National socialism

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The term National Socialism called for about 1,890 resulting ideological currents and political parties in Europe that nationalism and socialism in various ways linked to each other and connect.

The term, which until then had been ambiguous, has increasingly become a synonym for " National Socialism " in the German-speaking world since the NSDAP was founded in 1920 . It is therefore now widely associated with racism , imperialism , totalitarianism and genocide and viewed as a non-renewable ideology. Some groups of today's neo-Nazism continue to use the term in order to gain support and support from socialists as part of a cross-front strategy.

Designs of the Imperial Era

Towards the end of the 19th century, trends arose in some European countries that sought a “ third way ” between the opposing directions of nationalism and socialism, which defined and opposed one another. Authors of the German Empire who strived for a common economy within the framework of the nation and who distinguished themselves from the internationalism of Marxism and social democracy are considered to be vague pioneers and pioneers of national-socialist ideas in the German-speaking area . Such designs emerged roughly since the political turning point of 1890, which was marked by the dismissal of Otto von Bismarck as Reich Chancellor and the legalization of the SPD .

Friedrich Naumann

The Protestant pastor and journalist Friedrich Naumann founded the National Social Association as a political party in 1896 . Influenced by Max Weber , for whom the power state externally was the condition for social reforms internally, the association supported the imperialist colonial and naval policy of the imperial government. The conquest of colonies was supposed to increase prosperity, thereby unifying the nation and enabling Kaiser Wilhelm II to achieve “moderate democratization”.

The draft program presented by Naumann at the founding conference in November 1896 was accepted with a few changes and published as the National Social Catechism in 1897 - along with a few more precise content . Naumann's supporters were convinced that “the national and the social belong together”. The national was characterized as the “drive of the German people to expand their influence on the globe”, while the social was understood as the “drive of the working crowd to expand their influence within the people”. The expansion of the influence of this mass in the people is impossible without further development of German power on the world market. The basic creed of the circle around Naumann was a "national socialism on a Christian basis".

In 1900, in his book Democracy and Empire, Naumann proposed to the Emperor that the Prussian three-class suffrage be repealed in order to reconcile the workers with the Empire. In his study New German Economic Policy of 1902, he called for a free, de-ideologized and depoliticized trade union movement, an equal partnership of workers and citizens, company rights of co-determination and “industrial parliamentarism”.

Overall, the National Social Club found little support among the population and finally dissolved as a result of the defeat in the Reichstag election in 1903 . As a result, the majority of its members joined the left-liberal Liberal Association , which in 1910 was absorbed into the Progressive People's Party .

Despite some parallels in terms of content, the later National Socialism expressly distanced itself from Naumann. As a staunch opponent of anti-Semitism and a liberal democrat, Naumann is not counted among the direct forerunners of National Socialism today.

Walther Rathenau

The industrialist and writer Walther Rathenau published from 1912 various writings that contained national and socialist approaches. As the initiator and head of the War Resource Department , during the First World War he designed a "state socialism" planned centrally by the existing civil servants. He hoped to use this planned economy to tame individual private capitalist interests and use them for the common good.

In 1916, his book “From Coming Things” developed the idea of ​​a future common economy supported by the people. Rathenau wanted to enforce this through a "people's state" that intervened everywhere, which was supposed to put the private pursuit of profit in their place and ensure a balance between the classes. It should restrict the right of inheritance , radically tax luxury, distribute property and income fairly, raise public education, enable workers' participation , eliminate monopolies and prohibit speculation and idleness: In the state, only one person can and should be inappropriately rich: the state. Rathenau's writing found great approval in the youth movement and in part also in the Völkische movement . It influenced u. a. Otto Strasser , a later National Socialist.

In 1919 the book The New State was published , in which Rathenau articulated the feelings of the working masses who had been cheated of socialism after the November Revolution :

“In our factories it looks like it used to. A bit more neglected, a bit more unbridled, there is less and more listless work. The rich go for a walk and indulge in their palaces, we starve and freeze in our barracks.
Where is the added value that should make everyone wealthy? Where is our right of determination in the economy? Where is the life of brotherhood and humanity? It is indifferent whether the mines are syndicated and whether the coal syndicate sitting officials and delegates. It doesn't matter who makes the coal and who makes the electricity more expensive. It is a bogus to call it socialization , which is simple fiscalization.
Democracy! We know that the farmer is attached to the old, that the trader chooses the trader, the Catholic chooses the Catholic. Now a bourgeois government majority in disguise sits in a bourgeois parliament. Marx was right: only the dictatorship of the proletariat could make it; it was the core of socialism.
We have been cheated out of dictatorship and socialism. What remains is a civil republic, headed by masters from a socialist past. "

- Walther Rathenau : The New State (1919)

The "betrayal" of socialism was a slogan that was widespread among communists and national socialists. At that time Rathenau himself sat on a socialization commission of the Weimar Reichstag, where he dealt with business representatives like Hugo Stinnes as well as with social democrats and trade unionists .

"War Socialism" in the SPD

From around 1890 the idea had grown in the SPD that socialism could not be achieved by disempowering the national elites, but by working with them and partially supporting their policies. This was a reaction to attacks such as by Gustav Tuch , who declared in 1887 that Prussian militarism was "the only true national and civilized socialism [...] against the patriotic and barbaric socialism of social democracy". It is true that Karl Kautsky rejected this at the time; but representatives of revisionism found a growing audience in the SPD. This is how Eduard Bernstein explained in his book The Prerequisites of Socialism in 1899 :

“In the further course the national will be as well socialist as the municipal . Socialists of democratic states already like to call themselves nationalists. "

With the approval of the truce and war credits on August 4, 1914, the SPD hoped for acceptance among the elites and more democratic participation in return. Conservative trade unionists and representatives of the right wing of the party such as Anton Fendrich , Johann Plenge , August Winnig and former Marxists such as the Lensch-Cunow-Haenisch group now saw in Prussian militarism with its discipline and organization a model for future socialism, indeed a means to enforce this after the war. Fendrich wrote in 1914:

“In order to be able to survive the toughest test of the nation, socialism had to learn to feel and act nationally, but the government of the nation also had to learn to feel and act in a socialist way [...] As a powerful reform party, social democracy will drive national workers policy within the state organism in the coming years . "

In the spring of 1915, Winnig equated the proletariat, the national community and the state:

"The fate of Germany is also the fate of the German working class."

He believed that the nationalization of large branches of production through the war economy had brought the socialization of economic life within reach. The war can only be organized with the workers; the participation of their organizations in the state administration had created "those elements of a new Germanness ", "in which the masses today see the piece of German future that gives them the spirit and strength to persevere." The war has proven that there, " where national independence and the economic vital interests of the nation are at stake, national solidarity precedes international ones. ”Because imperialism is“ borne by imperative economic needs ”, the SPD must not reject goals of conquest, but must be a necessary prerequisite for the Recognize socialism.

Paul Lensch , on whom Winnig and later Oswald Spengler referred, had rejected the war loans in 1914 , but in 1915 became the main representative of war socialism in the SPD. For him, with the state war societies, German capitalism had become socialist. The approval of the war loans did not contradict the SPD policy, but corresponded to the modern economic development towards market-dominating syndicates and cartels . Their organization expanded the structures of the Prussian military state to include all of German economic life. Since the SPD was able to organize itself within its framework without a civil war , the coming together of the state and workers' organization during the war was mapped out. In this process the ideal of a socialized society arose: But Germany is its sword. So he considered the world war to be the spread of this ideal and thus the actual world revolution :

"That was again a trait of the deep irony in which world history is so rich: Socialism as the savior of nationalism!"

He, too, accordingly affirmed the conquests and considered demands for understanding and disarmament to be illusions.

These statements were sharply criticized on April 15, 1915 in the only issue of the magazine “Die Internationale” published by the Spartacus group . There u wrote. a. the Prussian SPD member of the state parliament Heinrich Ströbel :

“That the opinions are divided and the new spirit of national socialism (one can also say national socialism, because Pastor Naumann never represented any other program and Lensch excellently vulgarized the former National Socialist Rohrbach) so openly expressed itself is very gratifying. Because after the return of normal times, the party will in fact have to deal very thoroughly with the errors and confusions. "

Willy Huhn , who in 1952 published a book on nationalistic and militaristic traditions within the social democracy, described the SPD, which after the founding of the USPD in 1917 called itself Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany (MSPD), as “the first National Socialist party” in world history. Huhn found the " German Labor Front " of the "Third Reich" sketched out in the ideas of the war socialists .

Drafts in the Czech countries or Czechoslovakia

The second party to Naumann's National-social aspects club that called itself "national-social" was 1898, the Česká strana NARODNE sociální (CSN, "Czech National Social Party") in the then to Austria-Hungary belonging to countries of the Bohemian Crown . Its members came on the one hand from the Czech Social Democratic Party, which for them was too class-struggle and too little focused on the national independence of the Czech Republic, on the other hand from the National Liberal Party of the " Young Czechs ", which was too little democratic and social reformist for them. The party advocated the unity of the Czech workers with small farmers and the bourgeoisie as well as a reformist path to national independence and socialism. It was associated with the “Czech Workers' Congregation”, the largest non-Marxist trade union federation in the Czech countries. The ČSNS represented a historically based and romantic Czech nationalism and Pan-Slavism. In the early days, the party also spread anti-Semitic statements.

The connection between nationalism and a (non-revolutionary) “socialism” had something in common with the Austro-Hungarian German Workers' Party , which was also founded in Bohemia in 1903 and was the most radical exponent of the German national camp and a “prototype” for German and Austrian National Socialism embodied. The term 'National Socialist' was used in it as early as 1913, before it was formally renamed the German National Socialist Workers' Party in 1918. The ČSNS developed in a completely different direction.

After Czechoslovakia gained independence, it was renamed the “Czechoslovak Socialist Party”, and in 1926 it was renamed Československá strana národně socialistická , which is translated as “Czechoslovak National Socialist” or “People's Socialist Party” (the latter avoids association with German National Socialism). In the first Czechoslovak Republic, it was considered a force in the middle and an important pillar of the parliamentary-democratic state. During this time she refrained from anti-Semitic demagogy as well as from extensive socialization projects , instead she advocated individual rights of freedom, worker participation and profit-sharing.

Designs from the Weimar period

After 1918, some authors who were originally enthusiastic about the World War took an anti-democratic stance of the Conservative Revolution with different ideas about the future, for which motives of national socialism also played an important role.

Oswald Spengler

The cultural and historical philosopher Oswald Spengler became a representative of modern cultural pessimism for the conservative bourgeoisie, disappointed by the war , with his much-read main work The Downfall of the Occident (1918–1922) .

In 1919 he published the work Prussianism and Socialism , in which he dealt critically with the prevailing current schools of thought and parties and, above all , negatively assessed the November Revolution as well as what he saw as the specifically Anglo-Saxon liberal democracy as alien to the “German essence”.

In contrast, he favored a combination of authoritarian " Prussian virtues " such as honor, duty, obedience, service and willingness to make sacrifices with the basic ideas of a socialism that accommodates the "German character":

“The German, more precisely Prussian, instinct was: Power belongs to the whole. The individual serves him. The whole thing is sovereign. The king is only the first servant of his state. Everyone gets their place. It is commanded and obeyed. [...] Only socialism in any form can be of within this rank in Germany. "

Spengler's conception of socialism does not aim at changing the economic constitution or increasing social justice. In the words of the historian Hans Mommsen , it is a "socialism of convictions, not an economic theory" that does not represent a contradiction to Spengler's elitist contempt for the masses. Rather, its national socialism was directed against both Marxism and the Western world .

Despite his reactionary thinking, Spengler remained aloof from the rising National Socialism and its racial ideology and rejected offers to work in the NSDAP with reference to the "primitive solution to anti-Semitism" in 1925 and 1930.

Arthur Moeller van den Bruck

The cultural historian and former member of the Supreme Army Command Arthur Moeller van den Bruck emerged in 1916 with the text "The Prussian Style". In it he described Prussia as a “will to the state”, which must be defended and renewed even after a possible defeat. He understood socialism positively as an expression of a national longing for unity that unites Germans and Russians against the liberal-democratic ideas of the Western Allies.

Friends of Spengler since 1920, Moeller van den Bruck became the main representative and mouthpiece of the conservative revolution. In his work “The Law of Young Peoples” he advocated a state theory according to which every nation - especially Germans and Russians - must find its own way to national socialism. Like Spengler, he saw liberalism, communism and democracy as foreign ideas that had been smuggled in from abroad and threatened the independent development towards a “German socialism”. Only a small elite should have political leadership in the future. Moeller rejected parties, elections and other power controls as decadent western influences. Non-Germans and Jews should not be expelled but excluded from positions of influence. With his demand for rapprochement between a German and a Russian socialism without a uniform system, van den Bruck also influenced Ernst Niekisch . His work “ The Third Reich ” from 1923 had a great influence on young conservatives and right-wing radicals . Nationalist anti-capitalism and anti-liberalism were closely linked here:

"Where Marxism ends, there begins socialism: a German socialism that is called to replace all liberalism in the intellectual history of mankind."

Although the author was not a National Socialist and already distanced himself from Hitler in 1922, after his death in 1925 the NSDAP took over the book title and the idea of ​​the Reich for its “revolutionary” propaganda. His ideas continued to have an impact on authors such as Heinrich von Gleichen , Edgar Julius Jung and Eduard Stadtler .

Moellendorf, Sombart, Jünger

Similar to Rathenau, Wichard von Moellendorff , Werner Sombart and Ernst Jünger also started from the model of the Prussian civil service state. The idea that the crisis-ridden capitalist society functions like a machine was in keeping with their approach of controlling and dominating this machine by technocratic elites. A strong state should contain private-sector interests through central planning and, if necessary, suppress them.

Accordingly, Sombart and Jünger saw the Soviet state around 1925 as a model for the German future, although they demarcated their national socialism from communism. Conversely, Lenin also praised the Prussian bureaucratic apparatus as a model for the Soviet state.

This corresponded to the rejection of individual development interests and individual egoisms in favor of community values, such as the "Prussian virtues". These drafts rather described the symptoms of crisis and structural defects of the Weimar Republic and its democratic institutions, interpreted as decay and chaos, but less a rationally recognizable and realistically feasible path to the desired future society. They unanimously rejected three basic features of Marxism: the abolition of private ownership of the means of production , internationalism, and class struggle . In this respect, their criticism was limited to the realm of culture rather than economics .

Sombart wants to base his socialism on the middle class , against the workers:

“But these two economic systems are those that German socialism regards as the best carriers of the national economy. In stark contrast to proletarian socialism , it does not place the proletariat at the center of its participation, but the middle class; it can therefore be described as middle-class socialism (and heretics) ... Only those people ... who find full satisfaction in their professional work and see the meaning of life in the fulfillment of their profession can be good citizens. Politically, you cannot rely on the proletarian mass, to which all dependent workers belong. It is not at home, it is not rooted in the ground , it is always looking for new forms of life ..., it is understandably always dissatisfied, it causes ... earthquakes when it rolls on its bed of pain. "

- Sombart, German Socialism, 1934, pp. 196, 297

Kurt Sontheimer sees a smooth transition from a Marxist socialism within the nation to a draft of a “national community” presented as “German socialism”, which works in selfless service for the state. The dual term “national socialism”, which applies to the anti-capitalist, anti-bourgeois and pronational attitude, has therefore never been given a clear outline.

Ernst Niekisch

The Bavarian elementary school teacher and former SPD member of the state parliament Ernst Niekisch represented a national Bolshevism as a synthesis of extreme anti-Western nationalism and revolutionary socialism. To this end, he gave the monthly newspaper “ Resistance. Journal for National Revolutionary Politics ”(1926–1934). The authors included a. Ernst Jünger, Friedrich Georg Jünger , Joseph Drexel , Ernst von Salomon , Gustav Sondermann . Niekisch's national-revolutionary political ideas influenced thinkers of the Conservative Revolution as well as National Socialists such as the Strasser and Ernst Röhm brothers .

However, Niekisch was a declared opponent of Hitler, and he warned against taking power in 1932 ("Hitler - a German fate"). He saw in the Austrian Catholic, who wanted to get to power through elections, a representative of Western thought, not a national revolutionary.

Niekisch's relationship to National Socialism is controversial because of his attempts to resist, for which he was convicted of treason in 1939. As a supporter of the unification of the KPD and SPD to form the SED , Niekisch received state offices in the GDR . The political scientist Michael Pittwald , however, found in his “proletarian nationalism” an “elitist ideology of rule that is bound by the leader principle”, interspersed with ethnic, misogynistic, racist and anti-Semitic ideas. The resistance group of the "Reichskameraden" led by Niekisch from 1926 onwards, who had to take a vow to their leader, wanted a German-led Central Europe and an "end empire".

His anti-Western nationalism has a rejection of feminism from the USA ( Germany's salvation does not lie with girls, it does not lie with emancipated women; for Germany, feminism with all its pacifist, humanitarian, ethical and economic masks is the political plague - 1929) and the Conquest of southern European countries influenced by Roman Catholics included ( German masters cannot exist until the Romanesque world is overthrown and humiliated , 1932). In 1935, Niekisch was still agitating against the "eternal Jew (s) whose universalistic nihilistic radicalism is still unbroken".

Hofgeismar Circle in the SPD

In the SPD in the interwar period, there was a right-wing wing of predominantly younger members who wanted to open up social democracy to nationalist, authoritarian and anti-rationalist ideas. The most important organization in this direction was the Hofgeismar Circle , which existed from 1923 to 1926 within the Young Socialists . Well-known representatives of the young right wing of social democracy were Paul Tillich , Hermann Heller , Carlo Mierendorff and Theodor Haubach . At times there were also connections to Ernst Niekisch. With the intention of fighting the emerging National Socialism, they wanted to counter this with a “national socialism” and to some extent borrowed from the ideology and practice of the nationalist right . Representatives of this direction later found themselves in the resistance against National Socialism , especially in the Kreisau Circle .

Others

The connection between national and socialist motives also played a role in the Weimar Republic in the Wandervogel , in national revolutionary groups such as the Bund Oberland ( Bodo Uhse ), with the German Jesuit Gustav Gundlach or with the trade unionist Lothar Erdmann (1888–1939). The Old Social Democratic Party of Germany (ASPD) took similar positions : a legal spin-off from the SPD that existed from 1926 to 1932, with a focus on Saxony, to which Niekisch and Winnig also belonged for a time.

The left-wing parties of the time also used nationalist motives to mobilize the masses and attract right-wing voters. In 1930 the KPD passed a programmatic declaration “on the national and social liberation of the German people” and in 1932 turned against the reparations payments laid down in the Young Plan as “tribute slavery of the German people”. The SPD, in turn, supported the first emergency ordinances under Heinrich Brüning and, under parliamentary group leader Paul Löbe , voted as the only party against the Enabling Act , but at the same time for a National Socialist declaration on foreign policy.

National Socialism

precursor

From about 1880 onwards, groups emerged from the Völkische Movement in the German-speaking area, which on the one hand were radically nationalistic and anti-Semitic, and on the other hand were partly “revolutionary” in the sense of a future reunification of all Germans against the existing monarchies.

The “German Workers' Party” of the Austrian Sudetenland was the first to use the term “National Socialism” in 1904 to describe its goal of national unification and regional autonomy by replacing the Austro-Hungarian monarchy . On May 5, 1918, the party renamed itself to the " German National Socialist Workers' Party " (DNSAP). The Sudeten German MP Rudolf Jung wrote her program under the title “National Socialism”.

program

In January 1919, the established German Workers 'Party , which in 1920 in Munich in National Socialist German Workers' Party , renamed and all radically anti-Semitic novel as a "movement" to collect and positioned anti-democratic forces. She took over large parts of Jung's program. Their 25-point program emphasized the concept of the people's community , known from the national movement , to which everything had to be subordinated. This idea was internally homogenizing, xenophobic and marginalizing - especially against Jews  - and externally expansionist and racist as the "fight of the Aryans for living space ". However, goals and means were still largely unexplained in the collection movement that emerged from many precursors.

Wing fighting

In the 1920s, the left wing of the NSDAP, represented by Gregor Strasser , and the right wing of the NSDAP, represented by Alfred Rosenberg , publicly argued about the relationship between the nationalist and socialist components of their program. In his writing Nationaler Sozialismus oder Nationalsozialismus (1923), Rosenberg made a sharp distinction between the two:

"The word 'National Socialism' as a noun represents a new synthesis that emphasizes the inseparability of two terms, while the designation 'national socialism' actually means or could mean national Marxism."

In 1926, party leader Adolf Hitler asserted his claim to leadership in the party and rejected some of Strasser's anti-capitalist demands or reinterpreted them anti-Semitically. With the second volume of his program Mein Kampf , published in December 1926 , Hitler committed the NSDAP to anti-Soviet goals: the fight against Jewish Bolshevism and the conquest of living space in the East . Foreign policy cooperation with the Soviet Union , as the brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser and Joseph Goebbels had been calling for until then, was no longer an option.

Otto Strasser and some of his supporters left the NSDAP on July 4, 1930 and published the call for socialists to leave the NSDAP in order to influence the further political development of the party. However, Hitler stated that for him socialism and nationalism essentially meant the same thing, namely self-abandonment for one's own people:

“I understand by socialism: highest service to my people, giving up personal gain in the interest of the community. […] The benefit of the whole is essential. In the end, the term nationalism means nothing else than devotion and love for my people. "

Class struggle therefore stands in the way of national unification:

“The name nationalism or socialism denoted attitudes towards life and did not allow new values ​​to be created. The lack of a sense of community turned into glowing hatred for one another. […] [Today] the antagonism between citizens and proletarians must be overcome, because the rise of every nation can only take place under common slogans. We have to close the gap and regain our strength on a new platform. "

In 1934 Hitler, as “ Führer and Reich Chancellor ”, had the other representatives of the left wing of the party, especially Ernst Röhm and Gregor Strasser, murdered in the “ Röhm Putsch ” and disempowered the paramilitary SA . Previously, the Nazi regime had with terrorism measures already and regulations, the DC circuit forced the trade unions, the KPD and SPD banned, jailed its leadership elites murdered many party officials and such organizations labor movement disempowered.

Neo-Nazism

The neo-Nazi activist Michael Kühnen tried in West Germany since 1976 to revive concepts that were ideologically based on Ernst Röhm and the SA form of organization. In November 1977 he founded the Action Front Nationaler Socialists (ANS), which with only a few dozen members - for example through public denial of the Holocaust in May 1978 - achieved a lot of media coverage. Kühnen was sentenced to imprisonment several times for inciting racial hatred, glorifying violence and sedition . After the ANS merged with a "military sports group" National Activists , this organization was banned in December 1983. Since then, Kühnen has founded various follow-up projects with similar objectives, including the Freedom German Workers' Party (FAP), which was banned as an association in 1995.

Today it is mainly “ national revolutionaries ” who try to tie in with traditions and ideas of national socialism. This usually happens within the framework of a so-called cross-front strategy, which is intended to address members and surroundings of the radical left and win them over to joint action alliances. The aim here is a social revolution to create a partially oriented on Nazi state national state envisaged in the same time syndicalist , councils democratic and anarchist should be implemented motifs and ideas. This diffuse concept is intended to unite national revolutionaries with “progressive” or “left” National Socialists who are less oriented towards Hitler than towards the Strasser brothers, as well as with nationalist socialists and communists.

Demonstration by right-wing National Socialists on May 1, 2010 in Berlin

The Kampfbund Deutscher Sozialisten , which according to the protection of the Constitution had around 50 to 60 members, belonged to this movement . He strived for an integration of neo-Nazi and Marxist ideas and propagated the common struggle of the right and left against the "system" under the diffuse model of a "national socialism". He saw both National Socialist Germany and the GDR as failed attempts at a German socialism under different auspices and regarded himself as its representative. However, the KDS met with reservations from other right-wing extremists:

"Within the scene, the followers of this direction are seen rather skeptically due to their clear reference to Marxist theories, so that their influence is limited."

Some “National Socialists” from this environment use a modified version of the Antifa logo, in which the words “ Antifascist Action ” have been replaced by “National Socialists - Nationwide Action” as their symbol. The National Bolshevik Party of Russia , which the KDS regards as a brother party, also tries to merge left and right-wing extremist motives.

The right-wing extremist micro-party The III. In its basic program, Weg calls for a “German socialism”, which it presents as a “ third way ” apart from communism and capitalism .

literature

term
  • Mark Haarfeldt: National Socialism . In: Bente Gießelmann, Robin Heun, Benjamin Kerst, Lenard Suermann, Fabian Virchow (eds.): Concise dictionary of right-wing extremist fighting terms . Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach 2015, ISBN 978-3-7344-0155-8 , pp. 210-219.
overview
  • Michael Löwy : Internationalism and Nationalism. Critical essays on Marxism and the “national question”. Neuer ISP Verlag, Cologne 1998, ISBN 3-929008-26-2 .
The German Imperium
  • Frank Fehlberg: Protestantism and National Socialism. Liberal theology and political thinking around Friedrich Naumann. Dietz, Bonn 2012, ISBN 3-8012-4210-2 .
  • Dieter Düding: The National Social Association 1896-1903. The failed attempt at a party-political synthesis of nationalism, socialism and liberalism. Oldenbourg, Munich / Vienna 1972, ISBN 3-486-43801-8 .
Weimar Republic
  • Stefan Vogt: National Socialism and Social Democracy. The Social Democratic Young Rights 1918–1945. Dietz, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-8012-4161-0 .
  • Ilse Fischer: Reconciliation of Nation and Socialism? Lothar Erdmann (1888–1939): A “passionate individualist” at the top of the union. Biography and excerpts from the diaries. Dietz, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-8012-4136-X .
  • Karlheinz Weißmann : The National Socialism. Ideology and Movement 1890 to 1933. Herbig, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-7766-2056-0 .
  • Christoph H. Werth: Socialism and Nation. The German ideology discussion between 1918 and 1945. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1996, ISBN 3-531-12897-3 .
National Socialism
  • Markus März: National Socialists in the NSDAP. Structures, ideology, journalism and biographies of the national-socialist Straßer-Kreis from AG Nordwest to Kampf-Verlag 1925–1930. Ares, Graz 2010, ISBN 3-902475-79-X .
  • Wolfgang Altgeld : The ideology of National Socialism and its predecessors. In: Karl Dietrich Bracher , Leo Valiani (ed.): Fascism and National Socialism. Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1991, ISBN 3-428-07008-9 , pp. 107-136.
  • Götz Aly : Hitler's People's State. Robbery, Race War and National Socialism. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 3-596-15863-X .
  • Otto Strasser: International Marxism or National Socialism. A fundamental discussion between Dr. Otto Strasser and Bruno Frei, editor-in-chief. The National Socialist, Berlin 1930.
Federal Republic
  • Rolf Peter Sieferle : Change of epochs. The Germans on the threshold of the 21st century. Propylaea, Berlin 1999, ISBN 3-549-05156-5 .
  • Armin Pfahl-Traughber : Conservative Revolution and New Right. Right-wing extremist intellectuals against the democratic constitutional state. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-1888-0 .
  • Jan Peters (Ed.): National “Socialism” from the right. Documents and programs of the green-brown reactionaries. Guhl, Berlin 1980, ISBN 3-88220-305-6 .

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Wolfgang Wippermann: National Socialism . In: Encyclopedia of National Socialism . 2nd Edition. 1998, ISBN 3-423-33007-4 , p. 600.
  2. ↑ Max Weber: The nation state and the national economic policy . Mohr Siebeck, Freiburg / Leipzig 1895.
  3. ^ Friedrich Naumann: National Social Catechism. Explanation of the basic lines of the National Social Association . Bousset & Kundt, Berlin 1897.
  4. ^ Friedrich Naumann: Democracy and Empire. A handbook for domestic politics . Help, Berlin-Schöneberg 1900.
  5. ^ Friedrich Naumann: New German economic policy . Help, Berlin-Schöneberg 1902.
  6. ^ Jürgen Christ: State and State Reason with Friedrich Naumann. Winter, Heidelberg 1969, p. 9.
  7. ^ Joachim Petzold: Trailblazer of German fascism. The young conservatives in the Weimar Republic. Pahl-Rugenstein, Cologne 1983, ISBN 3-7609-0781-4 , pp. 64, 128; Klaus von Beyme : Political Theories in the Age of Ideologies 1789-1945. Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2002, ISBN 3-531-13875-8 , p. 204.
  8. ↑ Walther Rathenau: The new state. S. Fischer, Berlin 1919, p. 49 f.
  9. ↑ all information in this section according to Udo Leuschner: Walther Rathenau - A dissident of his class, his race and his sex .
  10. ↑ a b c d e f Quoted from Willy Huhn: The ideas of 1914 and the consequences .
  11. ↑ Quotation from: Willy Huhn: The statism of social democracy. On the prehistory of Nazi fascism . Ca Ira, 2003, ISBN 3-924627-05-3 .
  12. ↑ Detlef Brandes: The Czechoslovak National Socialists. In: The first Czechoslovak Republic as a multinational party state. Oldenbourg, Munich 1979, pp. 101-154, on pp. 101-104.
  13. ↑ Detlef Brandes: The Czechoslovak National Socialists. In: The first Czechoslovak Republic as a multinational party state. Oldenbourg, Munich 1979, pp. 101-154, at pp. 144-145.
  14. ↑ Detlef Brandes: The Czechoslovak National Socialists. In: The first Czechoslovak Republic as a multinational party state. Oldenbourg, Munich 1979, pp. 101-154, on p. 104.
  15. ↑ Detlef Brandes: The Czechoslovak National Socialists. In: The first Czechoslovak Republic as a multinational party state. Oldenbourg, Munich 1979, pp. 101-154, on p. 149.
  16. ↑ Jan Křen : The tradition of Czech democracy. In: European civil society in East and West. Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2000, p. 185.
  17. ↑ Cornelia Schmitz-Berning: Vocabulary of National Socialism. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2007, entry National Socialism , p. 422.
  18. ↑ Detlef Brandes: The Czechoslovak National Socialists. In: The first Czechoslovak Republic as a multinational party state. Oldenbourg, Munich 1979, pp. 101-154, at pp. 149-150.
  19. ↑ Detlef Brandes: The Czechoslovak National Socialists. In: The first Czechoslovak Republic as a multinational party state. Oldenbourg, Munich 1979, pp. 101-154, on p. 150.
  20. ^ Oswald Spengler: Der Untergang des Abendlandes , 10th edition, dtv, 1991, ISBN 3-423-00838-5 .
  21. ↑ Oswald Spengler: Prussianism and Socialism. (1st edition 1919) Superbia 2007, ISBN 3-937554-22-X , pp. 56 f., 103.
  22. ↑ Quoted from Kurt Sontheimer: Antidemocratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. (1st edition 1962) dtv, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-423-04312-1 , p. 198.
  23. ^ Hans Mommsen: Rise and Fall of the Republic of Weimar 1918–1933. Ullstein, Berlin 1998, p. 370.
  24. ↑ Ulrich Wyrwa: Spengler, Oswald. In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Vol. 2: People . De Gruyter Saur, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-598-44159-2 , p. 785 (accessed from De Gruyter Online).
  25. ^ Arthur Moeller van den Bruck: The Third Reich. (1st edition, Berlin 1923) Reprint at Verlagsgesellschaft Berg, 2006, ISBN 3-922119-30-1 .
  26. ^ Review of CH Werth: Socialism and Nation. The German ideology discussion between 1918 and 1945 (H-Sozkult) .
  27. ↑ after Sombart farmers and craftsmen.
  28. ↑ Kurt Sontheimer: Antidemocratic thinking in the Weimar Republic , p. 271.
  29. ↑ All quotes from Dirk Eckert: Frontier crossers of reaction. Ernst Niekisch's völkisch socialism ( memento of February 22, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) (review of Michael Pittwald).
  30. ^ Stefan Vogt: National Socialism and Social Democracy. The Social Democratic Young Rights 1918–1945. Dietz, Bonn 2006.
  31. ^ Benjamin Lapp: A “National” Socialism: The Old Socialist Party of Saxony, 1926-32 . In: Journal of Contemporary History , Vol. 30, No. 2. (April 1995), pp. 291-309.
  32. ^ Ernst Thälmann: Program declaration for the national and social liberation of the German people 1930 ( Memento of May 10, 2007 in the Internet Archive ).
  33. ^ Declaration of the Central Committee of the KPD: Against the tribute slavery of the German people. Against Versailles and Young ( Memento of May 10, 2007 in the Internet Archive ).
  34. ↑ Ernst Piper: Nazi Marketing: Heldengeist gegen Krämergeist . In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , October 7, 2005.
  35. ↑ Norbert Kapferer : The “Total War” against “Jewish Bolshevism”. Philosophical and propaganda statements of the Nazi elite and their interpretation by Carl Schmitt. In: Uwe Backes (Hrsg.): Right-wing extremist ideologies in the past and present. Böhlau, Cologne 2003, p. 164 f.
  36. ↑ July 4, 1930: Call of the Otto Strasser Group: "The Socialists are leaving the NSDAP" . Nazi archive.
  37. ↑ Adolf Hitler: Speech of November 2, 1930. In: Constantin Goschler, Christian Hartmann (Ed.): Hitler. Talk. Fonts. Arrangements. February 1925 - January 1933: From the Reichstag election to the Reichstag presidential election. October 1930 - March 1932: Vol. IV , p. 47.
  38. ↑ Adolf Hitler: Speech of December 4, 1930, in: Constantin Goschler, Christian Hartmann (Ed.): Hitler. Speeches, writings, orders. February 1925 - January 1933: From the Reichstag election to the Reichstag presidential election. October 1930 - March 1932: Vol. IV , Walter de Gruyter, 1997, ISBN 3-598-22008-1 , p. 146.
  39. ^ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic. 3rd edition, CH Beck, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-406-47244-3 , p. 53.
  40. ↑ Annual report of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution 2004, p. 49 (PDF; 4.1 MB) ( Memento of September 29, 2007 in the Internet Archive ).
  41. ↑ Andreas Förster: Subject of the day: Learning from the left ... In: Berliner Zeitung , March 29, 2004.
  42. ↑ Stefan Goertz, Martina Goertz-Neumann: Politically motivated crime and radicalization. Kriminalistik, 2017, ISBN 978-3-7832-0151-2 , p. 119