geopolitics

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Geopolitics is often referred to as a synonym for the spatial, foreign policy action of great powers within the framework of a geostrategy . The narrower scientific definition of geopolitics describes the political-scientific interpretation of geographical conditions, which is often carried out in the context of political advice . Geopolitics was derived from political geography and was initially in opposition to it. It was of particular importance in Germany in the two world wars and the interwar period. An influential Anglo-American geopolitics did not form until World War II .

Definitions and use of terms

Both in the media and in large parts of political science, the term geopolitics is used as a synonym for violent and unscrupulous power politics. In contrast, American and British scholars originally understood geopolitics to be an analysis of political (and economic) phenomena that focuses on geographic causal factors. Geopolitics as an academic discipline is an analytical method in the political science research field of international relations with a special reference to geography. Academic geopolitics uses an analytical and descriptive approach to investigate the influences that geographic conditions and dynamics have on political developments, with the main interest being on developments in foreign and security policy . On the other hand, geopolitics is a practical method of security policy decision-making and implementation. There is a long tradition of scientific geopoliticians who saw themselves as government advisers and who always wanted to influence political decision-makers with their research. The French geographer and geopolitician Yves Lacoste emphasizes that geopolitics is an instrument of rule and that geopolitical knowledge is strategic knowledge.

Egbert Jahn uses the term “unhappy” as a term for an academic discipline . Nobody would think of social policy , family policy , environmental policy or foreign policy as a science. Rather, it is a question of certain sectors and objects of politics, both of political events or processes ( politics ) and of political content, tasks and goals ( policies ). In these cases a clear distinction is made between politics and political science. The reason why geopolitics is not understood as politics but rather a science or a doctrine of politics lies in the fact that “geopolitics is not about a specific object of politics, for example the geosphere or the earth, but about a certain aspect of politics, namely its spatial reference. So geopolitics is not earth politics, a word that has recently been used to denote global environmental politics. "

Geopolitics is characterized by its geodeterminism and its proximity to the schools of thought of realism and neorealism in international relations. In his definition of geopolitics, the geographer Benno Werlen emphasizes its geodeterminism, according to which human action is predetermined by space and nature. The space does not determine political events directly, but rather mediates through its influence on the state. The definition in the lexicon of spatial philosophy is similar : At the center of geopolitics is the idea of ​​a geo-determined state policy. When Karl Haushofer stated in 1928: "Geopolitics is the study of the earthiness of the political processes. It is based on the broad basis of geography, in particular political geography as the theory of political spatial organisms and their structure. For geopolitics, the essence of the earth's space, captured by geography, provides the framework within which the course of political processes must take place if they are to be granted permanent success [...]. "

According to Ulrich Menzel , geopolitics can be defined as a special form of power politics, with power being understood as the control of politically defined spaces. The relationship to the schools of thought of realism is evident. Indeed, some authors argue that all of the theories of realism and neorealism in the science of international relations stem from nothing but geopolitical thinking. And Sören Scholvin thinks that the ideas of the former American Foreign Minister Henry Kissinger and the former National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzeziński in particular make it clear that geopolitics has become a simplified form of the realistic theory of international relations.

From political geography to geopolitics

The roots of geopolitics in the history of ideas extend into the thinking of the Enlightenment. David Hume saw the guarantor of freedom in insular Great Britain in 1714 in On the Balance of Power . In 1748 Montesquieu referred to the connection between geography and history in the spirit of the law . He attributed the spirit of freedom to the sea powers, while the great continental power Russia embodied the spirit of despotism.

According to Niels Werber, references to much older sources are "typical of geopolitical treatises", Adolf Grabowsky referred to Polybius , Otto Maull to Herodotus , Karl Haushofer to Thucydides and Pytheas . They would then be placed at their side by younger, distinguished authors such as Herder , Hegel and Carl Ritter . This, according to Sabine Feiner, “is an attempt to establish a long tradition of geopolitical thinking in international politics. Since with this extremely broad interpretation all political thinkers and actors who have taken geographical factors into account can be considered geopoliticians, it does not seem meaningful. ”Even Werber misses those elements and connections in the ancient geographers and historians as well as the German philosophers make up modern geopolitics.

Undisputed forerunners and pioneers of scientific geopolitics were the German zoologist and geographer Friedrich Ratzel , the Swedish political scientist Rudolf Kjellén , the American Rear Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan and the British geographer Halford Mackinder . With the exception of Kjellén, the term geopolitics has not yet been used; their theses found hardly any advocates in university geography before the First World War . It was the geopolitical literature of the post-war period that made the four authors into classics of the newly created subject.

Yves Lacoste attributes the establishment of geopolitics to young, patriotic German geography teachers who, in 1919, considered university political geography unsuitable for “proving that the borders of Germany established by the Versailles Treaty are not only unjust and absurd, but also for the future of Europe were dangerous. ” Geopolitics had given them the opportunity to argue and thus became an opposition to political geography of the academic type.

The state as an organism: Ratzel and Kjellén

Friedrich Ratzel , thought leader in German geopolitics
The Swede Rudolf Kjellén coined the term geopolitics

The term geopolitics was coined by Rudolf Kjellén in a journal article in 1899. In his main scientific work, Staten som lifsform , Kjellén defined in 1916: "Geopolitics is the doctrine of the state as a geographical organism or as an appearance in space." Kjellén was influenced by the German zoologist and geographer Friedrich Ratzel , who reformed political geography in 1897.

Before Ratzel, political geographers merely collected statistical data on the economy, demography and politics of a national territory. Niels Werber clarifies this with the depiction of Gibraltar in Gustav Adolf von Klödens Handbuch der Länder- und Staatkunde from 1875. This contains precise information about the Rock of Gibraltar, the size of the Crown Colony , average temperatures and rainfall, flora and fauna, the number of inhabitants and the ethnic affiliation of the residents as well as import and export goods and the trade balance. But there is not a single word about the rule of the strait by Great Britain and the function of the fortifications. The same could be said about Malta or Singapore . Such “political geography” was “downright apolitical”. Ratzel, on the other hand, classified Gibraltar in his Political Geography, alongside Malta, Cyprus , Suez , Singapore, Hong Kong and others, in a series of permanent places, naval stations, coal stations and cable cliffs in British ownership, which, depending on their dominant position, fulfill a political function: securing the United Kingdom maritime power.

For Ratzel, this analysis is the consequence of a “biogeographical conception of the state”, with which the state is viewed as an organism in the biological sense that is subject to evolution and wants to grow. The state organism of England, in spite of the unchangeable geographical restriction as an island, developed into the greatest power of the time because the barriers of space had been overcome by ruling the seas. On the basis of the concept devised by Ratzel, Kjellén assumed that great powers would have to expand in order to develop. According to Nils Hoffmann, the "Germanophile" Swede saw Germany as the center of a Nordic-German confederation that should extend from Hamburg to Baghdad. The 1914 German translation of his book Samtidens stormakter was published in 1918 as The Great Powers of the Present in its 19th edition. Translations of other of his writings were similarly widespread in Germany and had a strong influence on the geopolitics that were emerging. Ratzel's living space concept was particularly effective.

Land power and sea power: Mahan and Mackinder

Alfred Thayer Mahan , thought leader in Anglo-American geopolitics
Halford Mackinder , founder of the influential Heartland Theory

The founding fathers of Anglo-American geopolitics , the American Alfred Thayer Mahan and the British Halford Mackinder , were already stylized as classics of the subject during the German heyday of the subject, which, according to Werber, began in 1915 and ended in 1945. They differed from Ratzel and Kjellén in that they did not regard states as organisms, that is, did not pursue “political zoology or biopolitical geography”. Both drafted geostrategies for a sea power on the basis of historical analyzes .

Mahan was less a scientist than a military strategist; he devoted his journalistic efforts in the last two decades of the 19th century to an attempt to make it clear that the United States needed an ocean-going war fleet. In his opinion, the Monroe Doctrine could only be secured by a strong navy; only by own sea power could blockades of American coasts and the threat to American ports be prevented. Mahan saw the USA in competition with the British naval power and developed strategies to prevent its expansion in the Caribbean and Pacific. He called for the American security of the planned Panama Canal and bases in Cuba , Puerto Rico , Hawaii , Samoa and the Philippines . His efforts for "sea power" were successful, and American politics followed his suggestions. He also found attentive readers in Germany, such as Alfred von Tirpitz and later Carl Schmitt . In the German interpretation, Hawai became Helgoland and the Panama Canal became Kaiser Wilhelm Canal . In 1896, Georg Wislicenus , using Mahan's arguments, called for a German battle fleet that must be capable of defending and attacking and that would be able to break a British naval blockade.

The division of the "world island" in Mackinder's Heartland theory

In contrast to Mahan, Mackinder considered the high time of global naval power to be over, the end of the "Colombian age" had already begun and with it that of the British world power. In 1904, in an article in a magazine, he developed a global political theory of the “post-Colombian era”: He predicted an epoch of land power. The power that succeeds in organizing the Eurasian heartland (pivot area) and extending it to the coasts would become a world power. He summarized this prognosis in 1919 in the book Democratic Ideals and Reality in the later much-quoted saying: “Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland. Who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island. Who rules the World-Island commands the World. "(" Who rules over Eastern Europe, rules the heartland: Who rules the heartland, rules the island of the world (Eurasia). Who rules the island, rules the world. ")

In Great Britain, which Mackinder's considerations were seen as a warning of the loss of world power, the essay was ignored. In Germany, on the other hand, the work was enthusiastically received, with Karl Haushofer praising it as "the greatest geopolitical masterpiece of all time". The Heartland concept is also currently considered to be "probably the most significant idea in the history of geopolitics."

A new geopolitical aspect was added in 1921 with the influential writing of the Italian general Giulio Douhet on air rule (Il Dominio dell'Aria) .

German geopolitics

The history of classical German geopolitics begins, according to the historiography, with the reception of Kjellén texts in the First World War and, after the defeat, gains a strong dynamic of development. According to Klaus Kost, Ratzel, Kjellén and the geopolitics they had prepared and had hardly noticed until then had a triumphant breakthrough after 1914. After 1918 there were almost no geographers left who did not engage in geopolitics .

The focus of geopolitical publications during the First World War was the sea blockade of the Central Powers by the United Kingdom, the interpretation of the central position of Germany as “spatial fate” and the “discovery of the 'German East' as an area of ​​occupation and supplementary space.” However, the discipline only experienced its upswing thereafter in response to the Versailles Peace Treaty . According to Sprengel, the geopolitics of those years was "a weapon against Versailles". According to Hoffmann, the concepts of geopolitics provided a “pseudo-scientific” justification for the expansion and (if necessary, violent) rise of Germany.

Karl Haushofer (left) and Rudolf Hess , around 1920

The leading representative of this “German science” was Karl Haushofer , for whom Ratzel's habitat concept was “the basis for any discussion of questions of foreign policy”. From this, Haushofer derived two specific demands on politics: to protect the existing living space and to enlarge it. He emphasized that large spaces would be needed in the future in order to ensure the survival of states and developed a concept of the “Pan-Ideas”, which he published in 1931 and specified in 1940. He outlined four future "pan regions" that would be organized according to the Monroe Doctrine : an American under the leadership of the USA, a European-African under German leadership, an East Asian under the leadership of Japan and a Eurasian under Russian leadership. Sea powers played no role in his concept.

Haushofer translated his geopolitical concepts into concrete policy recommendations. He created good opportunities for reaching the public. From 1924 he was editor of the journal for geopolitics together with Erich Obst and Hermann Lautensach . He also gave many radio lectures, such as the regular monthly global political report .

After the National Socialist seizure of power he had access to National Socialist government circles through his friendly contact with Rudolf Hess , who had been his academic student. Its influence on Nazi ideology and politics is controversial in specialist historiography. For a long time he had a high international reputation as a geopolitician; he was seen as the originator of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact of 1939 as a practical application of Mackinder's Heartland concept. He considered the attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 to be a mistake and stopped his work.

After the end of the Second World War, geopolitics in Germany was largely stigmatized, which meant that it was not critically examined. It was not until the 1980s that an ideology-critical examination of geopolitics began , the protagonists of which regard the discipline as spatial conflict research. In practice, the geopolitical discourse has experienced a renaissance in science, journalism and politics since 1989.

Anglo-American geopolitics

Zbigniew Brzeziński (2014), leading American geostrategist since the 1970s.

Policy advisory geopolitics begins in the US with Nicholas J. Spykman . Based on the concept of his academic teacher Halford Mackinder, Spykman developed strategic recommendations for post-war politics during the Second World War. It is not the Eurasian Heartland (as Mackinder had postulated) that is the critical zone in terms of security policy, but its European and Asian fringes, the Rimland . Spykman's unequivocal geopolitical recommendation was: The United States must be internationally active and engaged, influence key geographic regions, and establish and maintain geopolitical pluralism in Eurasia, especially in its peripheral areas. Spykman's geopolitical doctrine was a modification of the Mackinder formula: “Who controls the Rimland rules Eurasia, who rules Eurasia controls the destiny of the world.” According to Nils Hoffmann, this strategy recommendation is still effective today.

For Zbigniew Brzeziński , the leading American geostrategist since the 1970s , the world island of Eurasia is of paramount importance, as it was for Mackinder and Spykman: “Fortunately for America, Eurasia is too big to form a political unit. Eurasia is therefore the chessboard on which the fight for global supremacy will continue in the future. ”On this chessboard, the USA would have to play an active part and use its influence in such a way“ that a stable continental equilibrium arises with the United States as arbiter.

With Brzeziński, but also Mackinder and Spykman, it becomes clear that geopolitics is understood less as a scientific discipline than as directly action-oriented research, as policy advice. Mackinder wrote his book Democratic Ideals and Reality in 1919 as a "handout" for the British representatives at the Versailles Peace Conference . In it he proposed a cordon sanitaire between Germany and Russia to avoid a power dominating Eurasia. In the period after the Second World War, Mackinder's Heartland concept found its "complementary" to Spykman's Rimland theory its geostrategic expression in the containment policy and in the geopolitical bloc structure, namely NATO . The Carter Doctrine of 1980, with which the southern flank of Eurasia and in particular the Persian Gulf is expressly declared to be the sphere of influence of the USA, was largely formulated by Brzeziński.

Critical geopolitics

As an academic reaction to the renaissance of earlier geopolitics and its aim to legitimize worldwide American claims and ideas of power, the concept of Critical Geopolitics , which represents a paradigmatic turn from positivism to constructivism , emerged in the USA in the 1980s . In this perspective, geography is not an ultimate truth, but a form of socially produced knowledge. Traditional room concepts, which refer to the neutrality and objectivity of the room, became contestable. According to this understanding, space and territory are no longer a passive stage for human activity, but are instrumentalized for political purposes. Neither mountains nor straits are strategic per se, they only become so through human ascription. The aim of critical geopolitics is to “uncover the ideological substance of the justifications of world politics and to document the ties to the interests of certain actors.” Leading representatives of critical geopolitics are John A. Agnew , Simon Dalby and Gerard Toal . In his 2009 monograph Geopolitics , the British historian Jeremy Black contradicted her constructivist view and postulated that there existed objective factors such as space, distance and resources, the effects of which could not be ignored. Black defines geopolitics as the relationship between power-oriented politics and geography, with location and distance in the foreground.

See also

literature

Books

Essays

Trade journals (selection)

Web links

Wiktionary: Geopolitics  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Sören Scholvin: Geopolitics in International Relations. In: GIGA Focus. No. 9. 2014 ( online ), p. 1.
  2. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2012, ISBN 978-3-531-19433-2 , p. 44 f.
  3. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 28.
  4. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 64.
  5. ↑ Egbert Jahn : Geopolitics - what is it? Lecture at the 16th Schlangenbad Talk, 2013 Online , PDF, p. 3 f., Accessed on October 6, 2019.
  6. ^ Benno Werlen : Social geography. An introduction , Bern / Stuttgart / Vienna 2000, p. 383.
  7. ^ Rolf Nohr, geopolitics. In: Stephan Günzel (Ed.): Lexikon der Raumphilosophie , Darmstadt 2012, pp. 145–146, here p. 145.
  8. ^ Karl Haushofer , Basis, Nature and Aims of Geopolitics. In: Ders., Erich Obst ; Hermann Lautensach and Otto Maull , Building Blocks for Geopolitics , K. Vowinckel, Berlin 1928, pp. 2–48, here p. 27.
  9. ↑ a b Ulrich Menzel : Between idealism and realism. The doctrine of international relations. Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 60.
  10. ↑ Egbert Jahn: Geopolitics - what is it? Lecture at the 16th Schlangenbad Talk, 2013 Online , PDF, p. 15.
  11. ^ Sören Scholvin: Geopolitics in International Relations. In: GIGA Focus. No. 9. 2014 ( online ), p. 2.
  12. ↑ Herbert Ammon : Geopolitics - On the return of a concept believed lost in the 21st century , Online , IABLIS, Yearbook for European Processes, Volume 8, 2009, Section I, accessed on November 29, 2015.
  13. ^ Niels Werber : Geopolitics for the introduction , Hamburg 2014, p. 28.
  14. ↑ Sabine Feiner: World Order through US Leadership? The conception of Zbigniew K. Brzezinski. Wiesbaden 2000, p. 168.
  15. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 28.
  16. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 26.
  17. ^ Yves Lacoste: Geography and Political Action. Perspectives of a new geopolitics. Berlin 1990, p. 24 f.
  18. ^ Rudolf Kjellén , Studier öfver Sveriges politiska gränser. In: Ymer (Journal of the Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography ), 1899, pp. 283–331; According to: Rainer Sprengel, Critique of Geopolitics. A German discourse. 1914–1944 , Berlin 1996, p. 26.
  19. ^ Rudolf Kjellén: Staten som lifsform. Stockholm 2016; German translation: The state as a way of life , Leipzig 1917.
  20. ^ Rudolf Kjellén: The state as a way of life. Leipzig 1917, p. 46.
  21. ^ Friedrich Ratzel: Political Geography. Munich and Leipzig 1897.
  22. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 45 f.
  23. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 46.
  24. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 47 ff.
  25. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 33.
  26. ^ A b Rainer Sprengel: Critique of Geopolitics. A German discourse. 1914-1944. Berlin 1996, p. 28.
  27. ^ Friedrich Ratzel: The living space. A biogeographical study . Unchanged reprint, Darmstadt 1966, originally in: Festbaren für Albert Schäffle, 1901.
  28. ^ A b c Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 63.
  29. ↑ Sabine Feiner: World Order through US Leadership? The conception of Zbigniew K. Brzezinski. Wiesbaden 2000, p. 168.
  30. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 69 ff.
  31. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 73.
  32. ↑ Georg Wislicenus : Germany sea power. In addition to an overview of the history of seafaring of all peoples , Leipzig 1896, p. 63 ff.
  33. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 63.
  34. ^ Halford Mackinder , The Geographical Pivot of History. In: The Geographical Journal, 23, 4/1904, pp. 421-437.
  35. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction. Hamburg 2014, p. 69.
  36. ↑ Originally quoted from Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. P. 35; Translation from the German edition of Zbigniew Brzezińskis : The only world power: America's strategy of domination . Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1999, translated by Angelika Beck, p. 63.
  37. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 35.
  38. ↑ Klaus Kost: The Influences of Geopolitics on Research and Theory of Political Geography from its Beginnings to 1945. A contribution to the history of science of political geography and its terminology with special consideration of military and colonial geography. Bonn 1988, p. 36.
  39. ↑ Klaus Kost: The Influences of Geopolitics on Research and Theory of Political Geography from its Beginnings to 1945. A contribution to the history of science of political geography and its terminology with special consideration of military and colonial geography. Bonn 1988, p. 9.
  40. ^ Niels Werber: Geopolitics for the introduction . Junius, Hamburg 2014, p. 77 f.
  41. ^ Rainer Sprengel: Geopolitics and National Socialism. End of a German undesirable development or misguided discourse. In: Irene Diekmann and others (eds.), Geopolitics, Grenzgang im Zeitgeist, Potsdam 2000, pp. 147–172, here p. 149.
  42. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 30.
  43. ^ Yves Lacoste: Geography and Political Action. Perspectives of a new geopolitics . Wagenbach, Berlin 1990, p. 25.
  44. ^ Hans-Adolf Jacobsen, Struggle for Living Space. Karl Haushofer's Geopolitics and National Socialism, in: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 34–35 / 1979, pp. 17–29, here p. 24.
  45. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 30 f.
  46. ↑ Uhyon Geem, The European System of Power and the Integration of Europe from a Geopolitical Perspective. In: Martin Sieg (Ed.): International Dilemmas and European Visions. Festschrift for the 80th birthday of Helmut Wagner . Berlin / Münster 2010, pp. 92–98, here p. 95.
  47. ↑ Ulrich Heitger: From time signals to political means of leadership. Development tendencies and structures of radio news programs in the Weimar Republic 1923–1932. Münster 2003, p. 196 f.
  48. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 31 ff.
  49. ^ Yves Lacoste: Geography and Political Action. Perspectives of a new geopolitics. Berlin 1990, p. 27.
  50. ↑ Jan Helmig: Geopolitics - Approaching a Difficult Concept. Federal Agency for Civic Education, May 11, 2007, online , accessed on November 17, 2015.
  51. ↑ Egbert Jahn : Geopolitics - what is it? Lecture at the 16th Schlangenbad Talk, 2013 Online , PDF, p. 13 f., Accessed on November 17, 2015.
  52. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 11.
  53. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 36.
  54. ↑ Quoted from: Herbert Ammon, Geopolitics - On the return of a term believed lost in the 21st century , IABLIS, Yearbook for European Processes, Volume 8, 2009, Online , Section IX, accessed on November 29, 2015.
  55. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 37.
  56. ^ Zbigniew Brzeziński: The only world power: America's strategy of domination . Frankfurt am Main, 1999, p. 37.
  57. ^ Zbigniew Brzeziński: The only world power: America's strategy of domination . Frankfurt am Main, 1999, p. 16.
  58. ^ Nils Hoffmann: Renaissance of Geopolitics? German security policy after the Cold War. Wiesbaden 2012, p. 38.
  59. ^ A b Herbert Ammon: Geopolitics - On the return of a term believed lost in the 21st century. Online , IABLIS, Yearbook for European Processes, Volume 8, 2009, Section VII, accessed on December 7, 2015.
  60. ↑ Sabine Feiner: World Order through US Leadership? Zbigniew K. Brzeziński's conception . Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2000, p. 204, note 47.
  61. ^ Heinz Nissel, Critical Geopolitics. On the new conception of political geography in the postmodern era. In: ÖMZ, Österreichische Militärische Zeitschrift, 1/2010, Online , PDF, accessed on December 12, 2015, pp. 11–21, here p. 13.
  62. ↑ Jan Helmig: Geopolitics - Approaching a Difficult Concept. Federal Agency for Civic Education, May 11, 2007, online , accessed December 12, 2015.
  63. ↑ Sören Scholvin 2012: Review by Jeremy Black: Geopolitics. London 2009, in: Raumnachrichten-Online , 2012.
  64. ↑ Helmut Schneider, Renaissance of Geopolitics? Critical comments on Tim Marshall and Fred Scholz . In: Geographical Rundschau . 11/2006, pp. 50-54.
  65. ↑ Hérodote online
  66. ↑ liMes online
  67. ↑ Online journal of the Polish Geopolitical Society ( Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne ) European Journal of Geopolitics , information from the Central and Eastern European Online Library .