Political rights (politics)

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As political rights a part of is political spectrum called. It assumes a diversity of people and therefore supports or accepts a social hierarchy . Inequality is therefore seen by the political right as inevitable, natural, normal and desirable. (See also: egalitarianism ) A distinction must be made here between the classic right, which sees inequality as justified by succession and family tradition, and the liberal right, which only considers inequality to be justified if it is the result of fair competition without passing on benefits to descendants . Right-wing politics can refer to both the socio-political and the economic-political level.

Norberto Bobbio uses the criterionequality ” to differentiate not only a political right from a political left , but also between “ right center ” and “ extreme right ” using the criterion “ freedom ”. Right -wing movements range from conservative and right-wing populist positions within the democratic spectrum to various manifestations of anti-democratic right-wing extremism, which find their extreme extremes in movements such as fascism or national socialism .

Even if these currents are sometimes far from each other, they are all united by the rejection of an active emancipatory change in society by political means, as is being sought by the various currents of the left spectrum. Political rights do not want to fundamentally change the traditional social order or its values and norms ( conservative rights), restore it to an earlier state ( reactionary rights) or fundamentally renew it ( revolutionary rights).

Although the division of the political poles into right and left is increasingly controversial in view of the complexity of modern requirements in socio-political practice, both at the national domestic political level and even more so at the international level, a corresponding classification is still common in everyday language use and also in public , for example in the mass media , widespread. It is used, for example, both of its own ideological positioning and identification of individuals , political groups and parties as well as the delineation of political opponents.

Historical derivation

Originally, the concept of the political right (and its counterpart, the left) referred to the parliamentary seating arrangement during the so-called July Monarchy in France after the July Revolution of 1830 . While the left embodied the oppositional forces, which often tended towards traditional liberalism- oriented democrats up to the early socialists , the right stood for the preservation of the status quo and for the monarchy , in the sense of an aristocracy , with a tendency towards absolutist orientation.

Even later and still today, the seating arrangements of many democratic parliaments, such as those of the German Bundestag or the Austrian National Council , are based on this tradition, so that (from the point of view of the Presidium) mostly the fractions of the right-wing parties to the right and the more left-wing parties to the left sit.

European rights of the present

In Europe there are various right-wing parties in the states, which are presented below.

In the European Union, the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 strengthened the role of Parliament and the European parties. National parties united to form parliamentary groups and European political parties at EU level , see there. In addition to left and right (and of course the middle / »centrists«), the attitude towards European integration plays a decisive role.

Party landscape in Germany

Within the democratic spectrum, the term “right” is mostly equated with “ bourgeois ” today and is used for the relevant parties (in Germany especially CDU / CSU and partly FDP ) to differentiate them from the “left” . As a self-designation, it is rather uncommon among democrats, since right-wing especially in the German-speaking public is often equated or at least associated with the phenomenon of right - wing extremism and is therefore negatively connoted. Therefore, most representatives of democratic conservatism distance themselves from it in order to break away from the stigma of a “right” image. Instead, like many Social Democrats , they claim the standpoint of the political center . Franz Josef Strauss , on the other hand, deliberately occupied the right-wing edge of the democratic spectrum and emphasized that there should be no democratically legitimized party to the right of the CSU . This strategy was successful insofar as the Union's competitors on the right flank of the political spectrum such as the “ German Party ”, the “ German Reich Party ” or the “ All-German Bloc / Federation of Expellees and Disenfranchised ” (GB / BHE) since the outgoing Decreased in importance in the 1950s, left the Bundestag and at best continued to exist as a splinter party . Even Gerhard Loewenthal , German journalist and Holocaust survivor , described himself as a "right-democrats". In the 1980s and 1990s, however, the Republicans , which was founded by former CSU members and sees itself as right-wing conservative , managed to move into state parliaments several times.

In addition, there are a large number of right-wing extremist and right-wing extremist parties, some of which are monitored by the constitution protection authorities because of anti-constitutional tendencies . The NPD is considered to be the largest right-wing extremist party . The " Socialist Reich Party " as an openly National Socialist organization was banned by the Federal Constitutional Court as early as 1952 .

In 2008, party researcher Peter Lösche believed that a future right-wing party of the CDU could be established at the federal level. With the “ Alternative für Deutschland ” (AfD) founded in 2013, a party has re-established itself in Germany for the first time in a long time, which political scientists classify as being on the right of the Union parties. In the 2013 Bundestag elections , with a share of 4.7% of the vote, it just missed making it into the German Bundestag ; in the European elections in 2014 she managed the entry into the EU Parliament , in all state elections could since the electoral threshold to overcome and in a parliamentary group move into the parliaments. In 2017 , with a share of the vote of 12.6%, it was the third strongest force to enter the Bundestag.

Party landscape in Austria

In the Austrian National Council , the moderate right is represented by the bourgeois-conservative People's Party ÖVP . To the right of this are the right-wing populist - nationally conservative - German national FPÖ and the BZÖ that emerged from it . While the FPÖ ended up in third place in the 2013 National Council election , the BZÖ failed to return to the National Council. In contrast to German parties, these parties call themselves “right of center”. The Stronach team was also assigned to the right spectrum due to its economically liberal and eurosceptic positions, but described itself as “neither right nor left”. The Neos represent liberal positions similar to the FDP .

Political landscape in Switzerland

In German-speaking Switzerland - for the same reasons as in Germany - the term right is generally not used for democratic parties and is used instead of bourgeois . The Liberal Democratic Party (FDP), the Christian Democratic People's Party (CVP) and the Swiss People's Party (SVP) call themselves civil . In contrast to the moderate central parties FDP and CVP, which are usually not called right-wing, outsiders often refer to the conservative SVP as right-wing. However, this assignment is avoided within the SVP. In its self-portrayal, the SVP sometimes uses the term “bourgeois” to differentiate itself not only from the left-wing parties, but also from the CVP and the FDP.

The small party, the Nationally Oriented Swiss (PNOS), which is not represented in parliament, is classified as extreme right .

Party landscape in the Netherlands

Dutch party spectrum 2010, according to the political scientist
André Krouwel . In the lower right quarter the economically right-wing and socio-politically conservative parties.

Originally, the three traditional Christian parties in the Netherlands were referred to as right and the non-Christian (mostly liberal) parties as left. This kind of antagonism has been overcome since about the 1917 pacificatie .

Christian and Conservative Parties

Of the three traditional Christian parties, the Catholic one was anchored in the political center in that it integrated both poor and rich Catholics and acted moderately in terms of economic policy. The same applies to the Calvinist Anti-Revolutionaire Partij , while the Calvinist Christelijk Historische Unie more addressed the upper class. From a socio-cultural point of view, these parties were clearly to the right. They were the classic government parties in the Netherlands. They merged from 1977 to 1980 to form the Christians-Democratic Appèl , a center-right party.

The Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij has existed since 1918 , a particularly strict Calvinist and conservative party. Strict Calvinist parties that were founded later and formed the ChristenUnie in 2002 are socio-culturally right, but economically and ecologically more left. These parties are traditionally grouped together with right-wing populists in Dutch political science as lower right . With the exception of the ChristenUnie, they have not yet been represented in any government.

Liberalism and right-wing populism

In the 1960s, the right-wing populist Boerenpartij achieved certain successes. The decidedly right-wing, non-religious party, on the other hand, is traditionally the conservative-liberal Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie of 1948. In addition to a wing that is more center-right, it also has a national liberal or national conservative wing. VVD's profile rights were Hans Wiegel and Frits Bolkestein ; when the latter left The Hague for Brussels in 1999, a political vacuum arose.

Monument to Pim Fortuyn in Rotterdam

This vacuum was initially occupied by the anti-immigration Pim Fortuyn . The sociology professor and journalist Fortuyn was initially, since the end of 2001, the top candidate of Leefbaar Nederland , a middle-class protest movement originally located in the middle. In February 2002 Fortuyn left Leefbaar Nederland in dispute and entered the parliamentary elections with his own list, Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF). He was murdered shortly before the May elections. From a standing start, his list made the leap into the second chamber, where it even became the second largest parliamentary group (after the resurgent Christian Democrats).

After the LPF soon collapsed, several politicians and micro-parties tried to take over from Pim Fortuyn. The most successful is likely to be Geert Wilders , a former VVD member who has been in the Second Chamber since 2006 with his particularly Islamophobic Partij voor de Vrijheid . Rita Verdonk was temporarily successful in the polls with Trots op Nederland , which speaks more about crime than Islam. But the VVD under Mark Rutte is also trying to fill the political vacuum on its right edge.

Right-wing extremism

In 1931 Anton Mussert founded the National Socialist Movement , which first took Italian fascism and then German National Socialism as its model. The party had certain electoral successes in the following years. In 1941 it became the only allowed party during the German occupation of the Netherlands (1940-1944 / 1945) and was banned in 1945. Before and besides the NSB there had been other similar groups. The first was the Verbond van Actualisten from 1923 to 1928.

After the Second World War, the Nederlandse Volks-Unie , founded in 1971, was one of the right-wing extremist parties in the Netherlands worth mentioning. However, she achieved no electoral success. In the second chamber, however, came the Centrumpartij of 1980 and the split off Centrum Democrats of the nationalist Hans Janmaat , each with one seat in the elections in 1982 and 1989 and three seats in 1994. Later currents, to which the Nieuwe Nationale Partij and Nieuw Rechts of Michiel Smit belonged , occasionally came to local councils.

Other European countries


The party families of the Christian Democrats, Liberals, Social Democrats and Greens in Belgium are split into a Flemish and a Walloon party. Among the extreme right-wing or nationalist parties, on the other hand, both those advocating a united Belgium and the Walloon front are nationally insignificant. The party " Vlaams Belang " (formerly Vlaams Blok ), which advocates an independent Flanders and against immigration and is often classified as right-wing extremist, was able to achieve great success and at times even rose to become the strongest party in the more affluent northern part of the country. After it got competition from the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, however, it came in the 2011 elections only 7.7 percent after almost twelve percent in 2007.


Many Danish parties in Denmark and Norway still have names that date back to when they were founded and refer to their positioning in the historical right-left scheme of the 19th century, such as the Venstre (“left”, liberal-conservative) or the radicals Venstre (“Radical Left”, social liberal). The Danish People's Party (DF) is a classic example of the phenomenon of right-wing populism and a political model for the Sweden Democrats . It experienced a rapid rise, and party leader Pia Kjærsgaard was able to gain considerable influence on Danish government policy between 2001 and 2011, particularly in the area of ​​immigration policy. In the last election in 2015, the Danish People's Party achieved 21% of the vote.


In France, the terms Gauche and Droite are the most common criteria for classifying political positions. Some of these date from the time of the French Revolution and the domestic political disputes that followed it in the 19th century. The French right was divided into three groups by the political scientist René Rémond , which go back to the monarchist movements of the 19th century: the bourgeois-liberal Orléanists , the national-populist Bonapartists and the reactionary-Catholic legitimists . These three currents are still relevant, although almost all political parties are now committed to the republican form of government. A significant turning point for the French right occurred after 1945, when many ideas and representatives were discredited by the Vichy regime and Charles de Gaulle was finally able to unite them in the current of Gaullism. The Gaullism emphasizes the importance of the French nation and tradition, but referred positively to the gains of the revolution, democracy and secularism. The UMP , founded in 2002, unites Gaullist, liberal, conservative and Christian democratic currents. An important party on the right of the UMP is the nationalist Front National , which has existed since 1972 , which campaigns primarily for the limitation of immigration, especially for non-European migrants, but also for demands such as the reintroduction of the death penalty, withdrawal from international organizations and a general return to life "Tradition and French Identity" stands. Chairman Jean-Marie Le Pen led the party from its inception until January 2011 when he passed the chairmanship to his daughter Marine Le Pen . This pursues the strategy of opening up the party to the political center, but without giving up core positions, and achieved 18.5% of the votes in the 2012 presidential elections . The party rejects the terms “right” and “right-wing extremist” because it pursues an economic and political egalitarian program that is more ascribed to the political left, and instead uses the motto “Ni droite ni gauche - français!” ("Neither right nor left - French!")


Historically, Italy has been shaped by the contrast between the Christian Democrat Democrazia Cristiana and the Communist Party since 1945 . In addition, there were the smaller parties of the historical right ( liberals and republicans ) and the center-left parties (socialists and social democrats), while the neo-fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano was ignored by the big parties as not capable of forming a coalition, as in Germany. After the end of the so-called First Republic in the Tangentopoli scandal in 1993, the political landscape changed drastically: While the center-left parties remained fragmented until the Partito Democratico was founded in 2008, the media entrepreneur Silvio Berlusconi and his Forza Italia party were primarily able to do so appeal to old DC electorate and also work with right-wing extremist and neo-fascist parties. In 2009 the party merged with the national conservative Alleanza Nazionale , the more moderate successor to the MSI, and has since been called Popolo della Libertà . FI and PdL present (s) themselves as a liberal-conservative and Christian Democratic party, but critics complain that right-wing populist slogans often create mood and are one-sidedly geared towards the interests of the party founder. The right-wing populist “ Lega Nord ”, which was founded in 1989 by Umberto Bossi , also experienced a rapid rise . She and four ministers were involved in the government of Silvio Berlusconi, who owed his office to the success of the “Lega Nord” in the 2008 election. The "Lega Nord" fights for an independent or autonomous northern Italy from Rome and the poorer southern Italy.


In the country that was ruled by left and social democratic parties for the longest time in the post-war period and that implemented the most of their ideas, the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats have established themselves alongside parties of the moderate right such as the liberal-conservative Moderata Samlingspartiet since 2010 . while in the neighboring countries of Denmark and Norway there have been similar phenomena for a long time. The central demand of the Sweden Democrats is a drastically tightened immigration policy. Party leader Jimmie Åkesson calls for significant cuts in immigration. He sees Islam as the greatest foreign threat since World War II. Around 14 percent of Sweden's 9.4 million people are immigrants. Most are from Finland, followed by the former Yugoslavia, Iraq, Iran and Poland.


In Serbia there is the right-wing extremist party Srpska Radikalna Stranka , which currently received 8.4% of the vote in the 2016 election . It received a majority of the votes in 2007, but remained in the opposition because it could not find a coalition partner. It was founded in 1990 by Vojislav Šešelj and participated in the government from 1998-2000 and formed a coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia under Slobodan Milošević in the "Coalition of National Unity". During this legislative period, they appointed the vice-president.


The right-wing Hungarian Citizens' Federation (FIDESZ) has governed with a two-thirds majority since the April 2010 elections. Party leader and Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is increasingly orienting the state on a national level. A “system of national cooperation” is supposed to replace the supposedly chaotic post-reunification democracy. With a two-thirds majority, a new constitution was passed, which particularly emphasizes the importance of values ​​such as the family, Christianity and the historic St. Stephen's Crown as the basis of the Hungarian nation. Further to the right of her is the “ Jobbik ” (The Better) party, which entered parliament for the first time with 17 percent.

United Kingdom

In the European elections in June 2009 , the extreme right-wing British National Party , contrary to expectations, made it into the European Parliament for the first time , where it is represented by two members . More influential, however, is the more moderate UK Independence Party , which advocates leaving the European Union, limiting immigration, “traditional values” and curtailing the welfare state and a more market-based regulatory policy - it is often assigned to right-wing populism. In local and European elections she was able to win up to 20% of the votes.


Broadcast reports

Individual evidence

  1. ^ A b c J. E. Goldthorpe: An Introduction to Sociology . Cambridge UK / Oakleigh (Melbourne) / New York NY, ISBN 0-521-24545-1 , p. 156.
  2. Rodney P. Carlisle: Encyclopedia of politics: the left and the right, Volume 2 . University of Michigan; Sage Reference, 2005, ISBN 1-4129-0409-9 , pp. 693, 721
  3. ^ Norberto Bobbio, Allan Cameron: Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction . University of Chicago Press, 1997, ISBN 978-0-226-06246-4
  4. ^ T. Alexander Smith, Raymond Tatalovich: Cultures at War: Moral Conflicts in Western Democracies. Broadview Press, Toronto 2003, p. 30: “That viewpoint is held by contemporary sociologists, for whom 'right-wing movements' are conceptualized as' social movements whose stated goals are to maintain structures of order, status, honor, or traditional social differences or values' as compared to left-wing movements which seek 'greater equality or political participation'. "
  5. ^ Roger Scruton: A Dictionary of Political Thought. Macmillian, 1996, pp. 281-282: “Defined by contrast to (or perhaps more accurately conflict with) the left the term right does not even have the respectability of a history. As now used it denotes several connected and also conflicting ideas (including) 1) conservative, and perhaps authoritarian, doctrines concerning the nature of civil society, with emphasis on custom, tradition, and allegiance as social bonds ... 8) belief in free enterprise free markets and a capitalist economy as the only mode of production compatible with human freedom and suited to the temporary nature of human aspirations ... ”
  6. ^ JE Goldthorpe: An Introduction to Sociology . Cambridge UK / Oakleigh (Melbourne) / New York NY, ISBN 0-521-24545-1 , p. 156: “There are… those who accept inequality as natural, normal, and even desirable. Two main lines of thought converge on the right or conservative side ... the truly Conservative view is that there is a natural hierarchy of skills and talents in which some people are born leaders, whether by heredity or family tradition. ... now ... the more usual right-wing view, which may be called 'liberal-conservative', is that unequal rewards are right and desirable so long as the competition for wealth and power is a fair one. "
  7. Norberto Bobbio: Right and Left: Reasons and meanings of a political distinction. Wagenbach, 1994
  8. Jan A. Fuhse: Left or Right or somewhere completely different? To construct the political landscape . In: Austrian Journal for Political Science . tape 33 , no. 2 , 2004, ISSN  2313-5433 , p. 209–226 ( uibk.ac.at [PDF; accessed on June 16, 2019]).
  9. ^ Matthias Geis: Bayern first . In: Die Zeit , No. 29/1998
  10. ^ Constitutional Protection Report 2006. (PDF) Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution
  11. Constitutional Protection Report 2006 (PDF) Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, pp. 52 and 90
  12. Constitutional Protection Report 2006. (PDF) Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, p. 67
  13. The party system is rearranged with black and green . ( Memento from May 22, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Tagesschau Online, March 6, 2008; Retrieved September 25, 2017
  14. ^ Oskar Niedermayer : A new competitor in the party system? The alternative for Germany. In: ders. (Ed.): The parties after the federal election 2013 . Springer, Wiesbaden 2014, ISBN 978-3-658-02852-7 . Pp. 175–207, here: p. 194.
  15. Preliminary official result. In: choice. tagesschau.de . Retrieved September 24, 2017 .
  16. Look to the right