. The Turkish government ( Davutoğlu I cabinet under President Erdoğan ) then appointed the Apostolic Nuncio in Ankara. On June 24, 2016, the first day of his visit to Armenia, Francis again described the persecution of the Armenians as a tragedy and genocide. The Turkish Vice Prime Minister Nurettin Canikli said the declaration was "very unfortunate", had "no relation to reality" and showed a "crusader mentality" on the part of the Pope.
United States of America
In the United States, a discussion about the assessment of the massacre has been going on for years. Resolution 596 was brought to the US Congress on September 27, 2000 with the aim of the Congress officially recognizing the events as genocide.
In a letter dated October 19, US President Bill Clinton urged the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, Dennis Hastert , to remove Resolution 596 from the agenda.
On October 10, 2007, the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives approved a resolution by a majority stating that the persecution and expulsion of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War should be classified as “genocide”. US President George W. Bush and the US State Department expressed concern that the decision could worsen relations with Turkey. The Turkish government temporarily recalled its ambassador from the USA a day later. On October 18, 2007, the media reported that Turkey had paid Congressman Robert L. Livingston US $ 12 million to lobby against the Armenia resolution.
Barack Obama , US President from 2009 to 2017, had led his election campaign, among other things, with the promise that he would be the first US President to describe the Turkish massacre of the Armenians as “genocide”. On April 24, 2009, when Armenians around the world commemorated the massacre every year, Obama avoided the term genocide in a statement, but recalled his earlier statements on it in which he had used this term. Instead, he chose the Armenian name "Meds Yeghern" and left no doubt as to his classification of the historical events as great atrocities that would have cost 1.5 million Armenians in the massacres and on the death marches. The Foreign Affairs Committee of the US House of Representatives called the events genocide in a resolution in March 2010. Commenting on the House of Representatives' decision, Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Howard Berman , said: “Germany has accepted responsibility for the Holocaust. It is now time for Turkey to accept the realities of the Armenian genocide. "
In April 2011, Obama asked Turkey for full historical recognition of the Armenian massacre. Again he did not speak of genocide. The Turkish ambassador to the US, Namık Tan , rejected Obama's criticism. Obama's declaration testifies to an "imprecise, flawed and politically one-sided view of history"; his statements are "unacceptable" and "unacceptable".
On October 29, 2019, the US House of Representatives voted 405 to 11 for a resolution declaring the deportation and murder of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire to be genocide. 13 MPs abstained. Eleven MPs from the Republican Party voted against the resolution. On December 12, 2019, the Senate unanimously approved this resolution.
At the end of April 2021, the US under President Biden recognized the atrocities against the Armenians as genocide. In doing so, he kept an election promise and prevailed against the warnings from Turkey.
- Genocide of the Assyrians and Aramaeans
- Persecution of the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire 1914–1923
- Shusha pogrom
- Armenian pogrom in Baku in 1918
- History of Armenia
- 1976: Michael Hagopian : English The Forgotten Genocide .
- 1986: Ralph Giordano : The Armenian question no longer exists - tragedy of a people . Ralph Giordano's film sparked a wave of Turkish protests in Germany. Giordano himself was severely threatened and verbally abused by the Turkish side. After the first broadcast in 1986, the film remained under strict lock and key at WDR until 2005, which at times even denied the existence of the film. The Heinrich Böll Foundation described Giordano's film as "groundbreaking"
- 1988: PeÅ Holmqvist and Suzanne Khardalian : English Back to Ararat .
- 2002: James Miller : Armenia: The Betrayed
- 2003: İsmail Umaç : Sarı Gelin - The true Story ("The Blonde Bride"). The name goes back to the folk song Sarı Gelin . This documentary corresponds to the official Turkish view of the events. It is also controversial in Turkey and is classified by the Foundation for History (formerly Foundation for Economic and Social History of Turkey ) as propaganda and critically as unscientific and anti-Armenian. The Ministry of Education of the Republic of Turkey wanted to send it to all primary schools in Turkey in 2008. After protests against this, the ministry declared that the documentation was intended as educational material for teachers, but not as teaching material. The sending to the schools was canceled. Among other things, this documentary takes the position that there was no genocide against the Armenians. The Armenians were primarily to blame for the escalation of events.
- 2004: Laurence Jourdan : French Le génocide arménien .
- 2006: Carla Garapedian : English Screamers
- 2006: Andrew Goldberg: The Armenian Genocide
- 2009: Daniel Guthmann: The Frontier of Reconciliation: The Armenian Cross with Turkey
- 2010: Eric Friedler : Aghet - A Genocide . The German documentary was shown in the Congress of the United States on July 21, 2010 , received several awards and led to protests from the Turkish side in Germany, which were answered by a public statement by the then ARD chairman Peter Boudgoust . It was broadcast by ARD.
- 2010: Eric Friedler: Denial - Turkey and its past
- 2011: Suzanne Khardalian: Grandma's Tattoos
- 2012: Tigran Xzmalyan: Armin T. Wegner - The photographer of the genocide
- 2013: Bared Maronian: Orphans of the Genocide
- 2015: Aram Shahbazyan: Map of Salvation
- 2015: Eike Petering: The Forgotten Genocide - The Fate of the Armenians , broadcast by ZDF on April 24, 2015, 7:45 p.m.
- 1918: Oscar Apfel : English Ravished Armenia also: English Auction of Souls
- 1988: Don Askarian : Komitas
- 1991/92: Henri Verneuil : Mayrig , 1991, and French 588, rue Paradis , 1992 (two-part film with Omar Sharif and Claudia Cardinale )
- 1992: Don Askarian: Avetik
- 2001: Don Askarian: On the Old Roman Road
- 2002: Atom Egoyan : Ararat
- 2007: Paolo and Vittorio Taviani : The House of Larks , based on a novel by Antonia Arslan
- 2014: Fatih Akın : The Cut
- 2015: Garin Hovannisian: 1915 The Movie
- 2016: Terry Gorge: The Promise
- Charles Aznavour : Ils sont tombés. [They fell.], 1975.
- Gregg Bendian: After Chomaklou Was a Desert (Threnody to the Victims of the Armenian Genocide) , 1996.
- Alan Hovhaness : 1st Symphony Exile , 1936 (1st and 3rd movement), 1970 (2nd movement).
- Alan Hovhaness: Norahrash. Mystery Of the Holy Martyrs, Op. 251, 1976 (3rd movement of the Suite Khorhoort Nahadagat )
- System of a Down : PLUCK or Politically Lying, Unholy, Cowardly Killers.
- System of a Down: Forest
- System of a Down: Holy Mountains
- Serj Tankian : Yes, It's Genocide
- Integrity: English Armenian Persecution
- Haig Vartan: Requiem. 2001.
- R-Mean: Open Wounds
- Juan María Solare : Verchin Oror [Last Lullaby], 2015. Monodrama for mezzo-soprano and instrumental quintet with text by Ruben Sevak (1885–1915)
- Franz Werfel : The forty days of Musa Dagh . 2 volumes. Zsolnay , Berlin 1933; Fischer Taschenbuch, Frankfurt am Main 1990, ISBN 3-596-29458-4 .
- Peter Balakian : The dogs from Ararat. An Armenian childhood in America . Paul Zsolnay Verlag, Vienna 2000, ISBN 3-552-04951-7 (American original title: Black Dog of Fate. A Memoir . Basic Books New York, 1997).
- Jochen Mangelsen: Ophelia's long trip to Berlin . Donat, Bremen 2001, ISBN 3-934836-02-X .
- Edgar Hilsenrath : The fairy tale of the last thought . Dittrich, Cologne 2005, ISBN 3-937717-04-8 (first edition: 1989).
- Doğan Akhanlı : The Judges of the Last Judgment (Turkish original title: Kıyamet günü yargiļarı ). Kitab, Klagenfurt 2007, ISBN 978-3-902005-98-4 .
- Ahmet Ümit : Patasana . German edition. Dagyeli, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-935597-74-6 .
- Fethiye Çetin : My grandmother (Turkish original title: Anneannem ). Verlag auf dem Ruffel, Engelschoff 2011, ISBN 978-3-933847-32-4 .
- Chris Bohjalian : The Sandcastle Girls . Vintage Books, New York, NY 2013, ISBN 978-0-307-74391-6 .
- Martin von Arndt : Days of Nemesis . ars vivendi, Cadolzburg 2014, ISBN 978-3-86913-424-6 .
- Hans-Werner Kroesinger : Musa Dagh - Days of Resistance , premiere March 7, 2015, in the Maxim Gorki Theater, Berlin.
- Kai Grehn: The Talaat Pascha trial . Semi-documentary radio play.
The scientific work on the Armenian genocide is mainly based on the following sources:
- Documents from the Political Archive of the Foreign Office of the German Reich:
They come from the diplomatic archive of the war-allied German Reich and contain the reports of the German consuls, vice consuls and electoral consuls in Trebizond, Adana, Alexandrette, Mosul, Samsun, Erzurum, Aleppo and Tabriz, but also reports from countless other contemporary witnesses (officers, missionaries, employees of the Baghdad Railway , doctors, nurses, journalists, engineers, etc.).
These reports were not intended for the public and were subject to various levels of confidentiality. The positions of the reporting diplomats almost always contradicted their superiors in Berlin, who for a long time supported the position of the Turkish leadership, while other Western European countries pushed for a condemnation of the genocide.
Documentation by the German clergyman and Orient expert Johannes Lepsius on the genocide of the Armenians was banned by the Reich government in August 1916. After the war, however, Lepsius was able to publish a collection of meaningful files from the German Foreign Office, some of which were edited by him and some by the Foreign Office and falsified Main sources for the operations is. The main purpose of the editing was to cover up the German government's knowledge of the Armenian genocide and thus their shared responsibility.
- Documents from the archives of Austria-Hungary, which are stored in the Austrian State Archives in Vienna:
The House, Court and State Archives include the Legation Archives Constantinople , which contains documents on Armenian questions and reforms , the Armenian riots of 1895–1911 and international negotiations on the Contains reforms in Armenia, June 1913 to July 1914 . The Political Archive offers documents on Turkey 1915–1918 .
- Documents from the USA:
The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) in Washington, DC , the US National Archives , has an English record group on English International Affairs of Turkey, 1910–1929 , microfilms of the English Armenian National Delegation Papers, 1912– 1924 and eyewitness reports from US ambassadors and consuls.
- Eyewitness reports from missionaries working in the Ottoman Empire (including from Denmark, Switzerland, Holland) and other contemporary witnesses: See also Wegner's memoirs published by Andreas Meier: The expulsion of the Armenian people into the desert. A slide show. Eyewitness report / documentation. Foreword: Wolfgang Gust . Wallstein, Göttingen 2011, ISBN 978-3-89244-800-6 .
- Testimonies from survivors, some hundreds of whom were captured on video, for example:
- Ottoman sources:
These include, for example, the minutes of the Istanbul trials, some of which are printed in the official Gazette of the Ottoman Empire, minutes of the Ottoman parliament, reports of the post-Young Turkish parliamentary commission of inquiry and the so-called Mazhar commission as well as newspapers.
Online: a large number of documents on the “Armenian Question” (Ermeni Meselesi) in the Turkish State Archives (Devlet Arşivleri) . Ottoman (* .pdf) with Turkish transcription (* .doc).
- Armenian sources:
These include, among others, the post-war holdings of the Patriarchate of Constantinople of the Armenian Apostolic Church , which are stored in Jerusalem.
- Viscount James Bryce (Ed.): The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire 1915-1916 . GP Putnam's sons, London 1916; New edition: Taderon Press, Reading 2005, ISBN 1-903656-51-6 .
- Peter Balakian : The dogs from Ararat. An Armenian childhood in America . Zsolnay, Vienna 2000, ISBN 3-552-04951-7 (semi-documentary).
- Mihran Dabag , Kristin Platt : Loss and Legacy. Survivors of the Armenian genocide remember . Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn, 2nd reviewed edition 2016, ISBN 978-3-506-78483-4 .
- Jakob Künzler : In the land of blood and tears. Experiences in Mesopotamia during the World War . Tempel, Potsdam 1921; New edition in Chronos, Zurich 2004, ISBN 3-905313-06-5 .
- Therese Lehmann-Haupt: Experiences of a twelve-year-old boy during the Armenian deportations: recorded from the boy's oral report . Donat and Temmen, Bremen 1985, ISBN 3-924444-05-6 .
- Wilhelm Litten : The course of death of the Armenian people. Eyewitness report by Consul Litten from his journey from Baghdad to Aleppo - Berlin 1925. epubli, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7375-0342-6 . Also in: Wilhelm Litten: Persian Honeymoon. Verlag von Georg Stilke, Berlin 1925, pp. 293-312.
- Manuschak Karnusian: Our roots, our lives: Armenians in Switzerland . With background texts by Jürg Steiner and photos by Alexander Egger. Stämpfli, Bern 2015, ISBN 978-3-7272-1433-2 .
- Nazan Maksudyan: Antaram's Journey . In: Leibniz Association (Ed.): Leibniz Magazin . tape 2 , 2017, ISSN 2192-7847 , p. 64–69 ( article online , complete PDF ; 11.3 MB).
- Taner Akçam : Armenia and the Genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd Edition. Hamburger Ed., Hamburg 2004, ISBN 3-930908-99-9 .
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . translated into English by Paul Bessemer. Metropolitan Books, New York 2006, ISBN 0-8050-7932-7 . (Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999, ISBN 975-533-246-4 ) Paperback: Picador 2007, ISBN 978-0-8050-8665-2 .
- Taner Akçam: The Young Turks' crime against humanity: The Armenian genocide and ethnic cleansing in the Ottoman Empire. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2012, ISBN 978-0-691-15333-9 .
- Richard Albrecht : Genocide Policy in the 20th Century. Volume 2: Poor'socide. Shaker, Aachen 2007, ISBN 978-3-8322-5738-5 .
- Alexander Bahar : The suppressed genocide of the Armenians in the First World War. In: Bulletin for Fascism and World War Research. Issue 24, edition organon , Berlin 2005.
- Peter Balakian: The Burning Tigris. The Armenian Genocide and America's Response . Harper-Collins, New York 2003, ISBN 0-06-019840-0 .
- Jörg Berlin, Adrian Klenner (Ed.): Genocide or Resettlement? The fate of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, representation and documents PapyRossa. Cologne 2006, ISBN 978-3-89438-346-6 .
- Martin Bitschnau (Ed.): Armenia: Tabu and Trauma. Volume 1: The facts at a glance . Apyrenum press, Vienna 2010, ISBN 978-3-902772-01-5 .
- Donald Bloxham: The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians . Oxford University Press, New York 2005, ISBN 0-19-927356-1 .
- Mihran Dabag : Young Turkish Visions and the Armenian Genocide. In: Mihran Dabag, Kristin Platt: Genocide and Modernity. Volume 1, Leske and Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-1822-8 .
- Vahakn N. Dadrian : The History of the Armenian Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucasus . Berghahn Books, Oxford / Providence 2004, ISBN 1-57181-666-6 .
- Eva Ingeborg Fleischhauer : The German part in the Ottoman genocide 1915-1916. Edition Winterwork, Borsdorf 2015, ISBN 978-3-86468-940-6 ( review ).
- Christian Gerlach: Participate and benefit. The extermination of the Armenians 1915–1923. In: ders .: Extremely violent societies. Mass violence in the 20th century. DVA, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-421-04321-4 , pp. 124-161.
- Society for Threatened Peoples (ed.): The crime of silence: The negotiations of the Turkish genocide against the Armenians before the Permanent Tribunal of the Peoples (Paris, April 13-16, 1984). (Original title Le crime de silence ), GfbV, Göttingen 1985, ISBN 3-922197-14-0 .
- Hovhannisyan Gor: The Armenian Genocide. In: Gerald G. Sander and Ingo Wetter (eds.): The European Union and Turkey: Opportunities and Challenges of Accession (= Writings on Central and Eastern Europe in European Integration (SMOEI), Volume 9). Hamburg 2009, ISBN 978-3-8300-4217-4 , pp. 209-227.
- Jürgen Gottschlich : Aiding and abetting genocide. Germany's role in the annihilation of the Armenians. Ch.links, Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-86153-817-2 .
- Yusuf Halaçoğlu: The Armenian Question. Wieser, Klagenfurt 2006, ISBN 3-85129-535-8 .
- Yusuf Halaçoğlu: Sürgünden Soykırıma Ermeni İddiaları. Babıali Kültür Yayıncılığı, Ankara 2006, ISBN 975-8486-96-9 .
- Yusuf Halaçoğlu: Tarih Gelecektir. Babıali Kültür Yayıncılığı, Ankara 2007, ISBN 978-9944-11-832-3 .
- Rolf Hosfeld : Operation Nemesis: Turkey, Germany and the Armenian Genocide . Kiepenheuer and Witsch, Cologne 2005, ISBN 3-462-03468-5 .
- Rolf Hosfeld: Death in the Desert. Genocide against the Armenians. Beck, Munich 2015, ISBN 978-3-406-67451-8 .
- Rolf Hosfeld with Christin Prschichholz (ed.): The German Empire and the Armenian Genocide . Wallstein, Göttingen 2017, ISBN 978-3-8353-1897-7 .
- Tatjana Holter: Genocide in Parliament: the simple parliamentary resolution of the German Bundestag to recognize the genocide of the Armenians as a problem between constitution and politics . Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2020 ISBN 978-3-428-15793-8 Dissertation, Humboldt University Berlin, 2018
- Raymond Kévorkian: Le Génocide des Arméniens . Odile Jacob, Paris 2006, ISBN 2-7381-1830-5 .
- Hans-Lukas Kieser , Dominik J.Schaller (ed.): The Armenian Genocide and the Shoah - The Armenian Genocide and the Shoa . Chronos, Zurich 2002, ISBN 3-0340-0561-X .
- Hans-Lukas Kieser (Ed.): The Armenian Question and Switzerland (1896-1923) - La question armenienne et la Suisse (1896-1923) . Chronos Verlag, Zurich 1999, ISBN 3-905313-05-7 .
- Hans-Lukas Kieser: The Missed Peace - Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey, 1839-1938 . Chronos, Zurich 2000, ISBN 3-905313-49-9 .
- Hans Lukas Kieser (Ed.): The genocide of the Armenians, Turkey and Europe = The Armenian Genocide, Turkey and Europe. Zurich 2006, ISBN 3-0340-0789-2 .
- Guenter Lewy : The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey. A Disputed Genocide . The University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City 2005, ISBN 0-87480-849-9 . (online at: meforum.org )
- Eckhard Lisec : The Armenian Genocide in World War I - German officers involved? Carola Hartmann Miles-Verlag, Berlin 2017, ISBN 978-3-945861-54-7 .
- Justin McCarthy: Death and Exile. The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims 1821–1922. 5th edition 2004, ISBN 0-87850-094-4 .
- Cem Özgönül : The myth of a genocide - a critical consideration of the Lepsius documents and the German role in the past and present of the Armenian question (with a foreword by Udo Witzens ). Önel, Cologne 2006, ISBN 978-3-933348-93-7 .
- Annette Schaefgen: Difficult Remembering - The Armenian Genocide. Metropol, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-938690-16-X (At the same time dissertation at the TU Berlin 2005; series of documents, texts, materials of the Center for Research on Antisemitism of the Technical University of Berlin, Volume 60).
- Annette Schaefgen: From the loyal millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide . Vienna 2010, pp. 35–59.
- Dominik J. Schaller, Jürgen Zimmerer (Eds.): Late Ottoman Genocides. The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and Young Turkish Population and Extermination Policies. Routledge, London 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-48012-3 .
- Ronald Grigor Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek, Norman M. Naimark (Eds.): A question of genocide: Armenians and Turks at the end of the Ottoman Empire. Oxford et al. 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-539374-3 .
- Sibylle Thelen: The Armenian Question in Turkey. Wagenbach, Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3-8031-2629-0 .
- Christopher J. Walker: Armenia: The Survival of a Nation, London 1980 (2nd edition 1991, ISBN 0-415-04684-X ) (Electronic version 1990, from it especially chapter 7 ( Memento of February 28, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) ).
- The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War - Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office - Edition I: Der Genozid 1915/16 . Edited by Wolfgang & Sigrid Gust
- German files on the genocide of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire (1913–1919). Compiled and introduced by Wardges Mikaeljan
- AGHET: A Genocide ( Memento from July 5, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
- Arşiv Belgereline Göre Ermeni Konusu . Collection of original documents from the Turkish State Archives (Turkish) ( Memento from August 22, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
- Arşiv Belgeleriyle Ermeni Faaliyetleri Cilt 1–7 . 7 volumes of the military historical research office of the Turkish armed forces (Turkish, Ottoman, English), links in the archive work. ( Memento from August 11, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
- Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Yerevan
- The genocide of the Armenians in front of the German Bundestag
- The Morgenthau Report: Report by the American Ambassador to Constantinople Henry Morgenthau
- Photo documents of the Armenian genocide by medical officer Armin T. Wegner
- Armenian National Institute
- Genocide and Human Rights - Zoryan Institute
- Turkish Historical Society
- Sciences Po , National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS France), Hamburg Institute for Social Research and others: Online Encycopledia of Mass Violence . In it: Fall of the Ottoman Empire (English and French)
- Ronald Grigor Suny : Armenian Genocide . In: 1914-1918-online . International Encyclopedia of the First World War , Free University of Berlin. doi: 10.15463 / ie1418.10646 .
- Deutsche Welle dossier on the genocide of the Armenians and Germany's involvement, 2005
- Those who stayed alive were left naked . ZEIT dossier, 13/2005
- "Who still speaks of the Armenians today?" - The church historian Rudolf Grulich on the events of April 1915 and Armenian Christianity today ( Memento from June 13, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
- An "internal Turkish administrative matter"? Ottoman-German entanglements and the atrocities of the Armenians in the First World War - Homepage of an exhibition about the history of the German-Ottoman entanglement of the Armenian genocide
- pages of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Republic of Turkey ( Memento from January 11, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
- Foundation for Turkish Studies and Integration Research (ed.): The ethnic and religious mosaic of Turkey and its reflections on Germany. Münster 1998, p. 58.
- Picture credits ( memento of January 31, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), accessed on November 9, 2011.
- Kreiser and Neumann: Small history of Turkey . Stuttgart 2003, pp. 371-377.
- Halil İnalcık: Cizye. Osmanlılar'da Cizye. In: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi. Vol. 8, TDV Yayını, Istanbul 1993, p. 48.
- Orlando Figes : Crimean War. The last crusade. Berlin 2011, p. 64 f.
- Suraiya Faroqhi. History of the Ottoman Empire. Munich 2000, p. 49f.
- Raymond Kévorkian : French Le Génocide des Arméniens . Paris 2006, p. 338.
- Norman M. Naimark : Flaming Hatred. Ethnic cleansing in the 20th century . Fischer Taschenbuch, Stuttgart 2008, p. 32. (Original title: Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe , 2001)
- Cf. Yves Ternon : Tabu Armenia: History of a Genocide. Frankfurt am Main Berlin 1988, p. 69 (Chapter The Article 61 ) and Wolfgang Gust: The genocide of the Armenians . Munich and Vienna 1993, pp. 74ff.
- Ronald Grigor Suny: "They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else" - A History of the Armenian Genocide. Princeton University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-691-17596-6 , pp. 55 ff.
- Yves Ternon: Taboo Armenia: History of a Genocide. Frankfurt am Main Berlin 1988, p. 61ff.
- Arnold Hottinger : 7 times Middle East. Munich 1972, p. 40.
- Guenter Lewy : The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide , Salt Lake City 2005, p. 12.
- Tessa Hofmann : Approaching Armenia. History and present. Munich: Beck, 1997, p. 85f.
- Klaus Kreiser , Christoph K. Neumann : Little History of Turkey , p. 350.
- Peter Balakian : The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response. HarperCollins Publishers, New York 2004, pp. 54f.
- Stefanos Yerasimos: Azgelişmişlik Sürecinde Türkiye. Istanbul 1977, pp. 554f.
- Examination of the picture at Armenian News Network / Groong , accessed on November 9, 2011.
- Norman M. Naimark: Flaming Hatred. Ethnic cleansing in the 20th century . Stuttgart: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 2008, p. 35.
- Yves Ternon: Taboo Armenia: History of a Genocide. Frankfurt am Main, Berlin 1988, p. 96f.
- Wolfgang Gust: The genocide against the Armenians. The tragedy of the oldest Christian people in the world. Munich Vienna 1993, p. 110ff.
- Gerayer Koutcharian: The settlement area of the Armenians under the influence of the historical-political events since the Berlin Congress in 1878. A political-geographical analysis and documentation (= treatises of the geographical institute, anthropogeography, volume 43), Berlin 1989, p. 102.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . New York 2006, p. 42.
- Raymond Kévorkian: Armenian Population of Diarbekir Province. In: Richard Hovannisian (ed.): Armenian Tigranakert / Diarbekir and Edessa / Urfa. Mazda Publishers, Costa Mesa (CA), 2006, p. 263.
- Raymond Kévorkian: Armenian Population of Diarbekir Province. In: Richard Hovannisian (ed.): Armenian Tigranakert / Diarbekir and Edessa / Urfa. Mazda Publishers, Costa Mesa (CA), 2006, p. 262.
- Norman M. Naimark: Flaming Hatred. Ethnic cleansing in the 20th century . Fischer Taschenbuch, Stuttgart 2008, pp. 35f.
- Boris Barth: Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies. CH Beck, Munich 2006, p. 64.
- Berlin and Klenner: Genocide or Resettlement. The fate of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Presentation and documents. Cologne 2006, p. 33f.
- Josef Matuz: The Ottoman Empire. Baseline of its history . 3rd unchanged edition, Primus, Darmstadt 1996, p. 245.
- Taner Akçam: The Young Turkish Period up to the First World War. In: Armenia and the genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. Hamburger Ed., Hamburg 2004, ISBN 3-930908-99-9 .
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the Genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement . Hamburg 1999, p. 34.
- Vahakn N. Dadrian: The Forgotten Genocide. The genocide of the Armenians. Zurich 1998, p. 22 ff.
- Rolf Hosfeld: Operation Nemesis . Cologne 2005, p. 132ff.
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of genocide . Böhlau, Vienna 2010, pp. 45 f. (Accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Erhard Stölting : A world power is breaking up - nationalities and religions in the USSR. P. 247. Eichborn Berlin 1990.
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide . Vienna 2010, p. 46 and Ronald Grigor Suny: “They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else” , Princeton UP, 2015, p. 231 f.
- Compare Hew Strachan: The First World War. A new illustrated story. Pantheon, Munich 2006, pp. 139–142.
- Hans-Lukas Kieser: The Armenian Genocide 1915/16: latest publications (PDF; 147 kB)
- Boris Barth: Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies. CH Beck, Munich 2006, p. 68.
- Klaus Kreiser in: Kreiser and Neumann: Small history of Turkey . Stuttgart 2006, p. 319.
- Hans-Lukas Kieser, Dominik J. Schaller: Genocide in the historical area 1895-1945. In: Hans-Lukas Kieser, Dominik J. Schaller (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians and the Shoah. Chronos Verlag, Zurich 2002, p. 29f.
- Raymond Kévorkian: Le Génocide des Arméniens . Odile Jacob, Paris 2006, pp. 305ff.
- Yves Ternon : Report on the genocide of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. In: Tessa Hofmann (ed.): The crime of silence . Göttingen / Vienna 2000, p. 57.
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the Genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004, pp. 54ff.
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the Genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004, p. 63.
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide . Vienna 2010, p. 52 (accessed via De Gruyter Online); Raymond Kévorkian: The Armenian Genocide. A Complete History. LB Tauris, London 2011, pp. 319-335; Justin McCarthy: The Armenian Rebellion at Van . University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City 2006; Guenter Lewy: The Armenian Case. The politicization of history. What happened, how it happened, and why it happened. Edition divan. Klagenfurt / Celovec 2009, pp. 118–123.
- Yves Ternon: Taboo Armenia. Story of a genocide. Frankfurt am Main, Berlin 1988, pp. 105-108.
- Raymond Kévorkian: French Le Génocide des Arméniens . Paris 2006, p. 678.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 157 ff. (Online: Memorandum from the Foreign Office 1915-06-05-DE-001 ).
- Memorandum from the Foreign Office 1917-11-20-DE-001
- Esat Uras: Turkish Tarihte Ermeniler ve Ermeni Meselesi . 2nd expanded edition, Istanbul 1987, p. 612.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 294 ff. (Online: memo from the Foreign Office 1915-09-05-DE-001 )
- Memorandum from the Foreign Office 1915-12-07-DE-002
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide , Vienna 2010, p. 51 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide , Vienna 2010, p. 48 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide , Vienna 2010, p. 53 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Legal text according to Gerard J. Libaridian (Ed.): The Ideology of the Young Turk Movement. In: A Crime of Silence. The Armenian Genocide . London 1985 ISBN 0-86232-423-8 , p. 47.
- German text of the expropriation law in: Jörg Berlin, Adrian Klenner (Ed.): Genölkermord oder Umsiedlung. The fate of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Presentation and documents . Cologne 2006, p. 227ff.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 206; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999.
- Compare to the looting the section riots against the property of the resettled in: Wolfgang Gust (Hrsg.): Der Genölkermord an der Armeniern 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 437 (online: 1916-01-31-DE-003 ).
- Pailadzo Captanian: 1915. The genocide of the Armenians. A witness reports . Leipzig 1993, p. 35ff., Or Rafael de Nogales: Four years under the half moon . Berlin 1925, pp. 125f., As well as Jacques D. Alexanian: Le Ciel état noir sur L'Euphrate . Paris 1988, p. 67.
- “They are driven into the desert to break their strength” , NZZ, April 11, 2015.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility , London 2007, p. 36, source cited there: Mil, 'Umumi Harpte', Installment no.23.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office. To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 171 (online: Memorandum from the Foreign Office 1915-06-17-DE-003 ). Jürgen Gottschlich : Aiding and abetting genocide. Germany's role in the annihilation of the Armenians. Links, Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-86153-817-2 , pp. 204ff. in Google Book Search
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 182 (online: Memorandum from the Foreign Office 1915-06-30-DE-001 ).
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 25.
- Telegram from the German consul in Aleppo, Walter Rößler, from June 6, 1915. In: Wolfgang Gust (Ed.): Der Genölkermord an der Armeniern 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , pp. 165-166.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 219 (online: on armenocide.de ).
- Original source: Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü (Ed.): Osmanlı Belgelerinde Ermeniler 1915–1920 . Ankara 1994, pp. 68-69, Document No. 71, see also Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . London 2007, p. Xiv.
- Taner Akçam : Ermeni meselesi hallolunmuştur. Osmanlı Belgelerine Göre Savaş Yıllarında Ermenilere Yönelik Politikalar . Istanbul 2008, p. 182.
- memorandum of the Foreign Ministry 1915-08-31-DE-011
- Klaus Kreiser: The Ottoman State 1300-1922 . Wissenschaftsverlag, Oldenbourg 2008, p. 128.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 69.
- Document AA Turkey 158/14, 17, 18 1915 from the archives of the Foreign Office, quoted in English by Taner Akçam with the source: A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . Metropolitan Books, New York 2006, ISBN 0-8050-7932-7 , p. 122; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. ISBN 975-533-246-4 , Ankara 1999.
- Document AA Turkey 158/14, 17, 18 1915 from the archives of the Foreign Office.
- Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, Ölüm Yıldönümünde Talât Paşa: Yakın Tahirimiz. Vol. 1, p. 89. Quoted in Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . Metropolitan Books, New York 2006, ISBN 0-8050-7932-7 , p. 102; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999, ISBN 975-533-246-4 .
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 395 (online: Report from the ambassador on an extraordinary mission in Constantinople (Wolff-Metternich) to the Reich Chancellor (Bethmann Hollweg), Pera, December 7, 1915 , accessed December 12, 2009).
- Henry Morgenthau: Ambassador Morgenthau's Story. Chapter XXIV .
- Guenter Lewy: Revisiting the Armenian Genocide , accessed on November 9, 2011.
- "Tehcirin imha maksadina müstenit bulunduğu", Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 181; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999, original source: Takvim-i Vekayi No. 3540, April 27, 1919.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 181; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999; Original sources cited in Notes 110–114: Documents from the Archives of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem
- Turkish Tercüman-ı Hakikat of August 5, 1920, quoted from Taner Akçam: Armenia and the genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004, p. 68.
- Jörg Berlin, Adrian Klenner: Genocide or Resettlement. The fate of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Presentation and documents . Cologne 2006, p. 44ff.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . London 2007, p. 202.
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004, p. 72.
- Original source : Çerkez Hasan: Peki Yüzbinlerce Ermeni'yi Kim Öldürdü? (So who killed the hundreds of thousands of Armenians?) , Alemdar, April 5, 1919, quoted from Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, pp. Xviii; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999.
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the Genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004, p. 69; Trial protocol in the Official Gazette Takvim-i Vekayi No. 3557, sixth hearing, p. 91ff. and 106ff.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 177; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999; Original source: The Archives of the Armenian Patriarchate in Jerusalem.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 210 or 1915-07-17-DE-002 (on the district administrator of Diyarbakır) or 1915-07-16-DE-012 (on the district administrator of Midyat )
- Abidin Nesimi (son of the murdered district administrator of Lice): Turkish Yılların İçinden , Istanbul o. J., p. 39 f.
- Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung , 2005, Volume 6, Issues 1–2, p. 105.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. Xix; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999.
- See official Ottoman documents ( Memento of May 12, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
- See the assessment of the military necessity by Lieutenant Colonel Stange in: Memorandum of the Foreign Office 1915-08-23-DE-013
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 369 ff. (Online: memo from the Foreign Office 1915-11-18-DE-001 ).
- Joachim Jakob: East Syrian Christians and Kurds in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Lit Verlag, Vienna / Berlin 2014, p. 135.
- Manfred Pohl : From Stambul to Baghdad . Piper Verlag Munich 1999, p. 93f.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 537ff. (online: 1916-11-25-DE-002 ).
- Guenter Lewy: The Armenian Case. The politicization of history. What happened, how it happened, and why it happened. Edition divan. Klagenfurt / Celovec 2009, pp. 251-258.
- Rafael de Nogales: Four years under the crescent. Berlin 1925, pp. 78-98.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 437 (online: memo from the Foreign Office 1916-01-31-DE-003 ).
- Raymond Kévorkian: Le Génocide des Arméniens. Odile Jacob, Paris 2006, p. 589.
- Annette Schaefgen: From the faithful millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide . Vienna 2010, p. 50 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Kamuran Gürün: Turkish Ermeni Dosyası . 3rd edition, Ankara 1985, p. 227.
- File 1916-10-04-DE-002 by Radowitz from October 4, 1916. In: Wolfgang Gust (Ed.): Der Genölkermord an der Armeniern 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 , p. 519 - online source ( memento of October 19, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
- Yves Ternon: The criminal state. Genocide in the 20th Century. Hamburg 1996, p. 151.
- Wolfgang G. Schwanitz : Always in a good mood: Gutmann and the Deutsche Orientbank. In: Vivian J. Rheinheimer (Ed.): Herbert M. Gutmann . Banker in Berlin, builder in Potsdam, art collector. Koehler & Amelang, Leipzig 2007, pp. 61-77; see web version 01-2008 (PDF; 167 kB).
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 199; Translated into English by Paul Bessemer, Turkish original: İnsan Hakları ve Ermeni Sorunu. Ankara 1999; The report was published on March 16, 1919 in the Vakit. Ikdam and Alemdar published, but later, after great public outrage, relativized.
- Rauf Orbay: Turkish Rauf Orbay'ın Hatırları . In: Turkish Yakın Tarihimiz . Volume 3, p. 179.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility . Metropolitan Books, New York 2007, p. 200.
- Raymond Haroutioun Kévorkian: Le Génocide des Arméniens . Odile Jacob, Paris 2006, p. 781.
- Statement of Professor Bernard Lewis Princeton University Distinguishing Armenian Case from Holocaust ( Memento of November 10, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 10 kB)
- Viktor Krieger: Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. In: Detlef Brandes , Holm Sundhaussen , Stefan Troebst (eds.): Lexicon of expulsions. Deportation, Forced Resettlement and Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe. Böhlau, Vienna 2010, ISBN 978-3-205-78407-4 , pp. 46–49, here p. 48 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Gerard J. Libaridian: The Ultimate Repression: The Genocide of the Armenians, 1915-1917. In: Michael N. Dobkowski and Isidor Wallimann (Eds.): Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and Case Studies of Mass Death. Greenwood Press, New York, 1987, p. 206.
- See the figures in Raymond Haroutioun Kévorkian : Ahmed Djémal pacha et le sort des déportés arméniens de Syrie-Palestine. In: Hans-Lukas Kieser, Dominik J. Schaller (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians and the Shoah. Chronos, Zurich 2002, pp. 206f. Also his extensive study Le Génocide des Arméniens. Paris 2006, has confirmed this estimate.
- Gerard J. Libaridian: The Ultimate Repression: The Genocide of the Armenians, 1915-1917. In: Michael N. Dobkowski, Isidor Wallimann (Ed.): Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and Case Studies of Mass Death. Greenwood Press, New York 1987, p. 206.
- David Marshall Lang: The Armenians: A People in Exile. George Allen & Unwin, London 1981, p. 37.
- Leo Kuper: The Turkish Genocide of Armenians, 1915-1917. In: Richard G. Hovannisian (Ed.): The Armenian Genocide in Perspective. Transaction Books, New Brunswick-New Jersey 1986, p. 52.
- Tessa Hofmann: Approaching Armenia. History and present. Munich: Beck, 1997, p. 172f.
- Christian Gerlach: Nation-building in the war: Economic factors in the extermination of the Armenians and in the murder of the Hungarian Jews. , accessed November 22, 2011.
- Dickran Kouymjian: La confiscation des biens et la destruction des monuments historique comme manifestations du processus génocidaire. In: Auteur de Collectif (ed.): L'actualité du Génocide des Arméniens. Préfacé by Jack Lang. Edipol, Paris 1999, p. 221 f.
- On the material reasons for expropriating the Armenians, cf. Christian Gerlach: Nation building in war: Economic factors in the extermination of the Armenians and in the murder of the Hungarian Jews. In: Hans-Lukas Kieser, Dominik J. Schaller (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians and the Shoah. Chronos, Zurich 2002, in particular the chapters The Expropriation of the Armenians and the Distribution of Their Property as well as Settlement Policy and War Financing. Pp. 367-380.
- See Abstracts from the International Conference ARMENIAN CONSTANTINOPLE , organized by RG Hovannisian, UCLA, May 19–20, 2001 ( Memento from July 12, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Victoria Rowe: A History of Armenian Women's Writing, 1880–1922. P. 19, online at: limited preview in Google Book search.
- An example of this in Donald E. Miller and Lorna Touryan-Miller: Survivors. An Oral History of the Armenian Genocide. University of California Press, Berkeley 1999.
- Detailed information can be found in Rudolph J. Rummel :, Demozid ‛- the commanded death. Mass murders in the 20th century. With a foreword by Yehuda Bauer , Yad Vashem (= Scientific Paperbacks, Volume 12), Lit Verlag, Berlin 2006, p. 197 ff.
- Boris Barth: Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies. Munich: Verlag CH Beck, 2006, p. 73 f; Tessa Hofmann: Approaching Armenia. History and present. Munich: Beck, 1997, p. 101 ff.
- Boris Barth: Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies. Munich: Verlag CH Beck, 2006, p. 75.
- A translation of the judgment in: Taner Akçam: Armenia and the genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004, pp. 353-364. See also the English version .
- Gazi Mustafa Kemal: Turkish Nutuk . Volume 3, Istanbul 1934, p. 164 f.
- Ataturk Araştırma Merkezi: Turkish Ataturk Söylev ve Demeçleri . Ankara 1989, Volume 3, pp. 3, 8 and 12 ff.
- Mustafa Kemal Ataturk: Turkish Ataturk'ün bütün eserleri . İstanbul: Kaynak Yayınları 1998, Volume 8, p. 64.
- Kazım Öztürk (ed.): Turkish Ataturk'ün Açık ve Gizli Oturumlarındaki Konuşmaları . Volume 1, Ankara 1992, p. 59.
- Josef Matuz: The Ottoman Empire. Baseline of its history . 3rd, unchanged edition, Primus, Darmstadt 1996, p. 274.
- The Treaty of Sèvres, therein from Article 88
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the Genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. Hamburg 2004, p. 108; there also references to Paul C. Helmreich From Paris to Sèvres. The Partition of the Ottoman Empire at the Peace Conference of 1919-1920. Ohio 1974, pp. 169 ff .; Cemil Bilsel Lozan. Volume I, pp. 261-272.
- Chronology of the year 1923 (Turkish) .
- Rolf Hosfeld: Operation Nemesis . Cologne 2005, p. 300ff.
- Detailed court records
- Boris Barth : Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies. Beck, Munich 2006, ISBN 978-3-406-52865-1 , p. 75.
- Rolf Hosfeld: Operation Nemesis . Cologne 2005, p. 298.
- Adam T. Smith: "Yerevan, my ancient Erebuni": Archaeological repertoires, public assemblages, and the manufacture of a (post-) Soviet Nation . In: Charles W. Hartley, G. Bike Yazicioğlu and Adam T. Smith (Eds.): The Archeology of Power and Politics in Eurasia: Regimes and Revolutions . Cambridge University Press , Cambridge 2012, ISBN 978-1-107-01652-1 , Chapter 3, pp. 73 ( Preview in Google Book Search).
- Boris Barth: Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies. CH Beck, Munich 2006, p. 76.
- See the interview with the Armenian Foreign Minister in Welt Online on July 21, 2008.
- Gunnar Heinsohn: Lexicon of Genocides. Rowohlt Taschenbuch, 2nd edition 1998, ISBN 978-3-499-22338-9 , p. 80.
- Condemnation of the resolution of the German Bundestag by the then President of the Turkish Parliament Bülent Arınç ( Memento from June 8, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
- Foundation for Turkish Studies and Integration Research (ed.): The ethnic and religious mosaic of Turkey and its reflections on Germany. Münster 1998, p. 58.
- Annette Schaefgen: Difficult remembering. The Armenian Genocide . Berlin 2006, p. 65.
- Seyhan Bayraktar: Politics and memory: Between nationalism and Europeanization: the discourse on the murder of the Armenians in Turkey. Bielefeld 2010, p. 180 and pp. 133–177.
- Report from Ambassador Wangenheim 1913
- See Turkish-language article with documents on the Turk Tarih Kurumu website ( Memento from March 19, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
- “We did not commit genocide.” Interview with Hikmet Özdemir, Die Welt, July 15, 2005.
- Erik-Jan Zürcher Turkey: A Modern History , London 1997, p. 121.
- Klaus Kreiser: Small Turkey Lexicon. SW Talat-Paşa-Telegramme, Munich 1996.
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- Heath Lowry: The story behind Ambassador Morgenthau's Story ( Memento from January 6, 2005 in the Internet Archive ).
- Guenter Lewy: Revisiting the Armenian Genocide
- Decree on medical treatment ( Memento of October 23, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 27 kB) and response from a security authority to protect Armenians from attacks ( Memento of December 11, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 42 kB)
- Hrant Dink: forging an Armenian identity in Turkey ( Memento from December 9, 2012 in the web archive archive.today ), opendemocracy.net, February 7, 2006.
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- Interview in Der Spiegel , No. 14, April 3, 2010, p. 94 ( Spiegel Online , accessed April 15, 2010).
- Sabah (daily newspaper) : Erdoğan to Sarkozy: "France should first sweep its own front door"
- France forbids denial of the Armenian genocide , Spiegel Online , December 22, 2011.
- The unofficial translation of the message of The Prime Minister of The Republic of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, on the events of 1915 in English, French, German, Spanish, Arabic, Russian and Eastern and Western Armenian languages. ( basbakanlik.gov.tr ( memento from April 23, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) on the website of the Turkish government, accessed on April 23, 2014)
- Spiegel Online, April 23, 2014
- FAZ.net / Michael Martens April 17, 2015: Once upon a time there was a good Ottoman Empire
- Quoted from: Rainer Hermann : What school wisdom shouldn't know. A hundred years and not a single admission: The Turkish history textbooks still keep the students secret about what was done to the Armenians in their country in 1915 . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, March 25, 2015, p. 9. In this article, Hermann quotes other passages from school books that misrepresent the events.
- FAZ.net / Rainer Hermann March 26, 2015: What school wisdom shouldn't know.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 140.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 189.
- Taner Akçam: A Shameful Act. The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. London 2007, p. 195 f.
- radikal.com.tr newspaper Radikal from December 17, 2014.
Eric Weitz: A Century of Genocide. Utopias of Race and Nation. Updated edition. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2015, ISBN 978-1-4008-6622-9 , p. 1 f.Rainer
Hermann : Where is Turkish society going? Kulturkampf in Turkey. Munich 2008, p. 221; Annette Schaefgen: From the loyal millet to the scapegoat or The legend of the Armenian stab in the back. The genocide of the Armenians in the First World War . In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Prejudice and Genocide. Ideological premises of the Böhlau genocide . Vienna 2010, p. 57 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
- Wolfgang Gust: The genocide against the Armenians. The tragedy of the oldest Christian people in the world . Hanser, Munich 1993; the same: the genocide of the Armenians in 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . zu Klampen, Springe 2005.
- Vahakn N. Dadrian: The History of the Armenian Genocide. Ethnic Conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucasus . Berghahn Books, Oxford / Providence 2004.
- Donald Bloxham: The Great Game of Genocide. Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians . Oxford University Press, Oxford 2007.
- Summary based on Hans-Lukas Kieser: The Young Turkish Genocide in the First World War . Website of the Federal Agency for Civic Education , April 26, 2016, accessed on June 29, 2016.
- Boris Barth: Genocide. Genocide in the 20th Century. History, theories, controversies . CH Beck, Munich 2006 p. 70 f.
- Wolfgang Benz: Exclusion, Expulsion, Genocide. Genocide in the 20th century. dtv, Munich 2007, p. 57.
- Wolfgang Benz: Aghet and Holocaust. Comparative considerations. Website of the Federal Agency for Civic Education, April 26, 2016, accessed on June 29, 2016.
- Justin A. McCarthy: Muslims and Minorities. The Population Of Ottoman Anatolia and the End of the Empire . New York University Press, New York and London 1983, p. 136; see the same: Death and Exile. The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims 1821–1922. Princeton 1995; the same: The Population of the Ottoman Armenians . From: Armenian-History.com, accessed July 2, 2016.
- Herfried Münkler: The Great War. The world 1914–1918 . Rowohlt, Berlin 2013, p. 319 f.
- Guenter Lewy: The Armenian Case. The politicization of history. What happened, how it happened, and why it happened. Edition divan. Klagenfurt / Celovec 2009, pp. 134–140 and 285 (here the quote) –290.
- Boris Barth: Genocide: Genocide in the 20th Century: History, Theories, Controversies. Munich 2006, pp. 8 and 15.
- Raphael Lemkin: Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws Of Occupation, Analysis Of Government, Proposals For Redress . Washington 1944, p. 79 ff.
- Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide (PDF; 124 kB)
- See Egon Schwelb: Crimes against Humanity. In: 23 British Yearbook of International Law (1946) , p. 181.
- See the Treaty of Sèvres (English).
- History of the United Nations War Crimes Commission and the Development of the Laws of War , compiled by the United Nations War Crimes Commission, His Majesty's Stationery Office, London 1948, p. 45.
- Hanspeter Neuhold: Austrian manual of international law. Volume 1, 2nd edition, Böhlau, Vienna 1991, p. 72.
- UN Doc, E / CN.4 / Sub.2 / 1985 / SR.57, para. 42, quoted in William Schabas: Genocide in international law: the crimes of crimes , Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 466.
- Annette Schaefgen: Difficult remembering. The Armenian Genocide , Berlin 2006, p. 84.
- The Federal Assembly - The Swiss Parliament: Postulate: Recognition of the genocide of the Armenians in 1915
- Documentation of the Society for Threatened Peoples Switzerland, p. 14 f. (PDF; 452 kB).
- PDF of the European Parliament
- Deutsche Welle: Contribution from April 15, 2015 .
- Armenia and Turkey should start normalizing their relations , European Parliament, April 15, 2015, accessed on April 15, 2015.
- Freedom of expression: Court allows denial of genocide against Armenians , Spiegel Online, December 12, 2013 (accessed January 10, 2014)
- ECHR: Denial of the Armenian genocide counts as part of freedom of expression , Die Zeit , October 15, 2015, accessed on June 11, 2016.
- Israel W. Charny: Encyclopedia of Genocide, Volume 1 in the Google Book Search, Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, Jerusalem 1999, p. 82.
- Foreword by Pierre Vidal-Naquet , legal text based on Gerard J. Libaridian: A Crime of Silence - The Armenian Genocide, Permanent Peoples' Tribunal, London 1985, p. 226.
- Britannica Online Encyclopedia: Armenian, Supplemental Information
- Genocidio degli Armeni (Paris, 1984) . Permanent People's Tribunal, accessed on November 10, 2012.
- Turkish State Denial Open Letter (PDF; 85 kB). IAGS, accessed November 14, 2012.
- Q&A: Armenian genocide dispute , BBC News Europe, January 23, 2012, accessed November 14, 2012.
- David B. MacDonald: Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and historical representation in the Google Book Search New York 2008, p. 135.
- Chairman Berman's Committee Passes Armenian Genocide Resolution ( December 1, 2012 memento in the Internet Archive ) US House of Representatives, March 4, 2012, accessed November 14, 2012.
- Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission . Austrian Broadcasting Corporation , accessed on February 26, 2015.
- Mustafa Aydın: Non-traditional Security Threats and Regional Cooperation in the Southern Caucasus . IOS Press, 2011, p. 157.
- Genocide against the Armenians is recognized . Accessed 6 May 2015, accessed the same day.
- Parliamentary condemn genocide against Armenians . The press. April 21, 2015, accessed May 6, 2015.
- Tagesspiegel from March 12, 2010
- US Congress calls murder of Armenians genocide . Daily News. October 30, 2019, accessed the same day.
- Links to all resolution texts
- Documentation by the Society for Threatened Peoples Switzerland, p. 30 (PDF; 452 kB) ; Licentiate thesis The genocide of the Armenians and its recognition in Switzerland ( Memento from March 25, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
- Classification as genocide in the Swedish parliament
- İsrail'den Ermeni önergesine ret CNNTurk.com
- Denmark does not recognize Armenian genocide claims: Minister ( Memento of December 7, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) in the Turkish Daily News (English); Bulgarian Parliament Rejected Armenian Genocide Recognition Bill on PanArmenian.net (English); Georgia doesn't recognize Armenian Genocide because of dependence on Turkey and Azerbaijan on PanArmenian.net
- Reply of the British government to a petition on the crimes against the Armenians ( Memento of February 16, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) (English)
- Printed matter 15/5689
- Resolution of the German Bundestag, June 2005 (PDF)
- The request as a pdf ( Memento from January 31, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) (Drucksache 17/687)
- Matthias Meisner : dip21.bundestag.de (answer from February 25, 2010)
- Government hides behind historians. in: Der Tagesspiegel on March 1, 2010.
- Federal Government: Answer of the Federal Government (printed matter 17/1956). (PDF) German Bundestag, June 4, 2010, accessed on June 4, 2011 .
- Federal Government: Answer of the Federal Government (printed matter 17/1956). (PDF) German Bundestag, June 4, 2010, accessed on June 4, 2016 .
- zeit.de April 19, 2015: Bundestag will name genocide
- bundestag.de (pdf)
- It was genocide: Gauck brings a bit more truth
- http://www.bundespraesident.de/ : Speech in full ; spiegel.de: Memorial service: Gauck clearly speaks of genocide against the Armenians ; Turkish Foreign Ministry: Press Release No. 130 ( Memento from April 26, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
- bundestag.de . This text contains links to the three applications.
- Bundestag 101st session, agenda item 25 ( memento of September 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive ).
- bundestag.de: Full text of Lammert's 'Introductory Words'
- faz.net, June 2, 2016: Bundestag: Genocide resolution passed almost unanimously , accessed on June 2, 2016.
- Bundestag June 2, 2016: "Remembrance and commemoration of the genocide of the Armenians and other Christian minorities in 1915 and 1916"
- Sabri Deniz Martin: The usual silence and neglect. No German complicity according to the Armenian resolution . In: Philipp Berg, Markus Brunner, Christine Kirchhoff, Julia König, Jan Lohl, Tom Uhlig, Sebastian Winter (eds.): Freie Association - Zeitschrift für Psychoanalytische Sozialpsychologie 2/2018: Wolfsgeheule . 21st year. tape 2 . Psychosozial-Verlag, 2018, ISSN 1434-7849 , p. 99-103 .
- Jürgen Gottschlich: Aiding and abetting genocide: Germany's role in the annihilation of the Armenians . Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin, ISBN 978-3-86153-817-2 , pp. 344 .
- Genocide resolution in the Bundestag: “We will not allow ourselves to be blackmailed by a despot like Erdogan” at spiegel.de, May 15, 2016; sueddeutsche.de: Özdemir on the Armenia resolution: "The Bundestag will not allow itself to be blackmailed by a despot"
- Ankara criticizes planned parliamentary resolution on Armenians ( Memento from May 31, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) In: Deutschlandfunk, May 30, 2016.
- Turkey calls ambassador back from Berlin . Zeit Online, June 2, 2016.
- Genocide Resolution: Turkey withdraws ambassador . FAZ.net June 2, 2016.
- Özlem Topçu : Breast milk and bad blood. In: Die Zeit from June 9, 2016, p. 9.
- zeit.de June 3, 2016
- zeit.de June 6, 2016: Appeals for murder against members of the Bundestag
- welt.de: Erdogan is now calling for blood tests for German MPs
- FAZ.net June 7, 2016
- spiegel.de June 9, 2016: Threats against German MPs: EU Parliament President Schulz warns Erdogan
- Erdogan adds . FAZ.net, June 9, 2016.
- Merkel responds to Erdogan's request . Spiegel Online, September 2, 2016.
- Government wants to distance itself from Armenia resolution . FAZ, September 2, 2016.
- Steinmeier - Resolution on Armenia has no binding effect . Reuters, September 2, 2016.
- Government stands by resolution of Armenia . Zeit Online, September 2, 2016.
- Dispute over resolution of Armenia: Turkey welcomes statement from the German government . Spiegel Online, September 3, 2016.
- Klaus Dienelt : Turks angry over France because of Armenian law
- Wolfgang Gust : Review of Seyhan Bayraktar: Politics and memory. The discourse on the murder of the Armenians in Turkey between nationalism and Europeanization . (Transcript, ISBN 978-3-8376-1312-4 , 2010). Retrieved December 28, 2011.
- Hürriyet : France never to adopt poisonous Armenian “genocide” bill official
- Frankfurter Rundschau: Dispute over the Genocide Act ( Memento from January 14, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
- spiegel.de December 22, 2011: Turkey threatens Sarkozy with sanctions
- Mass killing of Armenians: Erdogan rages against France's genocide law Spiegel Online, January 24, 2012, accessed on January 24, 2012.
- Senate approves controversial genocide law Süddeutsche Zeitung.de, January 23, 2012, accessed on January 24, 2012.
- Senators block controversial law ( memento of February 3, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) tagesschau.de, February 2, 2012, accessed on February 2, 2012.
- Controversial genocide law unconstitutional faz.net, February 28, 2012, accessed on the same day.
- Armenian National Committee of America ( Memento of March 1, 2005 in the Internet Archive )
- Israel discusses the tragedy of the Armenians. Israel Today Magazine, accessed December 29, 2011; Debate on the recognition of genocide against Armenians in Israel ( memento of September 13, 2012 in the web archive archive.today ) stern.de, accessed on December 29, 2011.
- Israel - Dispute over Armenian Genocide , accessed January 2, 2012.
- FAZ.net February 22, 2018: Dutch parliament recognizes genocide against Armenians
- Club leaders condemn genocide against Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Joint declaration on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide. Press release from the Austrian Parliament of April 22, 2015; Debate over massacre of the Armenians: Austria recognizes genocide. Spiegel online, April 21, 2015, accessed April 22, 2015 .
- Turkish Foreign Ministry: No: 126, April 22, 2015, Press Release Regarding the Joint Declaration issued by the Austrian Parliament on the Events of 1915 ( Memento of April 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive ). A translation of the full text here ; Turkey withdraws ambassadors from Vienna after the genocide resolution. The April 23, 2015 standard ; Turkey calls back ambassadors from Austria. Der Spiegel, April 23, 2015, accessed on April 23, 2015 .
- Armenia resolution: Sweden disgusts Turkish government zeit.de.
- NÁRODNÁ RADA SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY, III. volebné obdobie, Číslo: 1754/2004, 1341, UZNESENIE NÁRODNEJ RADY SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY
- A. Grigorian: SR ako Jedina v EÚ Tresta popieranie genocídy Arménov
- Pri pamätníku na Tyršovom nábreží bola spomienka na genocídu Arménov
- V Košiciach posvätia Pamätník genocídy Arménov
- The Armenian Mirror-Spectator: Syrian Parliament Recognizes Armenian Genocide. In: The Armenian Mirror-Spectator. February 13, 2020, accessed February 18, 2020 (American English).
- Michael Hesemann (November 13, 2014): What Pius XII Learned From the Armenian Genocide
- Footnotes 8 and 9
- Zeit Online of April 12, 2015: Pope calls massacre of Armenians genocide .
- http://www.vatican.va/ : Press Office of the Holy See
- Die Welt of June 10, 2013: Armenian statement by the Pope outraged Turkey .
- vatican.va: SANTA MISA PARA LOS FIELES DE RITO ARMENIO . As the other two tragedies, Francis named that of Nazism and that of Stalinism.
- Pope on genocide in Armenia: Turkey appoints a Vatican ambassador. Spiegel Online , April 12, 2015, accessed April 12, 2015 . ;
- FAZ.net: Turkey angry with Francis ; for reception see z. B. FAZ.net / Reinhard Veser : A genocide (comment)
- VIAGGIO APOSTOLICO DI SUA SANTITÀ FRANCESCO IN ARMENIA
- sueddeutsche.de June 26, 2016: Vatican defends Pope against sharp criticism from Turkey
- H.Res. 596 (106th): Affirmation of the United States Record on the Armenian Genocide Resolution. govtrack.us, accessed October 31, 2019 .
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- FAZ.net : American Congress recognizes "genocide" against Armenians , October 11, 2007.
- Tagesschau : Turkey outraged by resolution of Armenia (tagesschau.de archive) , October 11, 2007.
- Tagesschau: Ankara calls ambassador back from the USA (tagesschau.de archive) , October 11, 2007.
- Report of the Turkish press (October 18, 2007)
- Obama's statement
- Armenia resolution in the US Congress. Turkish politicians threaten the USA on charges of genocide Spiegel online, March 5, 2010, accessed on October 26, 2010.
- zeit.de April 24, 2011: Obama condemns massacre of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire
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- USA recognizes massacre of Armenians as genocide. In: Hamburger Abendblatt. FUNKE Medien Hamburg GmbH, April 24, 2021, accessed on April 24, 2021 .
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- Radikal, May 4, 2003 ( Memento of January 11, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
- German: Turks against Armenians - The first genocide of the 20th century . https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KtY57UNEzv4 (broadcast on June 20, 2007 as a rerun on April 13, 2005).
- controversial documentation with a lot of music.
- on behalf of the US public television company PBS.
- Brief synopsis, press reviews and link to the official statement by the Turkish government on this ( Memento from December 16, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
- Sent on 3sat on July 19, 2011.
- FAZ: Obama also avoids the term genocide, accessed on July 3, 2011.
- Aghet - Ein Völkermord, opinion of the chairman of the ARD for the documentary "A Aghet- genocide"
- Who says the right thing at the right time? in FAZ of April 23, 2015, p. 13.
- Sent on ARD on September 7, 2010.
- International Documentary Film Festival ( Memento from March 9, 2013 in the Internet Archive )
- Al Jazeera Deutsch : Grandma's Tattoos
- Documentary film screening as part of the memorial event for the victims of the genocide
- PBS Station To Screen 'Orphans Of The Genocide'
- Documentary: Orphans of the Genocide
- Map of Salvation movie on Armenian Genocide screened in Tehran
- Eike Petering: The forgotten genocide - The fate of the Armenians. In: reporter. Dipl.-Journ. Eike Christian Petering, December 20, 2015, accessed on July 19, 2020 (German).
- Films by Don Askarian don-askarian.com ( Memento from February 11, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
- Harvard Film Archive: hcl.harvard.edu ( Memento from March 7, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
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- '1915': Film Review
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- Kai Grehn: The Talaat Pascha trial on the author's website, with audio sample.
- Wolfgang Gust (ed.): The genocide of the Armenians 1915/16. Documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office . To Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005, ISBN 3-934920-59-4 .
- Johannes Lepsius: Report on the situation of the Armenian people in Turkey . Tempel-Verlag, Potsdam 1916. Unchanged new edition with the original text of the 1916 edition: Bad Schussenried: Hess, 2011, ISBN 978-3-87336-368-7 .
- Johannes Lepsius (Ed.): Germany and Armenia 1914–1918: Collection of diplomatic files . Potsdam, 1919.
- Wolfgang Gust: Magical Square. Johannes Lepsius, Germany and Armenia
- Austria-Armenia 1872–1936: Facsimile collection of diplomatic files , edited and introduced by Artem Ohandjania. 3rd edition, Vienna 1995.
- Institute for Armenian Questions (ed.): The Armenian Genocide. 2 volumes, Munich 1987 and 1988.
- Taner Akçam: Armenia and the genocide. The Istanbul Trials and the Turkish National Movement. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2004 (bibliography).
- Selection of the most important documents in: Ara Sarafian (Ed.): English United States Official Records On The Armenian Genocide 1915–1917 . Gomidas Institute 2004.
- English The Armenian Genocide and America's Outcry: A Compilation of US Documents 1890-1923 . Washington, DC: Armenian Assembly of America, 1985.
- Lewis Einstein : English Inside Constantinople. A Diplomat's Diary April-September 1915 . London 1917; Henry Morgenthau: Turkish Ambassador Morgenthau's Story . New York 1926; Leslie A. Davis: Turkish The Slaughterhouse Province. An American Diplomat's Report on the Armenian Genocide 1915-1917 . New Rochelle 1989.
- On the material from Swiss mission archives see: Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace Mission, ethnicity and state in the eastern provinces of Turkey 1839–1938 ; Hilmar Kaiser (Ed.): Marsovan 1915. The Diaries of Bertha Morley. Ann Arbor / Michigan 2000; Henry Riggs: English Days of Tragedy in Armenia. Personal Experiences in Harpoot 1915-1917 . Michigan 1997; Maria Jacobsen: English Diaries of a Danish Missionary. Harpoot 1907-1919 . Princeton 2001 .; Jakob Künzler: In the land of blood and tears. Experiences in Mesopotamia during the World War. Potsdam, 1921 (new edition), Chronos-Verlag, Zurich (2nd new edition), 2004; Tacy Atkinson: English The German, the Turk and the Devil made a Triple Alliance. Harpoot Diaries, 1908-1917 . Princeton 2000.
- Martin Niepage: Impressions of a German senior teacher from Turkey. Tempelverlag, Potsdam 1919.
- Armin T. Wegner : The tent. Notes, letters, stories from Turkey. Berlin 1926 and Armin T. Wegner: The way without coming home. Martyrdom in letters. Dresden 1919. Both works can no longer be regarded as unadulterated sources today, but Wegner's entries in his war diary from 1916, which are kept unpublished as part of his estate in the German Literature Archive in Marbach. See the study by Martin Tamcke: Armin T. Wegner and the Armenians . Hamburg 1986, pp. 80-117 and pp. 237f; Harry Stuermer: Two years of war in Constantinople. Sketches of German-Young Turkish morality and politics. Lausanne 1917.
- Ephraim K. Jernazian: Judgment unto Truth. Witnessing the Armenian Genocide. New Brunswick 1990; Pailadzo Captanian: 1915. The Armenian Genocide. A witness reports. Leipzig 1993; Jacques D. Alexanian: French Le Ciel état noir sur L'Euphrate . Paris 1988; Vahram Dadrian: English To the Desert. Pages from my Diary . Princeton 2003.
- Institute for Diaspora and Genocide Research at the Ruhr University Bochum: How history determines the present . See Donald E. Miller, Lorna Touryan-Miller: Survivors. An Oral History of the Armenian Genocide. University of California Press, Berkeley et al. 1999, ISBN 0-520-21956-2 .
- Devlet Arşivleri: Ermeni Meselesi ( Memento from January 6, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
- Raymond Kévorkian: French Le Génocide des Arméniens . Paris 2006.