Ernst Jünger


from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ernst Jünger
on September 15, 1986 in Bad Godesberg
Autograph Ernst Jünger.jpg

Ernst Jünger (born March 29, 1895 in Heidelberg ; † February 17, 1998 in Riedlingen ) was a German writer and entomologist . He is best known for his war experience books such as In Stahlgewittern , fantastic novels and stories and various essays . In his elitist , anti-bourgeois and nationalistic early work , which is attributed to the so-called Conservative Revolution , Jünger fought the Weimar Republic resolutely. Although he did not join the NSDAP and rejected its racist ideology, after 1945 he was considered an intellectual pioneer of National Socialism and one of the most controversial authors in Germany. He received various prizes and awards, including the Pour le Mérite in 1918 , the Great Federal Cross of Merit (1959) with a star (1977) and shoulder ribbon (1985) and the Goethe Prize in 1982 , the award of which caused a political scandal.

Life

Early and First World War

Childhood and studies

Ernst Jünger was born in Heidelberg in 1895 as the first of seven children of the chemist Ernst Georg Jünger (1868–1943) and his later wife Karoline Lampl (* 1873 in Munich; † 1950 in Leisnig / Saxony). He was baptized Protestant . Two of his siblings died in infancy. Jünger spent his childhood in Hanover , in Schwarzenberg / Erzgeb. and finally from 1907 in Rehburg . The father had made considerable income in potash mining .

In 1901 Ernst Jünger started school at the Goethe Gymnasium in Hanover. From 1905 to 1907 he went to boarding schools in Hanover and Braunschweig . From 1907 he lived again with his family in Rehburg. He attended the Scharnhorst Realschule in Wunstorf with his siblings . During this time he discovered not only his love for adventure novels but also his love for entomology .

In 1911, Jünger and his brother Friedrich Georg joined the Wunstorfer Wandervogel Club. There he found the material for his first poems, which were published in a Wandervogel magazine. They earned him the recognition of his teachers and classmates. From that point on he enjoyed the reputation of a poet and dandy.

Morocco, Foreign Legionnaires

In November 1913, Ernst Jünger joined the Foreign Legion in Verdun as a pupil who was meanwhile attending a grammar school in Hameln and committed himself to five years of service. Then he came to the Sidi bel Abbès training camp in Algeria and was part of the 26th instruction company. From there he fled to Morocco with a comrade , but was quickly picked up and taken back to the Legion. Six weeks later, after an intervention by the Foreign Office operated by his father, he was released because of his age. This episode of his life is processed in the book African Games , published in 1936 . As a punishment, his father sent him to a boarding school in Hanover, where he was a bank neighbor of the later KPD politician Werner Scholem .

Military service

Younger than a soldier in convalescence in 1918

On August 1, 1914, shortly after the outbreak of the First World War , Ernst Jünger reported to the Fusilier Regiment “General-Field Marshal Prince Albrecht of Prussia” (Hannoversches) No. 73 in Hanover as a volunteer. After graduating from high school , he completed his military training and came to the Champagne front in France in December with a replacement transport . Jünger was wounded for the first time in April 1915. During his home leave, on the advice of his father, he took a career as an officer ( Fahnenjunker ). Back in France, he became a lieutenant and platoon leader on November 27, 1915 and made a name for himself through spectacular actions in patrols and raiding parties . He fought with the ethos of a professional soldier throughout the war. But in December 1915 he noted in the diary he kept with him that killing in war is "murder" and also that "the war has awakened in me a longing for the blessings of peace" .

During the third year of the war in 1916, Jünger's regiment was deployed to all hot spots on the Western Front. During the second battle of the Somme , on the eve of the British offensive, Jünger was wounded in the resting position at Combles and was sent to the hospital. In the following years his entire train was wiped out at Guillemont . In November 1916, Jünger was wounded for the third time during a patrol mission and shortly thereafter received the First Class Iron Cross . In the spring of 1917 Jünger was appointed chief of the 7th Company. When looking at green meadows in May 1917, a “once so bellicose” disciple asked himself:

"When does this shitty war end?"

By chance he saved his brother Friedrich Georg Jünger's life on the battlefield of Langemark on July 29, 1917 . This was followed by other awards, including the Knight's Cross of the Royal House Order of Hohenzollern on December 4, 1917 . In March 1918, Ernst Jünger survived a grenade impact that killed almost his entire company. Jünger experienced the end of the war after being wounded in the hospital in Hanover in August 1918 off Cambrai . On September 22nd, 1918 he received the order Pour le Mérite , the highest military award of the Prussian crown .

German raiding party in the First World War

He spent the breaks in his daily life at the front towards the end of the war reading works by Nietzsche , Schopenhauer , Ariost and Kubin . He also had entomological journals sent to him from home . The 15 war diaries were handed over to the German Literature Archive in Marbach before Jünger's death . They appeared in 2010, edited and commented on by Helmuth Kiesel . In it, according to Benjamin Ziemann , Ernst Jünger appears neither as a proto-fascist fighting machine nor as a pioneer of the amalgamation of man and war technology, but as a "very precise chronicler " of the violence in the First World War. The notes served Jünger as raw material for his first book ( In Stahlgewittern , 1920). In 2013, his biographer Helmuth Kiesel summarized all versions of Jüngers In Stahlgewittern for the first time in a historical-critical edition.

Weimar period

The Café Kröpcke in Hanover

First publications

After the war, Jünger initially served as a lieutenant in Infantry Regiment 16 of the Reichswehr in Hanover. During his service time he was involved in the drafting of service regulations for infantry combat (Army Service Regulations 130) at the Reichswehr Ministry in Berlin . In the centrally located Café Kröpcke he came into contact with the circle around the publisher Paul Steegemann , which includes the Dadaists Walter Serner and Kurt Schwitters . From Thomas Mann he read the observations of an apolitical (1918), later also the Zauberberg (1924). He was particularly enthusiastic about the French poet Arthur Rimbaud . In 1921 he was so carried away by the drunken ship that one evening he read it to two comrades. One of the two was the later Colonel General Werner von Fritsch . With Baudelaire and Rimbaud, Jünger not only opened up the poetics of modernity, emphasizes Helmuth Kiesel, but also the sense of being of homelessness and self-alienation .

He soon made a name for himself as a staunch opponent of the republic, but largely stayed out of the political disputes and revised his war records, which were included in the works In Stahlgewittern. From the diary of a shock troop leader (1920), The struggle as an inner experience (1922), Storm (1923), Das Wäldchen 125 (1925) and Feuer und Blut (1925) flowed into it. He wrote a few shorter essays dealing with questions of modern warfare in the military weekly . In Stahlgewittern itself was initially not read as a literary work, but appeared as "a kind of non-fiction book" (Kiesel) in a military publisher.

After leaving the Reichswehr on August 31, 1923, he enrolled in Leipzig as a student. rer. nat. He heard zoology from the philosopher and biologist Hans Driesch , the leading spokesman for neovitalism , and philosophy from Felix Krüger and his assistant Ernst Hugo Fischer . He must also have met Hans Freyer , who had been a professor in Leipzig since 1925, at the university.

NSDAP meeting in the Bürgerbräukeller , Munich, 1923

In 1923 he joined for a short time in the volunteer corps of Gerhard Rossbach and was active mainly as a traveling liaison to other parts of the national movement. During a long stay in Munich , his mother's hometown, Jünger sympathized with the circle of former front soldiers around Erich Ludendorff and Adolf Hitler who organized the November putsch . In retrospect, he described a Hitler speech he heard there as an “elementary event”. A few weeks before the failed Hitler putsch, he published his first decidedly political article, Revolution and Idea, in the Völkischer Beobachter , the party newspaper of the NSDAP , a plea for a “real revolution” whose banner and form of expression should be the swastika and dictatorship. In a suburb of Munich he visited Ludendorff, to whom he wrote an eulogy in the Deutsches Tageblatt in April 1924 .

Logo of the Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten

The first journal for which Jünger worked regularly from June 6, 1925, was Die Standarte , which he co-edited . Contributions to the intellectual deepening of the front thought, the special supplement of the Stahlhelm newspaper. Here he was able to publish his political conclusions from the world war experience. As the spokesman for the young radicals, he soon found himself in opposition to the Stahlhelm leadership and Franz Seldte's legality course . Between September 1925 and March 1926 he published 19 articles. With a circulation of around 170,000 copies, his ideas reached a relatively wide audience.

After the unpopular supplement was abolished in April 1926, Jünger, together with Helmut Franke , Franz Schauwecker and Wilhelm Kleinau, published the standard on their own with the programmatic subtitle “Weekly of the New Nationalism”. Their edition of probably a few thousand copies did not come close to Die Standarte . After only five months of publication, the new standard had to be discontinued in August 1926 by order of Magdeburg's Chief President Otto Hörsing , because the murders of Walther Rathenau and Matthias Erzberger had been legitimized in the article Nationalist Martyrs . The Stahlhelm then gave notice to the editor, Helmut Franke. Jünger left the association and took over as co-editor of the Munich magazine Arminius , a pamphlet for German nationalists (so the subtitle). On August 3, 1925, Jünger married Gretha von Jeinsen . On May 1, 1926, their son Ernst was born in Leipzig (mostly called "Ernstel" in Jünger's notes). He broke off his studies on May 26th without a degree and turned to writing. In October 1927, Jünger founded the magazine Vormarsch with Werner Lass . Papers of the Nationalist Youth, published until 1929. From January 1930 to July 1931 they published the magazine Die Kommenden. Unconditional weekly journal of the German youth out. After 1931 he wrote almost exclusively in Ernst Niekisch's Resistance. Journal of National Revolutionary Politics .

Anti-democratic engagement

The philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche

In his national revolutionary journalism, Jünger called for a militarization of all areas of life out of the absolutization of his war experiences . He fought the Weimar Republic radically. He spoke out in favor of their violent destruction and the establishment of a national dictatorship. He rejected the ideals of humanism , pacifism , and indeed all bourgeois notions of order and civilization: Instead, he propagated an image of man that knows no fear of pain and sacrifice and values ​​discipline and hierarchy more than what he sees as the unjustified postulate of equality . According to Kiesels, there was "anti-democracy and anti-humanism, which was learned at an early age and strengthened by reading Nietzsche's", but also the suspicion that if the humanists were right, the four years of war would have been pointless. In the first edition of Wäldchen 125 in 1925 there is the following sentence:

"I hate democracy like the plague."

Against the “business-like literary pack” that campaigns for enlightenment , democracy and pacifism, caning must be “reintroduced immediately”. He had these sentences removed from the following editions of the book in 1933. Nevertheless, the historian Peter Longerich believes that this is "a statement that is typical of him, even in the diction". In 1925 Jünger lived in the belief that “the great war” had not yet come to an end. Reversing the quote from Clausewitz , he saw politics as a "continuation of the war with changed means". This worldview, emphasizes Matthias Schloßberger, has its roots in Romanticism and Nietzsche's philosophy of life . Jünger demands "to do away with the sinister striving for objectivity , which only leads to the relativistic abolition of forces" and to acknowledge a conscious one-sidedness "which is based on judgment and not on 'understanding'" and emphasizes the importance of the feeling of Community, the connection with the whole, because feeling is at the beginning of every great deed. For Jünger growth is the natural right of all living things, which does not need any proof to justify it: "All life is different and is therefore warlike against one another." Jünger sets feeling and organic context against the rationalistic, mechanistic, materialistic thinking of the mind with the whole. The feeling of “community in a great fate” that stood at the beginning of the war, the awareness of the idea of ​​the nation and the common “submission to an idea” are signs of a fundamental revolution for Jünger. But it can only be a method, because the "front soldier has tradition". Jünger sees the great dangers “not in the Marxist bulwark”, but in everything that has to do with liberalism: “Communism as a fighting movement is certainly closer to us than democracy”. At the same time, he articulated an extremely nationalist attitude in this phase:

"We cannot be national, yes nationalistic enough."

The nationalist program should be based on four pillars: The coming state must be structured nationally, socially, defensively and authoritatively. The form of government is "irrelevant if only its constitution is a strictly national one". Whether Jünger's assignment to Arthur Moeller van den Bruck's Conservative Revolution is justified is controversial. He rejected the idea of ​​a hierarchical class society : "Because of blood and character, we want to bind ourselves to communities and ever larger communities, regardless of knowledge, status and property". There are no general truths, every law is determined “by time, space and blood”. But if the “for what” of the decision becomes arbitrary, then this nihilistic position can no longer be reconciled with a conservative attitude. Jünger made it clear that his nationalism had nothing to do with “conservatism”. His criticism of parliamentary democracy hits everyone who does not place himself outside the order of the existing system.

On 17 October 1930, disciples was in Beethoven Hall with his brother Friedrich Georg between the SA men who under the leadership Arnolt Bronnen German speech by Thomas Mann interfered in which it warned of the dangers of the rise of National Socialism. It was decided, according to Bronnen in his minutes, to visit the event in order to “spark a discussion there”. Regardless of this - according to Bronnen - Joseph Goebbels had sent twenty SA men dressed in tuxedos who were given the task of doing “only mental activity”, hooting, shouting, whistling, but for once not as thugs. The disturbances were initially limited to a few heckling calls until the police caused a general commotion. Jünger himself did not participate directly in the disturbances, but tacitly approved them, as Alexander Mitscherlich , who was also present, recalled in his autobiography A Life for Psychoanalysis . The French Jüngerianer Julien Hervier, on the other hand, believes that Jünger merely assumed the role of observation he preferred. Dirk Heisserer and granddaughter Barbara Bronnen also point out incorrect representations. According to his private secretary Heinz Ludwig Arnold , Jünger said after the war that they had "[occupied] the first row, and when Thomas Mann started his reading, everyone in the first row opened the big newspapers".

In his diary, Thomas Mann later asked himself how Jünger could "endure" it in this society, a question that is only understandable if he assumed a certain level that did not suit the interferer's environment. Unlike his brother Friedrich Georg, who smugly commented on the Magic Mountain and Mann's attacks on German nationalism, Ernst Jünger held back astonishingly.

Only later are isolated statements made. On the occasion of the forthcoming awarding of the Goethe Prize , he said in an interview with Spiegel that he was always annoyed when “a city went up in flames” and man made “his speeches ”, but admired him as a great stylist. Man is "one of the few who show responsibility for the German language".

Relationship to the NSDAP

Party congress on the occasion of the re-establishment of the NSDAP in February 1925

In general, Jünger welcomed the National Socialist movement of that time as one of the most radical and non-bourgeois. In 1925 he saw in it in the standard “more fire and blood than the so-called revolution was able to raise in all the years”. He saw in the “figure of Private Hitler” a “figure who, like the Mussolini , undoubtedly arouses the premonition of a completely new type of leader”. According to Kai Köhler, this is already suggesting an attitude of superiority: from the point of view of those who are looking into the future, Hitler is not the leader, but only the premonition of a coming type whose characteristics the viewer claims to recognize better. In the Stahlhelm-Jahrbuch 1926, Jünger declared that in his own thinking he was forced to “give socialism an important place in the field of our thinking in addition to nationalism, and that this has been the case for very many, as the founding of the National Socialist Party proves arose out of a deep need. ”He further comments on the failed Hitler putsch and the re-establishment of the NSDAP:

“Well, as supporters, we saw the sudden rise of this party, we were enthusiastic about it in the November days, and we took the failure to be an inexplicable error in history. [...] Today, when we have again gained a little distance from the events, we see that the work that was done in this party was not in vain. "

Adolf Hitler (around 1925)

On January 29, 1926, he sent Hitler his book Feuer und Blut with the dedication "To the national leader Adolf Hitler", whereupon he thanked him personally. Hitler even announced a visit to Leipzig, but canceled at the last minute. Despite his sympathy for the idea of ​​a “national revolution”, Jünger stayed away from Hitler. In agreement with him in the struggle for the revision of the Versailles Treaty , he rejected the party as an instrument.

In March 1926, Jünger pleaded for “active integration into the political game of forces” and called for the “national front-line soldiers”, the “forces of the radical, ethnic and national social groups” and the “blood-based core” to be brought together Front soldiers of the workers ”. On May 20, 1926, he came back to the unsuccessful Hitler putsch, which he described as the “still unclear uprising in Munich”, although nationalism was still in the middle of the process of inwardly overcoming the “forms of an old state” , and despite the first cracks in relation to the steel helmet, advocates "strengthening our influence in the fighting leagues" and promoting their "revolutionization". In his appeal “Unite!” Of June 3, 1926, he finally unsuccessfully demanded the merger of the “individual movements” to form the “nationalist final front”, because “the form of our movement will also be the form of the future state” and referred to the NSDAP , with the help of which the workforce was to be won, expressly included:

“National Socialism has this ability due to its different leadership class, and no decisive success will be achieved until both sides have shaken hands while eliminating everything petty […] But there is no fighting force today that is for the Nationalism comes into question as the Bunds and the National Socialists. "

However, there were extensive substantive agreements with the NSDAP in the propagation of a " national socialism ". According to the German historian Daniel Morat, the decisive difference between “new nationalism” and National Socialism was not in terms of content, but rather in the form of organization as an esoteric circle on the one hand and a mass party on the other. In his essay “Nationalism and National Socialism”, published in Arminius in 1927 , Jünger attached particular importance to the “predominantly literary activity” of the pioneers of the New Nationalism. While National Socialism “as a political organization is dependent on the acquisition of actual means of power” in order to “realize an idea”, it is the task of nationalism to “grasp it as deeply and purely as possible”. Someone who does this can weigh more "than a hundred seats in parliament ".

Hitler is said to have offered Jünger a seat in the Reichstag in 1927 . Karl Otto Paetel , who was one of the Bündische and national revolutionaries around 1930 , reported in 1949 that Jünger had refused on the grounds that he considered "writing a single verse to be more deserving than 60,000 idiots." Helmuth Kiesel points out that neither the offer nor its rejection are documented.

When Hitler turned against the terrorist rural people movement in 1929 , in which Jünger had seen the forerunner of the national revolutionary movement he had hoped for, there was an open break. Hans Sarkowicz and Alf Mentzer believe that Jünger rejected Hitler's decision to gain power not in a revolutionary way, but through the institutions through a legal march, as a concession to the hated party state . Rightly, says Helmut Kiesel, it was said that the NSDAP was not radical enough Jünger, but that in his eyes it was part of the bourgeois system. Harro Segeberg describes Jünger's brief engagement as an “early flirt” with National Socialism of that time. According to Wojciech Kunicki , the "rural people movement" around Bruno von Salomon was the only national revolutionary group that Jünger still supported in the late 1920s, "because of its open, uncompromising anarchism ". On September 10, 1929, Jünger wrote to Solomon:

“It is very important that we have stoves in which the fire of anarchy is sustained. Under the circumstances, latent and anonymous anarchy is more valuable than open outbursts that can be erased more quickly. It is very good that at the point where you are, the contrasts that separate nationalism in our sense from the extreme right are already visible. "

Through his friendship with Ernst Niekisch and his regular contributions to Niekisch's magazine Resistance , Jünger was brought closer to national Bolshevism . The rejection of the West and the demand for an alliance with the Soviet Union , anti-capitalism and Prussian socialism, influenced his conception of the major essay Der Arbeiter between 1930 and 1932. Niekisch therefore saw Jünger as one of the most important representatives of national Bolshevism, while Jünger cautiously opposed himself defended this appropriation. For Jan Robert Weber it was the national Bolshevik implications of the worker that made Jünger's commitment to Hitler impossible in 1933. Since he was considered to be one of the heads of the politically failed national Bolshevism, he did not have to betray his companions and his own work in favor of a career in the Nazi state. Nevertheless, Jünger did not join the political resistance of the National Bolsheviks around Niekisch against National Socialism, but withdrew to the position of solitaire.

Joseph Goebbels 1930 (with Hermann Göring )

1929 answered the edited by Joseph Goebbels attack in response to an article disciple in the left-liberal journal , had declared in the disciples that the anti-Semitism of the "new nationalism" "no question of a substantial nature" was and that Nazism by its legality course as part of the civil order: “We do not debate with renegades who abuse us in the dirty papers of Jewish traitors. But then Mr. Jünger is done for us. ”Nevertheless, in 1930 the expressionist playwright Arnolt Bronnen tried to reconcile Jünger with Goebbels.

Political publicist

Berlin, view of the Oberbaum Bridge and the Osthafen

In July 1927, Jünger and his family moved from Leipzig to Berlin in order to grasp modern life in its “dream strength”. At first he lived at Nollendorfstrasse  29/3 in the Schöneberg district , near Motzstrasse , where the June club held its meetings in the so-called Schutzbundhaus . After a year, Jünger moved to Stralauer Allee (36, 1st floor), in a working-class area not far from the eastern port . In Berlin, the exchange intensified with conservative revolutionaries such as Ludwig Alwens , Franz Schauwecker , Friedrich Hielscher , Albrecht Erich Günther , Bruno and Ernst von Salomon as well as Ernst Niekisch , but also with writers on the left such as Bertolt Brecht , Ernst Toller and Erich Mühsam . He maintained relationships with Arnolt Bronnen , with the painters A. Paul Weber and Rudolf Schlichter , with the publishers Ernst Rowohlt and Benno Ziegler , with the philosopher Ernst Hugo Fischer , whom he already knew from Leipzig, and made new friends with Valeriu Marcu , Alfred Kubin and Carl Schmitt . During his time in Berlin, he made the bohemian lifestyle his own and finally successfully cultivated two fields at the same time: journalism and essay writing, politics and literature.

By September 1927, Jünger had published 27 articles in Arminius . Until April / May 1927 he was also an associate editor. Jünger resigned from his editorial work because he had learned that the paper was financed by Hermann Ehrhardt , whose legality he did not approve of. Together with Hielscher he worked for the newly founded monthly “ Der Vormarsch ”, which was supposed to be a paper “for the nationalistic youth”. It was also financed by Ehrhardt, but was no longer committed to the legality course. 1928 attracted disciple to the tradition of European Surrealism ties into book The Adventurous Heart stir, especially since it was interpreted as "literarization" of the author and turning away from politics. National Socialism was not mentioned in Jünger's journalism at the time. At the end of the 1920s, Jünger increasingly entered into dialogue with political opponents of the right and at the same time withdrew from political journalism. He no longer wanted to take part in current political developments.

In the early 1930s, Jünger endeavored in his writings to expand his ideological program in terms of the philosophy of history. He edited several national revolutionary anthologies. A circle of nationalist journalists from very different wings formed around him, from the later National Socialists to the national Bolshevik Ernst Niekisch. According to Heimo Schwilk , it was the sweeping momentum and glowing idealism that made his magazine articles and appeals so seductive for young people, especially in the prosperous years of the Weimar Republic, that even political opponents could not deny him recognition.

In circles that cannot be assigned to the nationalist spectrum, Jünger's 1929 essay “Nationalism” and Nationalism in the left-liberal Das Tages-Buch became aware of him. Leopold Schwarzschild replicated under the title Heroism Out of Boredom and criticized that the young nationalism was not constructive. In 1930 the essay Die totale Mobilmachung was published , one of Jünger's attempts to try out a new approach to reality after the political failure of the new nationalism. Walter Benjamin took the volume War and Warriors , in which this essay appeared, as an opportunity to accuse Jünger and his co-authors that their horizons were determined by war. They knew nothing of peace. "Under the mask of first the volunteer in the world war, then the mercenary in the post-war" is the "reliable fascist class warrior". Klaus Mann discussed Jünger as a type in the context of the pan-European idea. A united Europe is the only way to avoid another war. This contrasts with “the sympathy of the youth with terror” and entice disciples “with their pathetic bloodthirsty hatred of civilization”.

Jünger distanced himself from right-wing anti-modernism as well as from the biological racism of the nationalist movement . In Der Arbeiter he made use of biological, social Darwinian imagery and spoke of “a new race” that comes about through “breeding” and “selection”. Under “a very uniform race” as a central feature of the future nationalist state, however, Jünger understood the “race of the trenches”, i.e. the soldiers at the front of the First World War. For disciples, the “blood” represented a countervailing power to the “intellect”, so that the “bloodiness” of an attitude or movement was not a question of descent for him, but a question of faith and sacrifice.

“We therefore reject those endeavors which seek to support the concepts of race and blood intellectually. Wanting to prove the value of blood through the brain, through the means of modern natural science, that is, to let the servant beget for the master. We don't want to hear about chemical reactions, blood injections, skull shapes and Aryan profiles. All of this must degenerate into mischief and splitting hairs and opens the intellect the gates of entry into the realm of values, which it can only destroy but never understand. "

- Ernst Jünger : The blood . In: Standarte , April 29, 1926.

“Blood” was a central concept of the right-wing intellectual anti-intellectualism Jünger and the “blood community” was an alternative to the “spiritual community” of the intellect.

Even if Jünger did not advocate racial anti-Semitism , anti-Semitic stereotypes can nonetheless be found in his nationalistic texts. The Jews are always assigned to the hostile camp, liberalism, pacifism and intentionalism. With Jünger they cannot participate in the Germanness; the “Jewish question” would be settled if Germanness were to be expressed in purity. In his essay Nationalism and the Jewish Question (1930), for example, he writes:

“The Jew, however, is not the father, he is the son of liberalism, just as he cannot play a creative role in anything as far as German life is concerned, neither in good nor in bad. In order to be able to become dangerous, contagious, destructive, a condition was first necessary for him that made him possible in his new form, in the form of the civilizing Jew. This state of affairs was created by liberalism, which made the great declaration of independence of the spirit, and it will not be ended again by any other event than the utter bankruptcy of liberalism. [...] To the same extent as the German will gains in sharpness and shape, even the slightest delusion of being able to be German in Germany will become more incomprehensible for the Jew, and he will find himself faced with his last alternative, which is: to either be Jewish or not to be in Germany. "

- Ernst Jünger : On nationalism and the Jewish question. In: Süddeutsche Monatshefte 27, 1930.

These statements are to be seen in connection with his radical "anti-liberalism and anti-democracy" (Harro Segeberg) and are therefore primarily directed against the assimilation of German Jews , whom he disqualifies as "civilization Jews "; Like his brother Friedrich Georg and other national revolutionaries, Jünger preferred Orthodox Judaism and later modern Zionism : Franz Schauwecker and Friedrich Hielscher, for example, spoke particularly in favor of Martin Buber's spiritual Zionism.

In 1931 Jünger moved to Berlin's Dortmunder Strasse , near Bellevue , and in 1932 to Berlin-Steglitz . In the spring of 1932, Jünger's father joined the NSDAP. According to Helmuth Kiesel's assumption, Georg Jünger “did not - or not only - follow his political convictions, but gave in to the pressure that was exerted on his peers and that was enormous.” In November 1932, at the height of the political and social Crisis of the Weimar Republic, Jünger's extensive essay Der Arbeiter appeared. Rule and form in which he pleaded for a hierarchical, authoritarian, dictatorial, perhaps totalitarian state. According to Kiesel, Jünger believed that he could remedy the needs and injustices of the time with technocratic means, through organization and the use of machines.

Attitude during the Nazi era

Withdrawal from politics

After the NSDAP came to power in 1933 (according to the unconfirmed statement by Paetel) it tried again in vain to win Ernst Jünger over. On April 12, 1933, Jünger's apartment was searched by two police officers due to his contacts with Erich Mühsam . Jünger later recalled that they had broken off the operation when they came across letters from Hess and Hitler. After that, Jünger destroyed his diaries since 1919, poems, most of his correspondence and his records of political events. In November 1933 he moved with his family to Goslar, where his second son Alexander was born in 1934.

In November 1933, Jünger refused admission to the newly occupied German Academy of Poetry in Berlin, for which Hans Grimm had proposed him, refused the Reich broadcaster Leipzig and in June 1934 forbade unauthorized copies of his writings in the Völkischer Beobachter . Jünger explained his willingness to “participate positively in the new state” to the President of the Poet Academy, Werner Beumelburg . For Daniel Morat, this letter was primarily of a tactical nature. He also considers a text from Jünger in the news paper for the knights of the order “Pour le Merite” from September 1933 in the affirmative of the Nazi state to be “lip service”.

According to Steffen Martus , there could be no doubt about Jünger's distance from the Nazi regime, despite all the closeness to National Socialism before 1933. This did not affect Jünger's career. He was a recognized, selling author during the 1930s. His works were discussed favorably and selection editions of his world war publications were organized. His new works appeared in several editions, the marble cliffs from around 1939 to 1942 in six editions. From 1942 after an intervention by Goebbels he was refused the paper for printing. Michael Ansel argues that his acceptance made it possible for Jünger to provocatively distance himself, as with the rejected academy call, especially since he did not publicly take a position vis-à-vis the new rulers. In contrast to Gottfried Benn , for example , Jünger benefited from his political capital as a visionary of a strong nationalist Germany and from the interpretation of the worker as a fascist program. However, since Jünger did not allow himself to be co-opted as the cultural-political representative of National Socialism, the Jünger opponents within the Nazi regime finally gained the upper hand, but did not officially ostracize him, but instead prevented his publications with the argument of paper shortages.

After the war, Ernst Niekisch stated that Jünger had made his apartment in Goslar available for conspiratorial meetings of the resistance group around Niekisch in 1936 and most recently at the beginning of February 1937. However, on October 18, 1936, Jünger went on a trip to South America , from which he never returned to Goslar. After his return on December 15, 1936, he moved straight to Überlingen on Lake Constance in the house that his wife Greta had rented in the meantime. After Niekisch's arrest in March 1937, the Jünger brothers were interrogated by the Gestapo and burned their correspondence with Niekisch. Without much success they tried to give Niekisch and his wife possible support.

During his time in Überlingen, Jünger made three to four remarkable trips. He visited Alfred Kubin in Zwickledt , stayed in Rhodes for six weeks and met Joseph Breitbach in Paris . Through his mediation, Jünger met Julien Green , André Gide and Jean Schlumberger . During this time, Gerhard Nebel and Stefan Andres also joined Jünger's circle of friends. From 1939 Jünger lived in Kirchhorst near Hanover. In the same year he published his story Auf den Marmorklippen , which is often interpreted as a covert criticism of Hitler's tyranny. However, Jünger himself fought his life against the interpretation of the marble cliffs as a book of resistance against National Socialism. Rather, he saw in Auf den Marmorklippen a work that can be related to several state systems, for example also to the Stalinist system in the Soviet Union , and therefore did not want to fix it explicitly on the National Socialist state in Germany and thus restrict the freedom of interpretation. Kiesel reads the “marble cliffs” as a respectable testimony to the distancing itself, which, however, gave the idea of ​​an assassination a “clear rejection”. He interprets the move to Kirchhorst near Hanover as a clever strategy to be “in the catchment area of ​​his old unit in the event of mobilization”.

Occupation officer in Paris

The Hôtel Raphael in Paris, where Jünger lived from June 1941

Shortly before the start of the Second World War , Jünger was drafted into the Wehrmacht and promoted to captain in August 1939 . November 1939 to the end of April 1940 he did as a company commander at the West Wall near Greffern and Iffezheim , opposite the Maginot Line service. During this time he was awarded the Iron Cross 2nd class clasp for rescuing a wounded man . In 1941 his unit was relocated to Paris . Ernst Jünger joined the staff of the Military Commander-in-Chief of France (MBF) under Otto von Stülpnagel , later chief of the General Staff of Army Group B , where he was responsible for censoring letters in the IC department, among other things , in the summer of that year, against the resistance of Wilhelm Keitel . The staff was at the time in the Parisian Hôtel Majestic on avenue Kléber at the Arc de Triomphe . Jünger had his office there until the summer of 1944 and lived next to it in the luxury hotel "Raphael". As an important contemporary document of a German, non-National Socialist view of the Second World War, the Paris diaries were created, which found their way into the book Radiation in 1949 after the diary of the French campaign had already appeared in 1942 under the title Gardens and Streets .

Jünger's Parisian form of existence has often been described as dandy. The detailed descriptions of his reading and his forays through the Parisian antiquarian bookshops, his tea hours with the ladies and his evenings in the salons of collaboration culture are after the war, despite the self-invitation, "in no moment to forget that I am unfortunate, from I am surrounded to the depths of the suffering ”, has been criticized many times. You lived well with champagne and oysters . He was in close proximity to power, as Jörg Magenau emphasizes, but he pretended not to be one of them himself. On May 29, 1941, he witnessed the execution of a German deserter . Daniel Morat compared this passage of the radiations with Jünger's original diaries and judged that he largely suppressed his own function as the chief officer of this shooting in the publication and stylized himself as an observer driven purely by “higher curiosity”. Jünger was also occasionally portrayed as a sexual privateer. He went to a cinema with a pretty clerk from a department store and touched her breast there, while German tanks rolled through the sand of North Africa on the front screen. He visited a “southern milliner” in her attic, who reminded him of the lace floor of a theater and whose bedroom was completely filled with the bed. But, as Helmuth Kiesel emphasizes, above all he had a close relationship with the “ half-Jewish ” Sophie Ravoux. Kiesel also defends Jünger against accusations of aestheticism and amoralism . He suffered in particular from the hostage shootings . He translated farewell letters from hostages who had been sentenced to death on the occasion of the Nantes attack in October 1941.

He had met many French writers in Paris, such as Jean Cocteau , Henry de Montherlant , Jean Paulhan and Louis-Ferdinand Céline , whom he was curious about. On the afternoon of December 7, 1941, at the German Institute , he met Celine, who astonished him with wild anti-Semitic speeches. In his diary, Jünger expressed his disgust for “such people”. On June 7, 1942, he met the yellow star for the first time in the Rue Royale , worn by three young girls, and noted: “I was immediately embarrassed that I was in uniform.” The French doctor Germain Sée reported that he was was greeted militarily by a German officer on avenue Kléber in June 1942 when he was wearing the star. Jünger confirmed this after the war and wrote to Sée that he had "always greeted the star".

In 1942 work began on the appeal Der Friede, which was intended as an appeal to the youth of Europe after Hitler was overthrown. At that time Jünger belonged to the staff department of the military commander in France, the general of the infantry and later resistance fighter Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel . Stülpnagel sent Jünger to the Caucasus on November 21, 1942  - allegedly to investigate the morale of the troops before a possible assassination attempt on Adolf Hitler. There Jünger continued his diary under the title Caucasian notes , which were also included in the radiations . On New Year's Eve, the disgust at the murders committed there by “ Einsatzgruppen ” carried over to the military itself: “A disgust then seizes me for the uniforms, the shoulder pieces, the medals, the wine, the weapons, whose shine I am so loved. ”The Caucasus became a disaster for the perception program it had developed in“ Arbeiter ”, among others. He returned to Paris on January 9, 1943.

On May 26, 1944, Jünger himself described his “disgust” as “weakness” and admonished himself to look at “something like that” “like the doctor looks at the sick person”, ie to resume his perception program which had collapsed in the Caucasus. In the diary entry of May 27, 1944, he records how he observed an Allied air raid from the roof of the Raphael Hotel, partly through "a glass of Burgundy with strawberries floating in it". In the 1982 Spiegel interview, however, he spoke of a champagne glass filled with champagne. Tobias Wimbauer argues that there was probably no bombing at sundown that day. Jünger must have invented (or falsely remembered) the scene, resorted to literary models of decadence in Oscar Wilde and Marcel Proust , and allegorically addressed the marriage crisis triggered by a Parisian love affair. The fascination with the war drama was deliberately transferred by Jünger into a literary aesthetic of pleasure. Daniel Morat criticizes Wimbauer's thesis as an "attempt to absolve you and thus disciples of the accusation of violent aesthetics by pointing to the literary nature of this scene".

Contacts to the resistance

Jünger came into contact with resistance groups within the Wehrmacht and witnessed the clashes between NSDAP offices and the Wehrmacht in occupied France. He knew many of those involved in the assassination attempt of July 20, 1944 and may have suspected something of the preparations of the conspirators. After the failure of the Valkyrie company, Jünger noted in his Second Paris Diary without comment a statement made in a conversation with him by Max Hattingen , captain in the Paris General Staff, who summarized the event with the words: "The giant snake was in the sack and let out again". Hattingen used to describe the fact that Stülpnagel had initially succeeded in arresting the most important functionaries and leaders of the SS , SD and Gestapo in Paris , only to set them free again after the failure of the assassination attempt was certain.

Homecoming and fate of the son

After Operation Overlord and the Allied liberation of Paris , Jünger left the French capital with the withdrawing German troops and returned to Germany, where he was regularly discharged from the Wehrmacht as a captain at the age of 49 in September 1944. He retired to Kirchhorst in Lower Saxony, where, towards the end of the war, as Volkssturm commander, he ordered no resistance to the advancing Allied troops.

Jünger's son Ernst, called Ernstel, was arrested in 1944 at the age of 17 together with his friend Wolf Jobst Siedler in the boarding school Hermann Lietz-Schule Spiekeroog , where they went to school. The students also worked there as naval helpers . A classmate had denounced them to a superior service with the report that they had made "continually critical and defeatist " remarks while on duty for the Navy . Ernstel even u. a. said, "Hitler must be 'hanged'". These were serious offenses during the National Socialist era and there was a risk that there would be criminal proceedings before the People's Court, in which such statements were usually punished with the death penalty. But thanks to the intercession of Ernstel's father with the two boys' military superiors, a court martial took place in which both were only sentenced to prison terms and released on parole six months later . Ernstel volunteered at the tank grenadiers of an SS unit to avoid being arrested by the Gestapo. On November 29, 1944, he fell in Italy near Carrara . For a long time Ernst Jünger and his wife had doubts whether their son had actually been " liquidated ".

post war period

Publication ban

The Jünger House in Wilflingen
Ernst Jünger's desk in Wilflingen

After the war, Jünger refused to fill out the Allied questionnaire for the so-called denazification and was subsequently banned from publication in the British occupation zone until 1949 . He accepted the fact that he was considered “burdened” and seen as a pioneer of National Socialism and wanted to see it as an award. He was eagerly waiting for the "Friedensschrift" to appear in Germany, where from 1946 an edition printed in Amsterdam was in circulation. In 1948 he moved to Ravensburg in the French occupation zone and a little later at the personal invitation of Friedrich von Stauffenberg to Wilflingen , a district of the municipality of Langenenslingen in the district of Biberach in Upper Swabia . Jünger lived there from 1951 until his death in the forester's lodge of the former chief forester of the Schenken von Stauffenberg, built in 1727 by the Prince-Bishop of Konstanz and Augsburg Johann Franz Schenk Freiherr von Stauffenberg .

Jünger became aware of the young journalist Armin Mohler , because he had published a very positive article about him in the Weltwoche in 1946 . From 1949 to 1953 Mohler was Jünger's private secretary. In 1949 Jünger met the LSD discoverer Albert Hofmann . Together they both experimented with the drug. Jünger then wrote a book about his experiences with LSD ( visit to Godenholm ) .

Late work

After the ban on publication was lifted in 1949, the Strahlungen appeared, which became the bestseller of the year in Germany . In a few weeks, 20,000 copies of the diary were sold. The second work was published in autumn 1949, the novel Heliopolis , on which Jünger worked from January 1947 to March 1949. Heliopolis praises Kiesel as an out of date "great novel". However, unlike Peter Koslowski , he does not value the later work as a great philosophy of history compared to the early work.

In 1951 Jünger's essay Der Waldgang was written , a kind of primer of resistance against totalitarianism and adaptation. The continuation and conclusion of this topic can be seen in the novel Eumeswil , published in 1977 , in which Jünger erected “the building of his world wisdom” (Armin Mohler). In it he developed the figure of the forest walker to that of the anarch , mainly referring to Max Stirner and his 1844 book The Single and His Property . From 1959 to 1971, Jünger and Mircea Eliade were the publisher of the cultural magazine Antaios, published by Ernst Klett Verlag .

After the death of his first wife Gretha (1960), Jünger married Liselotte Lohrer (1917–2010), who had a doctorate in German studies in 1962 , who, among other things, set up and looked after the Cotta Archive in the German Literature Archive . In his writings, Jünger usually uses her nickname to refer to them as “the little bull”. She was also involved in the edition of her husband's works at Klett-Cotta. Ernst Jünger's brother Friedrich Georg died on July 20, 1977.

Goethe Prize and international recognition

On May 17, 1982 the board of trustees of the Frankfurt Goethe Prize decided to honor Ernst Jünger. The idea originally came from Rudolf Hirsch , a Jewish writer who emigrated from Germany in 1933 and saw in Jünger an internal resistanceist of the Nazi regime. The Greens protested in the city parliament: “It is relatively indifferent to us whether Ernst Jünger is a good or a bad writer. He was undisputedly an ideological pioneer of fascism and a bearer of National Socialism from head to toe. A war-glorifier and avowed enemy of democracy. He was and is a thoroughly immoral person. ”For the award ceremony on August 28, 1982 in Frankfurt's Paulskirche , the symbol of German democracy, the police were well prepared. Outside, the Greens had organized a large demonstration. Almost all of the political prominence was missing from the Paulskirche itself. Younger and cultural department head Hilmar Hoffmann ( SPD ) had to walk through a line of protesting opponents who threw eggs and tomatoes, although Hoffmann had spoken out against the price. Sentences from early works were countered to disciples on banners and leaflets, such as: "I hate democracy like the plague."

Ernst Jünger in 1984 with the publisher Ernst Klett

Ernst Jünger traveled and wrote until shortly before his death. In Paris he visited the philosopher Jean Beaufret . Some trips between 1929 and 1964 were recorded in Jünger's eleven travel diaries . The crime story A Dangerous Encounter was published in 1985. In 1986 he traveled to Kuala Lumpur to see Halley's Comet for the second time in his life . He reports on this in the diary Zwei Mal Halley, which also forms part of his major diaric work Seventy Gone Away . Jünger started this age diary after his 70th birthday (1965) and continued it until the spring of 1996.

Disciple's grave in Wilflingen

On July 20, 1993 the then French President François Mitterrand and the then German Chancellor Helmut Kohl visited Jünger in the Stauffenberg forest house in Wilflingen. On September 26, 1996, Ernst Jünger converted to the Roman Catholic faith . It was only after he died in 1998 at the age of 102 in the hospital in Riedlingen that his conversion became known. 2,000 people attended Ernst Jünger's funeral, including Erwin Teufel , Minister-President of Baden-Württemberg, a representative of the German government in Bonn and five generals of the German Armed Forces .

In memory of Ernst Jünger, the Aachen sculptor Wolf Ritz made a bust that was initially set up in Wilflingen, but has since been taken over by the German Literature Archive in Marbach.

Orders and honors

Memorial plaque in Wilflingen

On the occasion of Ernst Jünger's 90th birthday, the State of Baden-Württemberg founded the Ernst Jünger Prize for Entomology in 1985 with the consent of the writer . Since 1986, every three years, scientists have been honored who have distinguished themselves with outstanding work in the field of entomology . Ernst Jünger was the last living bearer of the Pour le Mérite in the military class and thus also the last recipient of an honorary salary according to Section 11 of the Law on Titles, Orders and Medals of Honor from 1957.

reception

Ernst Jünger is "the most controversial German writer of the 20th century" ( Sven-Olaf Berggötz ), if not Germany's most controversial author. While his critics accuse him of having worked as an intellectual pioneer of National Socialism with his nationalistic early work, his writings were initially praised mainly for their aesthetic quality.

Relationship to National Socialism

Ernst Jünger was regarded by many of his contemporaries in the 1920s and 1930s as a National Socialist or "Nazi-like" writer. Ernst Günther Gründel counted him in 1932 as the “orthodox wing of the NSDAP” and, together with Niekisch, Schauwecker , Albrecht Erich Günther and Gregor Strasser, considered him a “national communist”. Jünger's relationship to National Socialism appeared contradictory. Ernst Niekisch, who was in open opposition to the Nazi regime, accused him, when it came to the question of belonging to the “Bolshevik or fascist front”, of having evaded “inwardness”. Arnolt Bronnen, who stood on the fascist side on this issue and was against the opposition of the Jünger Circle to the regime, pointed out that the “ catechism ” of this circle “ already contained the entire ideology of the ” in a form trained on Nietzsche and George National Socialism from Hitler to Goebbels and Rosenberg ”. His admiration for disciples is the reason for his turning to the coming National Socialist movement. For the National Socialists, however, “Der Arbeiter” was a scandalous book , if only because Jünger denied “the basic question of all existence […], the problem of blood and soil ”, as Thilo von Trotha criticized in the Völkischer Beobachter on October 22, 1932 . With his literary work, Ernst Jünger is approaching the “zone of headshots”, it was said threateningly. On the other hand, the “worker” was celebrated by a communist leader like Karl Radek . He even tried to convince his KPD friends that winning Ernst Jünger was worth more than all the new votes put together.

After 1933, Siegfried Marck , Hermann Rauschning , Golo Mann and Karl Löwith saw in Jünger a pioneer of the German catastrophe. In the Volksbrockhaus 1941 you can read: "[Ernst Jünger] opposed nationalistic and heroic ideas to the bourgeois spirit in his works, especially his war books [...]". Karl Otto Paetel, who wanted to convince of Jünger's attitude critical of the regime, wrote in 1943 in the émigré magazine Deutsche Blätter , “that Ernst Jünger really never bothered about politics of the day”. Carl Zuckmayer's positive assessment of Jüngers in his 1943/44 secret report for the American secret service Office of Strategic Services (OSS) was based, as he himself admits, essentially on Paetel's essay.

The reception of Jünger after the Second World War is shaped by the fact that for many - even if he is granted a morally impeccable attitude - he was an intellectual or "apolitical-political" ( Volker C. Dörr ) pioneer of Nazi fascism and so is considered disavowed. The Kulturbund for the Democratic Renewal of Germany , which was founded in the Soviet occupation zone , took up the "Jünger case" in a discussion event on the first anniversary of the end of the war. A little later, the young SED literary critic Wolfgang Harich went over to the journalistic frontal attack, whereupon numerous apologists and critics in the western zones took a public position. The fierce attacks from the ranks of the Kulturbund aimed to portray Jünger as supporters of an emerging West German state . As after him Paul Rilla , Wolfgang Weyrauch and Kurt Hiller accused Wolfgang Harich in the East Berlin construction , in the West Berlin courier as well as in the Daily Rundschau Jünger with reference to the Terre des Hommes interview and the "Friedensschrift" " To have made a blunt Western bloc offer to western allies ". Harich thereupon demanded in July 1946 that “this man's handicraft should be put down”, since in his work “the inner putrefaction of an intellect that stinks to heaven” is revealed. And further: "The glowing out of this festering source of infection from the German intellectual life of the present [...] should no longer be disputable as a hygienic necessity." Paul Rilla described Jünger as an "opponent of National Socialism, whose pacemaker he was," and concluded from this, Jünger As a figure of identification, it offered the possibility of "distancing oneself backwards from Hitlerism", so that it is currently again "the pacemaker of that camouflaged reaction", "which asserts its opposition to Hitler in order to fish in the murky all the more unabashedly".

Already at the beginning of May 1946 Karl Korn had been vehemently committed to Jünger in a public discussion (moderated by Niekisch). For example, he responded to Wolfgang Harich's polemical allegations with a lively apology by the author. In Jünger one can see an exemplary “figure of transition” whose “authentic calls” for “lost salvation” can be found in Germany's moral self-renewal beyond the guidelines of East and West. Likewise, in 1946 the national Bolshevik Karl Otto Paetel referred "to the figure of the 'national revolutionary' writer Ernst Jünger as an example of the existence of an 'Other Germany'". He regarded on the marble cliffs and gardens and streets as "the most important anti-Nazi documents that were created in the Third Reich". It is going too far to call Jünger “Nazi followers ” because of his patriotism . With this, Paetel turned against the collective guilt thinking , which was widespread at the time. Towards the end of the third circular “to the friends” of September 1, 1946, Jünger asked that he was curious as to whether his opponents would succeed in making him “the father of the church of the Third Reich”.

Logo of the Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk

In September 1946, the journalist Axel Eggebrecht declared Jünger to be a pioneer of National Socialism in the radio program “Am Runden Tisch” on the North West German Broadcasting Corporation ; up to a certain point in time he might even have been aware of this, out of an “aesthetic delight in the violent forces of destruction”. He saw in the writer an "unconscious pre-Nazi", of "an inner change could not be talked about". However, Walther von Hollander and Herbert Blank considered Jünger to be an "opponent of National Socialism". For Gottfried Stein he “stood against Hitlerism at all times in word and attitude.” Jünger, as the only war author, wanted to “fathom and serve” the meaning of war. For Manfred Michler , too , he was an opponent of Hitler. After the unsuccessful assassination attempt by Hitler , Jünger escaped, Michler claimed, "as if by a miracle of arrest, but he will be released from military service." However, according to Frank Thiess , Jünger had "attached a certain meaning to the war". The socialist educational scientist Heinz-Joachim Heydorn took on a “mediating position”: he also saw in Jünger an, albeit essentially unconscious, forerunner of National Socialism; he too did not believe in its inner turn, rejected the peace treatise, but “still expected important work for the future of Jünger. ”In 1946, articles on the Jünger case were published in almost all cultural-political journals. While Jünger was criticized as pioneers of fascism in liberal exile and by communist resistance fighters, a "hope" directed towards him was articulated in all other magazines ( Dieter Bassermann ). Jünger was seen as the prototype of the “change” (Johannes R. Becher) of German nationalism into the occidental, political into the European, ideological into the Christian. The student Karl Friedrich Baedeker wrote in the Hamburger Akademischen Rundschau that Jünger is "the only figure that young people do not immediately pass by when looking for spiritual guidance". Baedeker emphasized the “attitude without dogmas and programs” as specifically occidental. Also presented Hans-Hermann Grothoff in Hamburg student magazine out the "theory hostility" of the spiritual leader disciples. In 1949, at the beginning of his radiations , Jünger confronted his critics with self-interpretation as a distanced observer of the catastrophe: “After the earthquake , you hit the seismograph . However, you ca n't let the barometers atone for the typhoons if you don't want to be among the primitives. "

Hannah Arendt described him in 1950 as a person of "undoubted integrity" . Despite the "undeniable" influence that his earlier work had on some members of the Nazi intelligentsia, he was "from the first to the last day" of the regime a " active Nazi opponent ”. According to Wilhelm Grenzmann , the special representation consists in his function as “a herald of our errors, yes, our fates”. According to Karl Prümm, Grenzmann's remark made a "psychological constant" of post-war reception visible. His readers largely shared Jünger's path to anti-democratic and authoritarian engagement up to the immediate vicinity of National Socialism. Their identification with his “resistance”, his “change”, which was so clear after 1945, made the “collective acquittal” possible and saved the “self-critical examination of the past”. In National Socialism, Jünger ultimately recognized the embodiment of all those tendencies which he fought all his life and which with their egalitarian ideas prepared the ground for fascism by leveling the hierarchies: nihilism , belief in technology and progress , Americanism and above all democracy and liberalism . Jünger did not subject his own role during the struggle against the Weimar Republic to any critical examination. Helmut Peitsch also judges : Jünger embodied what would be programmed as a literary function, the Germans moved from catastrophe to catharsis . His "self-staging" corresponds "optimally" to these conditions of effect, which lie in the literature. So he was in the bourgeois literary criticism of the Federal Republic of Germany mainly as an "adventurer" and stylist or as a "man of resistance" - the "nationalist resistance against the capitalist-democratic Europe of Versailles" and the "internal resistance" against the Hitler Reich - by the Tried to rehabilitate accusation of having been a literary pioneer of fascism.

Peter de Mendelssohn, on the other hand, claimed in 1953 from Jünger that by coining the term “total mobilization” he had given total mobilization “only actually existence and tangibility”. Christian E. Lewalter replied that Jünger's writings up to 1934 were merely “diagnoses of the time”. In fact, according to Hans-Peter Schwarz , until the 1930s he “did not only prophesy, but also postulate the warlike, national and socialist dictatorship”. In 1962, the Jünger critic Helmut Kaiser said that Jünger was a “pacemaker of the 'Third Reich'” in so far as his writings Die totale Mobilmachung (1931), Der Arbeiter (1932) and others helped develop the dictatorship “from him justified as a metaphysical direction of its time ”. Thomas Mann's claim that Jünger was a "pioneer of barbarism" only became known with the publication of his letters in 1963. As an authoritatively authenticated word, the judgment became a topos in the history of controversy in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. From a source-critical point of view, the validity of the judgment - and thus also the reference to it - was problematic in Lothar Bluhm's view , since Mann's apodictic assessment is not based on his own disciples' reading, but on hearsay and second-hand knowledge from family and friends would have. The question arose as to whether the inflated topos “trailblazer” is appropriate to adequately outline the role of an exposed writer in the prehistory of National Socialism. For example, the French Jüngerianer Jean-Michel Palmier wrote in 1968 that Ernst Jünger had "always and publicly dismissed National Socialism". Jakob Schissler also said in 1976: “Only a few of the existentialist statements from the nationalist camp can be viewed from this time as target-oriented, equipped with an awareness of future prospects.” An exception is Hans Freyer's conception , who may well have known which Forces for what purpose he launched; in the case of Niekisch and Jünger, “this cannot be clearly identified”. Karl Heinz Bohrer spoke of a “general, ideological-political charisma that is difficult to gauge” and stated that for Jünger “no other than aesthetic mode of perception” exists.

The award of the Goethe Prize in 1982 provided the immediate occasion for both violent controversies and an upswing in Jünger research. In Robert Wistrich's perspective, the “half romantic , half technocratic nationalism” made Jünger appear as “a protagonist and intellectual pioneer of National Socialism”. Rolf Hochhuth explained apologetically that a person's way of acting cannot be detached "from the epoch that determined his view, his thoughts and actions". The younger generation knows what has come after that, is wiser in this respect, but is not allowed to use this increase in knowledge morally, at least not judicially. Jünger criticized parliamentarianism at a time when the Weimar Republic was on top, which would be “morally justified, yes, necessary”. Peter Longerich presented the writings Die totale Mobilmachung and Der Arbeiter as “important evidence of prefascism”. In contrast to the negative assessment of Jünger by the New German Critique 1993, Martin Konitzer said in his book, also published in 1993, that Jünger “the German contradictions of this Century was able to integrate exemplarily ”. It is true that Jünger, like Carl Schmitt, was "undoubtedly" a "pioneer of dictatorship", said Rudolf Augstein in 1993: "But we believe that we know that all the intellectual pioneers together would not have been enough to pave the way for Hitler or to block him." Bruno Reimann , on the other hand, emphasized that even if “no single actor and author is responsible in a strictly linear sense”, “everyone who turned the national and right-wing radical prayer wheels ” had contributed - albeit to a different extent. He described Hochhuth's "Apology" as "blunt" and asked when the chronically threatened Weimar democracy would ever have been "on top". This is a “clear indication” that “fascism as a mental phenomenon” can in no way be regarded as a “historically closed fact”.

In 1995 the debate flared up again in the feature sections of German newspapers. The occasion was Jünger's 100th birthday, which was celebrated by Jüngerians with festschrifts. Karlheinz Weißmann wrote that “Jüngers gradually turned away from the NSDAP and then from political practice in general, following fundamental considerations. The abstractness of the contributions of his nationalist phase was always striking. In fact, the program remained vague in the true sense: For Jünger, 'nationalism' was a world view in the full sense of the word. ” Karlheinz Hasselbach emphasized how the early disciple was labeled a proto- fascist and his oeuvre was dismissed as“ fascist modernism ”(Russell Berman) In the anniversary year of 1975, Thomas Mann was declared a crypto-fascist because of his "upper class" . Elke Schmitter , on the other hand, thought that in the " Tyrannosaurus Jünger" he recognized the image of a "fascist" " chameleon ". His early works are "in perfect harmony with the worst of their time: laden and confused, whispering and gloomy". “He didn't deserve our talk soothingly,” said Christian Graf von Krockow , because “ after all , he was one of the desk doers of calamity”. Ralph Giordano wanted to hear his “Word on Auschwitz ” , and Jürgen Busche said that Jünger's early work only made “whispering sneaking about the secret, simple nonsense or metaphysics in overtones”. The Jüngerianer Jörg Sader criticized the "assumption" that Jünger was "the ideological forerunner of the Third Reich (and not just a formal supplier)." This contradicts the contradicting reception of his work, the effect of which would also have been "clearly barely ascertainable". Also described Thomas Nevin the classification as a pioneer disciple of Hitler as "absurd" because he rejected the racist ideology. The Encyclopedia of National Socialism still counted him among the "pioneers of National Socialism". Elliot Neaman judged that this designation was "imprecise and superficial" with regard to the reception of Jünger. The National Socialists disregarded the content of the publications Die totale Mobilmachung and Der Arbeiter .

The historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler emphasizes: "A figure like Jünger didn't even need to belong to the NSDAP to work as one of the intellectual grave diggers of the republic, celebrated by a huge community of readers." Jan Ipema judges: If one could speak of recognition of Hitler and his movement with Jünger, then this refers to Hitler's successful action against the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, not to National Socialism as a “doctrine”. According to Matthias Heilmann, the theory of unreservedly apostrophizing disciples as forerunners of the Nazi movement remains “questionable”. The French philosopher Emmanuel Faye, however, simply calls him a “Nazi” and “pervert”. Helmuth Kiesel judges that Jünger himself tended to fascism, which, however, should be distinguished from National Socialism. It is true that one should not overestimate the “power of the word”, but Jünger undeniably belongs under “the 'gravedigger' of the Weimar Republic and the 'pioneers' of the 'Third Reich'”. He should therefore be considered "in a very broad sense" ( Lutz Unterseher ) as one of the intellectual trailblazers of National Socialism.

Literary criticism

Jünger fascinated his readers and fellow writers while he was still alive, but also polarized them. One of the readers of the Stahlgewitter , André Gide , wrote in his diary on December 1, 1942: "undeniably the most beautiful war book I have read". Bertolt Brecht, on the other hand, denied Jünger any literary rank shortly after World War II: “Since he is no longer young himself, I would call him a writer for young people, but perhaps one shouldn't call him a writer at all, but rather say: He was seen writing . “The avant-garde Alfred Döblin just counted Jünger, Brecht and himself to the intellectual revolutionary movement within German literature. Even if Thomas Mann did not attack Jünger's literary rank, he judged Jünger in private letters in 1945 that he had been “a pioneer and ice-cold enjoyer of barbarism” who unfortunately “wrote too good German for Hitler's Germany”. In 1948 Alfred Andersch put forward the thesis that Jünger's importance was not least due to his controversy. Without further ado, he called him “the last of the large series of Thomas Mann, Franz Kafka , Gottfried Benn and Bertolt Brecht”.

Authors such as Heiner Müller and Rolf Hochhuth sought a connection with the old disciple. Jünger's writings are widespread internationally and, in contrast to the situation in Germany, their reception is less focused on Jünger's political journalism. His early writings were translated into numerous languages. The glorification of violence and his idealization of masculinity in the form of the "warrior" were criticized in Jünger's writings from an early stage . Later, the disciple work was mostly from an aesthetic perspective rezipiert , the explosive political implications have been hidden. While in National Socialist Germany Auf den Marmorklippen was read as an easily decipherable criticism of the Nazi regime , Jünger's post-war texts were viewed as less politically relevant.

Karl Heinz Bohrer's 1978 study Aesthetics of Terror, which shows the interweaving of Jünger's texts with the European and American avant-garde , was a milestone in the scientific reception . As a result of this opening of research, Jünger - alongside Walter Benjamin , Siegfried Kracauer and others - received attention as a classic of modern media theory . This was followed by Virilio and Baudrillard, for example , in the course of post-structuralist theory formation in France . In the German-speaking countries, on the other hand, his aesthetic assessment as a stylist usually takes a back seat to the political one. The Jünger research wanted to avoid the risk of indirectly rehabilitating an author ostracized as a “pioneer of fascism” by ascribing literary qualities to him. Bohrer wrote:

“For it could be that the artistic talent of a writer breaks through against his own ideology. We think: That was the case with Jünger, whose general, ideological-political charisma, which is difficult to assess, should not obscure the specifics of his literary work. [...] In the radicalism with which the artistic imagination of conservative and decisionist authors are and have been subjected to an absolute suspicion of ideology, even that worldview seems to repeat itself which is so characteristic of the thinking of the pre-fascist epoch. "

More recently, works have emerged that - not least inspired by Bohrer's formal aesthetic analysis - dispense with the “well-known accusation of prefascism ” (Claudia Gerhards) and focus more on the literary dimensions of Jünger's work.

In 2008 in France, Jünger's diaries appeared in the prestigious “ Bibliothèque de la Pléiade ” series by Gallimard , which prompted the Franco-German writer Georges-Arthur Goldschmidt to an angry polemic: That, as Goldschmidt claimed in the Frankfurter Rundschau , “this one was a bit fascist "Grandiose mystagogue" is now placed among the beautiful spirits of the French literary heaven, the very last thing, the publication is a clear sign that in the "Pléiade" German emigration and resistance are being pushed into the background. It is, albeit unconsciously, about “a real rehabilitation of the German occupation of France ”, about an “eulogy of collaboration ”. The German-language literary criticism is also ambivalent in its assessment. Jünger had admirers such as Friedrich Sieburg and numerous opponents such as Fritz J. Raddatz . Marcel Reich-Ranicki said in 2011 in Die Welt: “I don't see an important novel by Jünger. I think that it owed its impact mainly to his personality, not his prose. Thomas Mann characterized him unsurpassably in 1945 [...] Jünger's work is alien to me. ”On the other hand, younger critics like Denis Scheck judged Jünger more positively.

Is rarely discussed his often unconventional choice of subject (in Heliopolis come Astronautics and a type of mobile phone before (the phonophore ), The Glass Bees describes nanotechnology, powered robot ). In addition, there are his scientific contributions to entomology . During his life, Jünger also dealt with the topic of drugs , also through his own drug experiences and the like. a. with opium , mescaline , cocaine and LSD , which he intensively in his 1970 book Approaches. Drugs and intoxication describes and is mentioned again and again in his notebooks and diaries. Jünger processes drug experiences in literary form, e.g. B. in Strahlungen (1949), Heliopolis (1949) and Visit to Godenholm (1952). Most of the time, Jünger took drugs in social circles and used doses that prevented excessive noise. In 2013 the Museum of Modern Literature devoted a comprehensive exhibition to Jünger's long-standing correspondence with Albert Hofmann , the discoverer of LSD.

The Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger Society bundles research and holds a symposium on the work of the Jünger brothers every year on the weekend before Easter.

estate

Part of Ernst Jünger's estate is in the German Literature Archive in Marbach am Neckar . Numerous leaves now show damage caused by self-adhesive tapes.

The cataloging of Ernst Jünger's extensive private library was completed in July 2018. There are over 10,000 volumes in the Jünger-Haus in Wilflingen and 4,600 volumes in the German Literature Archive in Marbach. In addition, more than 60 boxes with press materials as well as image and sound carriers from Jünger's possession were made accessible.

In 2010 the archive showed the exhibition Ernst Jünger. At the abyss with numerous exhibits from his life. Individual exhibits from Jünger's estate are part of the permanent exhibition in the Museum of Modern Literature in Marbach, for example his war diary, from which In Stahlgewittern later emerged, and his calendar.

Others

In 1998, the Deutsche Post dedicated a special stamp with his portrait to Ernst Jünger on the occasion of his death .

Exhibitions

Works

The fight as an inner experience. 1922.
War and warrior. 1930.

First publications

Diaries

Novels

stories

Essays

  • The fight as an inner experience . 1922.
  • The adventurous heart. Records by day and night. 1929 (selection from the 2nd version as Capriccios. Philipp Reclam jun., Stuttgart, 1953, ISBN 3-15-007796-6 ).
  • The fight for the empire. 1929 (subject of the Freikorps ).
  • Total mobilization . 1930 (in the anthology War and Warriors , edited by Ernst Jünger, topic Freikorps).
  • The worker. Rule and form . 1932.
  • Leaves and stones. 1934.
  • The adventurous heart . Figures and capriccios. 2nd version, Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, Hamburg 1938, several editions there - also as a Wehrmacht edition, 1944 a special edition for the Reichskommissariat Ostland.
  • The peace. A word to the youth of Europe and the youth of the world. 1945.
  • Language and physique. 1947.
  • On the pebble beach. 1951.
  • Over the line. 1950.
  • The forest walk . 1951.
  • The Gordian knot. 1953.
  • The hourglass book. 1954.
  • Rivarol. 1956.
  • At the time wall . 1959.
  • The world state . 1960.
  • Type, name, shape. 1963.
  • December. Bois de Noel. 1964.
  • Border crossings. Essays. Talk. Dreams. 1966.
  • Subtle hunts. 1967.
  • Sgraffiti. 1969.
  • Ad hoc. 1970.
  • Approximations. Drugs and intoxication . 1970.
  • Dreams. Nocturnes. 1970.
  • Numbers and gods. Philemon and Baucis. Two essays. 1974.
  • Maxima-Minima, adnotes to the "worker". 1983.
  • Author and authorship . 1984.
  • Halley twice. 1987.
  • The scissors. 1990.
  • Serpentara. With woodcuts by Alfred Pohl . Passau 1991.
  • Forecasts. 1993.
  • White Nights. 1997.
  • On the hostage question. Description of the cases and their effects. Edited by Sven Olaf Berggötz , Klett-Cotta, 2011.

Work edition

A first edition of the work in 10 volumes was published by Klett-Cotta from 1960 to 1965 . From 1978 onwards, the edition of the Complete Works was published in 18 volumes with 4 supplement volumes, also by Klett-Cotta. This edition was reissued in 2015 as a paperback and e-book. Contents of the edition:

First department
Diaries
  • Volume 1: Diaries I. World War I: In Stahlgewittern / Das Wäldchen 125 / Fire and Blood / Outbreak of War 1914
  • Volume 2: Diaries II. Radiations I: Foreword / Gardens and Streets / The First Paris Diary / Caucasian Records
  • Volume 3: Diaries III. Radiations II: The Second Paris Diary / Kirchhorster Blätter / The Hut in the Vineyard (Years of Occupation)
  • Volume 4: Diaries IV. Radiations III. Gone Seventy I.
  • Volume 5: Diaries V. Radiations IV. Gone Seventy II
  • Volume 6: Diaries VI. Travel diaries: Dalmatian stay / Myrdun / From the golden shell / Atlantic journey / An island spring / At the Saracen tower / San Pietro / Serpentara / A morning in Antibes / Xylókastron / Svalbard
Second division
Essays
  • Volume 7: Essays I. Considerations at the moment: The struggle as an inner experience / Fire and movement / The total mobilization / About the pain / The peace / About the line / The forest walk / The Gordian knot / The world state / Address to Verdun
  • Volume 8: Essays II. The Worker: The Worker / Maxima - Minima / At the time wall
  • Volume 9: Essays III. The Adventurous Heart: Sicilian Letter to the Man in the Moon / To a Lost Friend / The Adventurous Heart - First Version / The Adventurous Heart - Second Version / Sgraffiti
  • Volume 10: Essays IV. Subtile Hunts: Subtile Hunts / Parerga to “Subtile Hunts”: Early drafts / Carabus rutilans / Researchers and lovers / Inspired by a picture book / To Adolf Horion
  • Volume 11: Essays V. Approaches: Approaches. Drugs and intoxication / Parerga to »approaches«: dog and cat / to gambling / potency and wealth / the Prussians and the war / books and readers / illness and demonia / notes on Walter's misfortune
  • Volume 12: Essays VI. Versions I: In Praise of Vowels / Language and Body Structure / The Hourglass Book / November / December / Sardinian Homeland / The Tree / Stones / Shuttlecocks / Philemon and Baucis / Around the Sinai / Epigrams / Mantrana
  • Volume 13: Essays VII. Versions II: On the pebble beach / Three pebbles / Versions / The Spanish moon horn / Type, name, shape / Boundaries / Sense and meaning / Numbers and gods / Dreams / Mirror image / About language and style / Author and authorship
  • Volume 14: Essays VIII. Ad hoc: Caspar René Gregory / Alfred Kubin's work: Epilogue to the correspondence, Die Staubdämonen / Obituary for André Gide / Birthday letter to William Matheson / Karl O. Paetel on his 50th birthday / To Friedrich Georg on his 65th birthday / To Friedrich Georg on his 70th birthday / Letter to Rehburg / Nelson's aspect / Memories of Henry Furst / Two visits. In memoriam Jean Schlumberger / Starting from Brümmerhof / Post to Princeton / Alonso de Contreras / Pieces of war from over there / Foreword to "Leaves and Stones" / Foreword to Hans Speidel's "Invasion 1944" / "Antaios". A program / speeches of thanks at the awarding of the Rudolf Alexander Schröder Prize, the Immermann Prize, the Strasbourg Prize, the Freiherr vom Stein Medal, the Schiller Prize of the State of Baden-Württemberg / Breakthrough? Paul Toinet / Rivarol / Paul Léautaud. "In Memoriam"
Third department
Narrative writings
  • Volume 15: Narrative writings I. Stories: Storm / African games / On the marble cliffs / The boar hunt / Visit to Godenholm / Transparent bees
  • Volume 16: Narrative writings II. Heliopolis: Heliopolis / Pieces on »Heliopolis«: The House of Letters / The Phantom Sling / The Desert Hike / About suicide / Ortner about the novel
  • Volume 17: Narrative Writings III. Eumeswil
  • Volume 18: Narrative Writings IV. Die Zwille: Die Zwille / Aladdin's Problem / A Dangerous Encounter (first prints of four chapters) / Autumn in Sardinia / Epilogues: On my own tracks - Post festum / Directories
Supplement volumes
  • Volume 19: Second Section. Essays IX. Versions III: Author and authorship / additions to author and authorship / notepad for “A Thousand and One Nights” / The Scissors / Change of Shape. A prognosis for the 21st century
  • Volume 20: First Division. Diaries VII. Radiations V: Gone Seventy III
  • Volume 21: First Division. Diaries VIII. Radiations VI: Gone Seventy IV
  • Volume 22. Late Works - From the estate: Seventy Gone V (Radiations VII) / A Dangerous Encounter From »The Face of World War« / On my own works: Forewords and Afterwords / Speeches and greetings / On Beetle Studies / Travel Notes / Poems / Princess Tarakanow / Last words / About Leibniz´ »Best of All Worlds« / Sp. R. Three ways to school / Translations and other things

Correspondence

(arranged alphabetically according to the correspondent)

Others

  • Ernst Jünger (Ed.): The Unforgotten . Justin Moser Verlag, Munich 1928. From Jünger's foreword: "I was happy to devote myself to the task of collecting the fates of a number of men who were torn from our midst by the war ..." (In the holdings of the German Literature Archive ).
  • Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919 to 1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven Olaf Berggötz. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2001, ISBN 3-608-93550-9 .
  • Ernst Jünger: On the hostage question. Description of the cases and their effects. With a foreword by Volker Schlöndorff . Edited by Sven Olaf Berggötz. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2011, ISBN 978-3-608-93938-5 .
  • Younger and France - a dangerous encounter? A Parisian conversation. With 60 letters from Ernst Jünger to Julien Hervier. By Julien Hervier and Alexander Pschera , translated from the French by Dorothée Pschera. Matthes & Seitz, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-88221-538-0 .
  • Aviation is a necessity. Published by Ernst Jünger under the protectorate of the German Aviation Association e. V., Wilhelm Andermann Verlag, Berlin 1930.

literature

Bibliographic resources and registers

Primary literature

Secondary literature

  • Thomas Amos: Ernst Jünger. Rowohlt, Reinbek 2011, ISBN 978-3-499-50715-1 .
  • Heinz Ludwig Arnold (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. edition text + kritik, Vol. 105/106, Munich 1990, ISBN 978-3-88377-359-9 .
  • Karl Heinz Bohrer : The Aesthetics of Terror. The pessimistic romanticism and Ernst Jünger's early work. Carl Hanser, Munich / Vienna 1978.
  • Kirsten Braselmann: The “Landsknecht avec phrase”: reactions from left-wing intellectuals and republicans during the Weimar Republic to Ernst Jünger's early work. WVB, Wissenschaftsverlag Berlin, Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-86573-714-4 (Dissertation Uni Osnabrück 2012).
  • Svend Buhl: “Here, light means sound” - synesthesia and stereoscopy in Ernst Jünger's diaries. R. Nenzel Verlag, Bonn 2003, ISBN 3-929035-06-5 .
  • Walter Brockmann: The Osnabrück ancestors of the writer Ernst Jünger. In: Osnabrücker Land 1991. Home year book of the KHB-Osnabrücker Land, ISSN  0171-2136 .
  • Oliver Demant: Between Action and Contemplation: Ernst Jünger's early work under the aspect of the development of individualistic and collectivistic perspectives as an attempt at coping with modernity. Dissertation.de, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-86624-355-2 ( Dissertation at the University of Munich 2008, 309 pages), online , (PDF; 2.8 MB)
  • Albert C. Eibl: The forest walk of the "adventurous heart". On Ernst Jünger's aesthetics of resistance in the shadow of the swastika. Winter, Heidelberg 2020, ISBN 978-3-8253-6957-6 .
  • Nicolai Glasenapp: Younger, Ernst. In: Lexicon of science fiction literature since 1900. With a look at Eastern Europe. Edited by Christoph F. Lorenz, Peter Lang, Frankfurt / Main 2016, ISBN 978-3-631-67236-5 , pp. 367–372.
  • Lutz Hagestedt (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Politics - Myth - Art. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2004, ISBN 3-11-018093-6 .
  • Ursula Hoffacker:  Younger, Ernst. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 3, Bautz, Herzberg 1992, ISBN 3-88309-035-2 , Sp. 773-777.
  • Herbert Holstein, Rainer Drewes: Younger roots in Bramsche. In: Osnabrücker Land 2009. Home year book of the KHB-Osnabrücker Land 2009, ISSN  1618-5757 .
  • Wolfgang Kaempfer : Ernst Jünger. (Monograph). Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart 1981.
  • Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Settlers, 2007, ISBN 3-88680-852-1 .
  • Peter Koslowski : The Myth of Modernity. The poetic philosophy of Ernst Jünger. Wilhelm Fink, Munich 1991.
  • Gisbert Kranz : Ernst Jünger's symbolic world show. Schwann, Düsseldorf 1968.
  • Dieter Krüger : Hans Speidel and Ernst Jünger. Friendship and history politics under the sign of the world wars. Edited by the Center for Military History and Social Sciences of the Bundeswehr, Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn 2016, ISBN 978-3-506-78567-1 .
  • Bernd A. Laska : Katechon and Anarch. Nürnberg, LSR, 1997, ISBN 3-922058-63-9 . (About Carl Schmitt and Ernst Jünger).
  • Helmut Lethen : The behavior of the cold. Life attempts between the wars. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1994, ISBN 3-518-11884-6 .
  • Bernard Maris : L'Homme dans la guerre. Maurice Genevoix face à Ernst Jünger. Éditions Grasset, Paris 2013, ISBN 978-2-246-80338-6 .
  • Steffen Martus : Ernst Jünger. JB Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2001, ISBN 3-476-10333-1 .
  • Martin Meyer : Ernst Jünger. Hanser, Munich 1990, ISBN 3-446-15904-5 .
  • Paul Noack : Ernst Jünger. A biography. Fest, Berlin 1998, ISBN 3-8286-0024-7 .
  • Ulrich Prill: "Everything was game for me" - Ernst Jünger as homo ludens. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2002, ISBN 3-8260-2355-2 .
  • Alexander Pschera : Colorful dust. Ernst Jünger in the backlight. Matthes & Seitz, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-88221-725-4 .
  • Heimo Schwilk : Ernst Jünger - A Century of Life. Piper Verlag, 2007.
  • Heimo Schwilk: Ernst Jünger - life and work in pictures and texts. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2010, ISBN 978-3-608-93842-5 .
  • Horst Seferens: “People from the day after tomorrow and from the day before yesterday”. Ernst Jünger's Iconography of the Counter-Enlightenment and the German Right after 1945. Philo Verlagsgesellschaft mbH 1998, ISBN 3-8257-0110-7 .
  • Martin Tielke : The silent civil war. Ernst Jünger and Carl Schmitt in the Third Reich. Landt Verlag, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-938844-08-3 .
  • Peter Trawny : The Authority of the Witness. Ernst Jünger's political work. Matthes & Seitz, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-88221-643-1 .
  • Joana van de Löcht: Notes from the Malstrom. The genesis of the "radiations" from Ernst Jünger's private diaries (1939–1958). Klostermann, Frankfurt a. M. 2018, ISBN 978-3-465-00616-9 .
  • Natalia Zarska, Gerald Diesener, Wojciech Kunicki (eds.): Ernst Jünger - A balance sheet. Leipziger Universitätsverlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86583-452-2 .
  • Wolfgang Beutin: Ernst Jünger. In: Award-Winning. Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt a. M. 2012, ISBN 978-3-631-63297-0 , pp. 105-132.
  • Jörg Magenau : Brothers under the stars: Friedrich Georg and Ernst Jünger; a biography. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2012, ISBN 978-3-608-93844-9 .
  • Gregor Eisenhauer : Antipodes: Ernst Jünger and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Rudolf Borchardt and Hugo von Hofmannsthal. Niemeyer, Tübingen 1998, ISBN 3-484-32099-0 (=  studies on German literary history. Volume 99).
  • Julien Hervier: Ernst Jünger: dans les tempêtes du siècle. Fayard, Paris, 2014.
  • Interview: Yes, good. André Müller speaks to the poet Ernst Jünger. In: Die Zeit , December 8, 1989, No. 50.
  • Michael Klein: Ernst Jünger, neo-Marxism and suicide. In: Ossietzky. No. 15 / 16-2011.
  • Max-Rainer Uhrig , Alexandre Sladkevich: Ernst Jünger in the Caucasus: A Eurasian Interlude. Ergon-Verlag, 2013, ISBN 978-3-89913-979-2 .
  • Peter Ullrich: Ernst Jünger in Olten . In: Oltner Neujahrsblätter, Vol. 63, 2005, pp. 79–81.

Movie

Web links

Commons : Ernst Jünger  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Biographical

About disciples

Remarks

  1. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, 2007, ISBN 3-88680-852-1 , p. 40.
  2. ^ Ralf Hoffrogge: Werner Scholem. A political biography (1895–1940). UVK Verlag, Konstanz 2014, pp. 15–41.
  3. War Volunteer, Fusilier Regiment 73, 9th Company; Prussian list of losses No. 228 of May 20, 1915, p. 6451 / German list of losses: slightly wounded .
  4. a b Quoted from Benjamin Ziemann: Violence in the First World War. Kill - Survive - Refuse. Klartext Verlag, Essen 2013, p. 121.
  5. ^ Leutnant, Fusilier Regiment 73, 2nd Company; Prussian list of losses No. 650 of October 4, 1916, p. 15280 / German list of losses: slightly wounded .
  6. lieutenant; Prussian list of losses No. 718 of December 23, 1916, p. 16940 / German list of losses: slightly wounded .
  7. Ernst Jünger: War Diaries 1914–1918. Edited and commented by Helmuth Kiesel. Klett-Cotta-Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-608-93843-2 .
  8. ^ Benjamin Ziemann: Violence in the First World War. Kill - Survive - Refuse. Klartext Verlag, Essen 2013, p. 121 f.
  9. Philipp Holstein: Ernst Jünger in the landscape of death. In: Rheinische Post , November 22, 2013, p. C7.
  10. Hermann Weiß (Ed.): Biographical Lexicon for the Third Reich . Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt 1998, ISBN 3-10-091052-4 , p. 245.
  11. Helmuth Kiesel: Was there a “right” avant-gardism? In: Ariane Hellinger, Barbara Waldkirch, Elisabeth Buchner, Helge Batt (eds.): Politics in art and art in politics. Wiesbaden 2013, p. 114.
  12. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 137.
  13. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 208.
  14. a b c d e f Matthias Schloßberger: Ernst Jünger and the 'Conservative Revolution'. Considerations on the occasion of the edition of his political writings. Review of: 'Jünger, Ernst: Politische Publizistik 1919 to 1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven Olaf Berggötz. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta 2001 '. In: IASL online (September 18, 2002).
  15. Norbert Staub: Risk without a world. Ernst Jünger's book The adventurous heart and its context. Würzburg, Königshausen & Neumann, 2000, p. 247 , note 36.
  16. Ernst Jünger: Revolution and Idea. In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 36.
  17. ^ Ulrich Fröschle : Oscillations between literature and politics. Ernst Jünger and the "word from the political poet". In: Lutz Hagestedt (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Politics - Myth - Art. De Gruyter, Berlin 2004, p. 123 f.
  18. Ernst Jünger-Friedrich Hielscher: Letters 1927–1985. Edited, commented and with an afterword by Ina Schmidt and Stefan Breuer, Klett-Cotta, p. 479.
  19. a b Heimo Schwilk : Afterword. In the S. (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Life and work in pictures and texts. Stuttgart 2010, p. 101.
  20. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, pp. 255 ff.
  21. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 229 ff.
  22. ^ A b Peter Longerich: Jünger, Ernst, Writer. In: Wolfgang Benz, Hermann Graml (Hrsg.): Biographisches Lexikon zur Weimarer Republik. CH Beck, Munich 1988, p. 164 f. (the quotations on p. 165).
  23. Ernst Jünger: Our politicians. In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 63 f.
  24. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 79 f.
  25. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 82.
  26. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 186.
  27. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 133.
  28. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 86 .
  29. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 124 f.
  30. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 117, 148, 151 .
  31. Ernst Jünger: Das Wäldchen 125. S. 185, quoted by Hans Sarkowicz , Alf Mentzer: Literature in Nazi Germany. A biographical lexicon. Extended new edition, Europa Verlag, Hamburg 2002, pp. 234–239 (quote: p. 235).
  32. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 151 .
  33. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 212.
  34. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 280.
  35. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 218.
  36. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 504 ff.
  37. ^ Frank Dietrich Wagner: Appeal to reason. Thomas Mann's German speech and Arnolt Bronnen's national attack in the crisis year 1930. In: Thomas Mann Yearbook. 13/2000, p. 53.
  38. ^ Hermann Kurzke : Republican Politics. In: Thomas Mann. Life as a work of art. Beck, Munich 2006, p. 366.
  39. Julien Hervier: Ernst Jünger. In the tempêtes du siècle. Fayard, Paris 2014, p. 101.
  40. ^ Letter to the editor in the FAZ of March 15, 2011, p. 19. Quoted from Till Kinzel : Ernst Jünger. Anthology. In: Informationsmittel (IFB), digital review organ for library and science. PDF.
  41. Heinz Ludwig Arnold (ed.): An adventurous heart: Ernst Jünger reading book. Edited and with memoirs by Heinz Ludwig Arnold. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2011, p. 22 f.
  42. ^ So Hermann Kurzke: Republican Politics. In: Thomas Mann. Life as a work of art. Beck, Munich 2006, p. 365.
  43. Quoted from Hermann Kurzke: Republican Politics. In: Thomas Mann. Life as a work of art. Beck, Munich 2006, p. 366.
  44. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 74.
  45. Ernst Jünger: The reaction. In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., With comments and an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 119–125, here p. 124.
  46. Ernst Jünger: Demarcation and connection. In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 167–175, here p. 77.
  47. Kai Köhler: After the defeat. German fascism, Ernst Jünger and the ›Gordian Knot‹. In: Lutz Hagestedt (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Politics - Myth - Art. De Gruyter, Berlin 2004, pp. 205–225, here p. 205.
  48. a b Ernst Jünger: The new type of German man. In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 167–175, here p. 169.
  49. Othmar Plöckinger: History of a book. Oldenbourg, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-486-57956-8 , p. 160.
  50. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 167–175, here pp. 180 f.
  51. Ernst Jünger: Unite! In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Edited, commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 214 f.
  52. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 61.
  53. Ernst Jünger: Unite! In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 219 f. and p. 228.
  54. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 75.
  55. Ernst Jünger: Nationalism and National Socialism. In: Ders .: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Edited, commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 317-320, here p. 319.
  56. ^ Karl Otto Paetel: Ernst Jünger. Way and effect. An introduction. Stuttgart 1949, p. 89.
  57. a b Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 343.
  58. Hans Sarkowicz, Alf Mentzer: Literature in Nazi Germany. A biographical lexicon. Extended new edition, Europa Verlag, Hamburg 2002, p. 236.
  59. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 295 f.
  60. Harro Segeberg: Revolutionary Nationalism. Ernst Jünger during the Weimar Republic. In: Helmut Scheuer (ed.): Poets and their nation. 1st edition, Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1993, pp. 327–342, here p. 329. Quoted from Norbert Staub: Wagnis ohne Welt. Ernst Jünger's book The adventurous heart and its context. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2000, p. 247 , note 36.
  61. Norbert Staub: Risk without a world. Ernst Jünger's book The adventurous heart and its context. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2000, p. 247 , note 37; Referring to Wojciech Kunicki : Projections of the Historical. Ernst Jünger's work on the versions of “In Stahlgewittern”. Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1993, p. 112.
  62. Quoted from Heimo Schwilk: Afterword. In the S. (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Life and work in pictures and texts. Stuttgart 2010, p. 106.
  63. ^ Daniel Morat: Ernst Niekisch . In: Matthias Schöning (Ed.): Ernst Jünger-Handbuch. Life - work - effect . Metzler, Stuttgart 2014, p. 389.
  64. Jan Robert Weber: The worker and his national Bolshevik implication . In: Andrea Benedetti, Lutz Hagestedt (ed.): Totality as fascination. Systematisation of the heterogeneous in Ernst Jünger's work . De Gruyter, Berlin 2018, pp. 435–464, here p. 459.
  65. Quoted in Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 300.
  66. a b Heimo Schwilk: Afterword. In the S. (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Life and work in pictures and texts. Stuttgart 2010, p. 76.
  67. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 342.
  68. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 320.
  69. ^ Jan Robert Weber: Aesthetics of Deceleration: Ernst Jünger's Travel Diaries (1934–1960). Berlin 2011, p. 54.
  70. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 288.
  71. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 292.
  72. Sven-Olaf Berggötz: Ernst Jünger and politics. In: Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 858.
  73. Wonseok Chung: Ernst Jünger and Goethe. An investigation into their aesthetic and literary affinities. Frankfurt am Main [u. a.] 2008, p. 342 .
  74. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 80.
  75. Heimo Schwilk: Afterword. In the S. (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Life and work in pictures and texts. Stuttgart 2010, p. 74.
  76. ^ Walter Delabar: The intellectual perception until 1945 In: Matthias Schöning (Hrsg.): Ernst Jünger-Handbuch. Life - work - effect . Metzler, Stuttgart 2014, p. 397.
  77. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 82.
  78. ^ Walter Delabar: The intellectual perception until 1945 In: Matthias Schöning (Hrsg.): Ernst Jünger-Handbuch. Life - work - effect . Metzler, Stuttgart 2014, p. 398.
  79. ^ Walter Delabar: The intellectual perception until 1945 In: Matthias Schöning (Hrsg.): Ernst Jünger-Handbuch. Life - work - effect . Metzler, Stuttgart 2014, p. 399.
  80. ^ Marianne Wünsch: Ernst Jünger's "Der Arbeiter". Basic positions and problems . In: Lutz Hagestedt (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Politics - Myth - Art . de Gruyter, Berlin 2004. pp. 459–476, here p. 469.
  81. ^ Sven Olaf Berggötz: Political Journalism 1923-1930 . In: Matthias Schöning (Ed.): Ernst Jünger-Handbuch. Life - work - effect . Metzler, Stuttgart 2014, pp. 78–86, here p. 83.
  82. ^ A b Daniel Morat: From action to serenity: conservative thinking in Martin Heidegger, Ernst Jünger and Friedrich Georg Jünger, 1920-1960 . Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, pp. 64-66.
  83. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism. 1919 to 1933 . Edited by Sven Olaf Berggötz. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2001, p. 193 f.
  84. ^ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity: conservative thinking in Martin Heidegger, Ernst Jünger and Friedrich Georg Jünger, 1920-1960 . Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 65 f.
  85. ^ Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism. 1919 to 1933 . Edited by Sven Olaf Berggötz. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2001, pp. 590, 592.
  86. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 344.
  87. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 397 f.
  88. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 409 f .; Steffen Martus: Ernst Jünger . JB Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2001, p. 61.
  89. a b Steffen Martus: Ernst Jünger . JB Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2001, p. 99.
  90. Steffen Martus: Ernst Jünger . JB Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2001, p. 62; Daniel Morat: From action to serenity: Conservative thinking in Martin Heidegger and Friedrich Georg Jünger 1920–1960 . Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 205.
  91. ^ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity: Conservative thinking with Martin Heidegger and Friedrich Georg Jünger 1920–1960 . Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 205.
  92. Steffen Martus: Ernst Jünger . JB Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2001, p. 61.
  93. Michael Ansel: The ostracized and the unmolested solitaire Gottfried Benn and Ernst Jünger's literary careers before and after 1933 . In: Lutz Hagestedt (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Politics - Myth - Art . Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2004, pp. 1–23, here pp. 2, 16.
  94. ^ A b Daniel Morat: From action to serenity: Conservative thinking in Martin Heidegger and Friedrich Georg Jünger 1920–1960 . Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 384.
  95. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 444.
  96. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 448 f.
  97. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, München 2007, p. 480. Quoted from the review by Reinhard Mehring in: Historische Literatur. Volume 5, 2007, Issue 4, p. 234. PDF.
  98. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 458. Quoted from the review by Reinhard Mehring in: Historische Literatur. Volume 5, 2007, Issue 4, p. 234. PDF.
  99. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, 2007, p. 456.
  100. Cf. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 259 f.
  101. a b Jörg Magenau: Brothers under the stars: Friedrich Georg and Ernst Jünger. A biography. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2012.
  102. Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 266.
  103. Quoted from the review by Reinhard Mehring in: Historische Literatur. Volume 5, 2007, Issue 4, p. 234. PDF.
  104. Sven Olaf Berggötz: Ernst Jünger and the hostages. Ernst Jünger's memorandum on the shooting of hostages in France in 1941/42. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte. 51 (2003), pp. 405-472. PDF.
  105. ^ Ernst Jünger: The first Paris diary. In: Ders .: Complete Works. Vol. 2: Diaries II, Radiations I. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2015, p. 218.
  106. Le Monde. August 11, 1996. Quoted from Philippe Barthelet: Le dernier chevalier. In the S. (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Lausanne 2000, p. 18.
  107. Quoted from Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, pp. 265-268.
  108. David Oels: Rowohlt's rotation routine. Market success and modernization of a book publisher from the end of the Weimar Republic to the 1950s. Klartext, Essen 2013, p. 183.
  109. Quoted from Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 265.
  110. See Christophe E. Fricker (Ed.): Ernst Jünger, André Müller. Conversations about pain, death and despair. Böhlau, Cologne 2015, p. 208.
  111. Cf. Tobias Wimbauer : Cups are bodies. The background of the »Strawberries in Burgundy« scene. In the S. (Ed.): Ernst Jünger in Paris. Ernst Jünger, Sophie Ravoux, the Burgundy scene and an execution. Eisenhut, Hagen-Berchum 2011, pp. 9–75. Quoted from Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 260.
  112. See Walter Bagatzky's report , quoted in Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, 2007, p. 498.
  113. "'Had the giant snake in the sack and let it out again', as the President said when we were negotiating with the doors closed in great excitement." Ernst Jünger: Radiations. Heliopolis-Verlag, Tübingen 1949, p. 540; to identify “the President” Tobias Wimbauer: Register of persons in Ernst Jünger's diaries. 3rd updated edition. Eisenhut, Hagen-Berchum 2010, p. 95.
  114. Hermann Weiß (Ed.): Biographical Lexicon for the Third Reich. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt 1998, ISBN 3-10-091052-4 , p. 246.
  115. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, 2007, ISBN 3-88680-852-1 , p. 527 f.
  116. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, 2007, ISBN 3-88680-852-1 , p. 529.
  117. ^ Jörg Magenau: Brothers under the stars: Friedrich Georg and Ernst Jünger. A biography. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2012, p. 191.
  118. See Christophe E. Fricker (Ed.): Ernst Jünger, André Müller. Conversations about pain, death and despair. Böhlau, Cologne 2015, p. 78.
  119. Helmut Peitsch: Germany's memory of its darkest time. On the function of autobiography in the western zones of Germany and the western sectors from Berlin 1945 to 1949. Berlin 1990, p. 233.
  120. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 506.
  121. Peter Koslowski: The Myth of Modernity. The poetic philosophy of Ernst Jünger. Munich 1993. Quoted from Reinhard Mehring in: Historische Literatur. Volume 5, 2007, Issue 4, pp. 234-236. PDF.
  122. Bernd A. Laska: "Katechon" and "Anarch". Carl Schmitt and Ernst Jünger's reactions to Max Stirner. LSR, Nuremberg 1997, ISBN 3-922058-63-9 . ( Content, sample, register ).
  123. ^ Ulrich van Loyen: Antaios. Magazine for a Free World . in: M. Schöning (Ed.): Ernst Jünger Handbook. Stuttgart: Metzler, 2004, pp. 223-225.
  124. Obituary in Focus ; Year of birth according to Gegen die Zeit. In: focus.de. March 25, 1996, accessed January 25, 2013.
  125. ^ Lutz Hagestedt: Ambivalence of Fame: Ernst Jünger's authorship under the sign of the Goethe Prize. In: Lutz Hagestedt (ed.): Ernst Jünger: Politics - Myth - Art. Pp. 167–179, here p. 171.
  126. ^ Julien Hervier: Ernst Jünger: Dans les tempêtes du siècle. Fayard, Paris 2014, p. 1984.
  127. Gone here means "past", "past".
  128. ^ H. Kiesel: Entry into a cosmic knowledge of order. Two years before his death: Ernst Jünger's conversion to Catholicism. In: FAZ , March 29, 1999, beginning of the article .
  129. Photo: Wolf Ritz: Portrait bust Ernst Jünger. In: Tobias Wimbauer , June 17, 2011.
    Auth. Signature on autograph card with mounted bust (newspaper clipping). ( Memento from July 21, 2012 in the web archive archive.today )
  130. 1953–1989 sponsorship awards, honorary gifts. In: Kulturkreis der deutschen Wirtschaft im BDI eV - Literature Committee , (PDF; 121 kB), accessed on November 29, 2019.
  131. Sven-Olaf Berggötz: Ernst Jünger and politics. In: Ernst Jünger: Political Journalism 1919–1933. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Sven-Olaf Berggötz, Stuttgart 2001, p. 834.
  132. ^ Foreword by the editor in: Natalia Zarska, Gerald Wiesener, Wojciech Kunicki (ed.): Ernst Jünger - a balance sheet. Leipziger Universitätsverlag 2010, p. 9 and description.
  133. ^ Ernst Günther Gründel: The broadcast of the young generation. Attempt a comprehensive revolutionary interpretation of the crisis. Munich 1932, pp. 289 and 298 f.
  134. Quoted from Armin Kerker: Ernst Jünger - Klaus Mann. Common ground and contrast in literature and politics. On the typology of the literary intellectual. Bonn 1974, p. 92 f.
  135. Quoted from Matthias Heilmann: Leopold Jessner - Intendant der Republik. The path of a German-Jewish director from East Prussia. Tübingen 2005, p. 319.
  136. Quoted from Rolf-R. Henrich: The best law becomes meaningless without the just: On the 100th birthday of Ernst Jünger. In: Hermann Weber (ed.): Law, State and Politics in the Image of Poetry. Berlin 2003, pp. 143–159, here p. 148.
  137. Quoted from Jörg Sader : In the Bauche des Leviathan. Diary and masquerade. Notes on Ernst Jünger's »Radiations« (1939–1948). Würzburg 1996, p. 16.
  138. The Volks-Brockhaus. German non-fiction and language dictionary for school and home […]. Ninth, improved edition A – Z. Brockhaus, Leipzig 1941, p. 327.
  139. ^ Karl O. Paetel: Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger's Political Change. In: German sheets. Volume 1 (1943), Issue 10, pp. 22-27, here p. 23.
  140. Volker C. Dörr : Mythomimesis. Mythical historical images in West German (narrative) literature in the early post-war period (1945–1952). Berlin 2004, p. 399.
  141. ^ Jan Robert Weber: Aesthetics of Deceleration: Ernst Jünger's Travel Diaries (1934–1960). Berlin 2011, p. 258.
  142. Quoted from Jan Robert Weber: Aesthetics of deceleration. Ernst Jünger's travel diaries (1934–1960). Berlin 2014, p. 256 f.
  143. Quoted in Marcus M. Payk: The spirit of democracy. Munich 2008, p. 197.
  144. ^ Karl Otto Paetel: Ernst Jünger. The change of a German poet and patriot. New York 1946, pp. 7-11.
  145. ^ Ernst Jünger, Gerhard Nebel: Letters 1938–1974. Ed., Annotated and with an afterword by Ulrich Fröschle and Michael Neumann, Stuttgart 2003, p. 98.
  146. Christof Schneider: National Socialism as a topic in the program of the Northwest German Broadcasting Corporation (1945-1948). Potsdam 1999, p. 140 f.
  147. ^ Ernst Jünger, Gerhard Nebel: Letters 1938–1974. Ed., Commented and with an afterword by Ulrich Fröschle and Michael Neumann, Stuttgart 2003, p. 587.
  148. Quoted from Helmut Peitsch: Germany's memory of its darkest time. On the function of autobiography in the western zones of Germany and the western sectors from Berlin 1945 to 1949. Berlin 1990, p. 233 f.
  149. Ernst Jünger: Radiations. Tübingen 1949.
  150. Hannah Arendt: The aftermath of the Nazi regime - report from Germany. In: This: In the present. Munich 2000, p. 51 f.
  151. ^ Wilhelm Grenzmann (1950): Poetry and Faith. Problems and forms of contemporary German literature. Bonn 1967, p. 183.
  152. ^ Karl Prümm : From nationalists to westerners. On the political development of Ernst Jünger. In: Basis, yearbook for contemporary German literature. 6 (1976), pp. 7-29, here 26 f.
  153. Helmut Peitsch: Germany's memory of its darkest time. On the function of autobiography in the western zones of Germany and the western sectors from Berlin 1945 to 1949. Berlin 1990, p. 233 f.
  154. ^ Karl August Horst in: Handbook of German Contemporary Literature. With the participation of Hans Hennecke, ed. by Hermann Kunisch. Munich 1965, p. 316 ff.
  155. Hans Egon Holthusen : Ernst Jünger. In: Universitas 10 (1955), pp. 605-611, here p. 610.
  156. Review by К. H. Bohrer : The Aesthetics of Terror. The pessimistic romanticism and Ernst Jünger's early work. Munich, Vienna 1978. In: Referatedienst zur Literaturwissenschaft. 12 (1980) 2, pp. 259-262, here p. 259.
  157. Peter de Mendelssohn : The spirit in despotism. Experiments on the moral possibilities of the intellectual in totalitarian society. Frankfurt am Main 2016 (Berlin 1953), p. 205.
  158. ^ Christian E. Lewalter : When morality becomes despotic. Contemplation on a final attempt at re-education. In: The time. July 9, 1953.
  159. ^ Hans-Peter Schwarz : The Conservative Anarchist. Politics and criticism of the times with Ernst Jünger. Freiburg 1962, p. 74.
  160. Helmut Kaiser: Myth, intoxication and reaction. The way of Gottfried Benn and Ernst Jünger. Berlin / GDR: construction publ. 1962, p. 152.
  161. ^ Lothar Bluhm: Developments and stations in the dispute over disciples. In: Matthias Schöning, Ingo Stöckmann (Ed.): Ernst Jünger and the Federal Republic: Aesthetics - Politics - Contemporary History. Berlin / Boston 2012, pp. 205–220, here p. 207 f.
  162. Bruno W. Reimann and Renate Haßel: An Ernst Jünger Breviary. Jünger's political journalism 1920–1933. Analysis and documentation. Marburg 1995, p. 42.
  163. ^ Jean-Michel Palmier: Les Ecrits politiques de Martin Heidegger. Paris, éditions de l'Herne, 1968, p. 173.
  164. Jakob Schissler: Violence and social development. The controversy over violence between social democracy and Bolshevism. Meisenheim am Glan 1976, p. 247.
  165. Karl Heinz Bohrer: The Aesthetics of Terror. The pessimistic romanticism and Ernst Jünger's early work. Munich, Vienna 1978, pp. 18 and 432.
  166. Wonseok Chung : Ernst Jünger and Goethe. An investigation into their aesthetic and literary affinities. Frankfurt a. M. [u. a.] 2008, p. 3.
  167. ^ Robert Wistrich: Who was who in the Third Reich? Munich: Fischer 1983, p. 149.
  168. ^ Rolf Hochhuth : perpetrators and thinkers. Profiles and problems from Caesar to Disciples. Stuttgart 1987, p. 354.
  169. Peter Longerich : Jünger, Ernst, Writer. In: Wolfgang Benz and Hermann Graml: Biographical Lexicon for the Weimar Republic. Beck, Munich 1988, p. 165.
  170. Martin Konitzer: Ernst Jünger. Frankfurt am Main, 1993, p. 13.
  171. ^ Rudolf Augstein : Machiavelli in the Sauerland. In: Der Spiegel. No. 45, November 8, 1993, p. 75.
  172. Bruno W. Reimann and Renate Haßel: An Ernst Jünger Breviary. Jünger's political journalism 1920–1933. Analysis and documentation. Marburg 1995, pp. 42-49.
  173. a b Claudia Gerhards: Apocalypse and Modernity. Alfred Kubin's “The Other Side” and Ernst Jünger's early work. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1999, p. 75.
  174. ^ Karlheinz Weißmann: Maurice Barrés and the "nationalism" in Ernst Jünger's early work. In: Günter Figal, Heimo Schwilk (Ed.): Magic of cheerfulness. Ernst Jünger for the hundredth. Stuttgart 1995, pp. 133-146, here p. 142.
  175. Russell A. Berman, Written Right Across Their Faces. Ernst Jünger's Fascist Modernism. In: Andreas Huyssen, David Bathrick (Ed.): Modernity and the Text. Revisions of German Modernism. New York 1989, pp. 64-69, here p. 68.
  176. ^ Karlheinz Hasselbach: The wide field beyond right and left. On the conservative-revolutionary spirit of Ernst Jünger's Der Arbeiter. Rule and form. In: Literary Yearbook of the Görres Society. 36 (1995), pp. 229-242, here p. 232.
  177. Elke Schmitter: Germany, congratulations! In: Die Zeit , March 24, 1995, No. 13, pp. 65 f .; Letters to Schmitter: Kicks against a memorial. In: Die Zeit , April 14, 1995, No. 16.
  178. ^ Christian Graf von Krockow : Grübler, Deuter, Wegbereiter. In: Zeit-Magazin. No. 12, March 17, 1995, pp. 20-26, here p. 26.
  179. Ralph Giordano : Ernst Jünger: Where is a word about Auschwitz? In: Tango , No. 9, February 23, 1995, p. 24 f.
  180. ^ Jürgen Busche : Ernst Jünger's fame. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , No. 74, March 29, 1995, p. 13.
  181. Quoted from Claudia Gerhards: Apocalypse und Moderne. Alfred Kubin's “The Other Side” and Ernst Jünger's early work. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1999, p. 75.
  182. Jörg Sader: In the belly of the Leviathan. Diary and masquerade. Notes on Ernst Jünger's »Radiations« (1939–1948). Würzburg 1996, p. 16.
  183. ^ Thomas Nevin: Ernst Jünger and Germany: Into the Abyss, 1914-1945. Constable, London 1996, p. 240.
  184. Jünger, Ernst. In: Wolfgang Benz, Hermann Graml, Hermann Weiß (eds.): Encyclopedia of National Socialism. 5. actual and exp. Ed., Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2007 (1997), p. 932; Similar judgments in Cyprian P. Blamires (ed.): World Fascism. A Historical Encyclopedia. Volume 1, Santa Barbara 2006, ISBN 1-57607-940-6 , pp. 274, 358 f .; Steffen Martus : Ernst Jünger. Metzler, Darmstadt 2001, p. 171; Daniel Morat: From action to serenity. Wallstein, Göttingen 2007, p. 291.
  185. Elliot Y. Neaman: A Dubious Past. Ernst Jùnger and the Politics of Literature after Nazism. University of California Press, Berkeley / Los Angeles / London 1999, p. 270.
  186. ^ Hans-Ulrich Wehler: German history of society. Volume 4, CH Beck, Munich 2003, p. 487.
  187. ^ Jan Ipema: Ernst Jünger in the Netherlands. In: Leopold RG Decloedt : The often stony road to success: Literature from Germany in the Dutch-speaking area 1900–2000. Rodopi, Amsterdam 2004, pp. 89–113, here p. 99.
  188. ^ Matthias Heilmann: Leopold Jessner - Intendant of the Republic. The path of a German-Jewish director from East Prussia. Tübingen 2005, p. 319.
  189. Emmanuel Faye: Heidegger. The Introduction of National Socialism into Philosophy. In the vicinity of the unpublished seminars between 1933 and 1935. Berlin 2009 (Paris 2006), p. 570.
  190. ^ Helmuth Kiesel: Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 303 and p. 308 f.
  191. Lutz Unterseher : The First World War. 20th Century Trauma. Wiesbaden 2014, p. 101.
  192. ^ André Gide : Journal. Gallimard, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, Volume II: 1926–1950, p. 848.
  193. ^ Bertolt Brecht : Collected works. Vol. 20. Frankfurt am Main 1977, p. 309.
  194. ^ Alfred Döblin : Essays on literature. Olten 1963, p. 190 f.
  195. ^ Thomas Mann , Agnes E. Meyer : Correspondence 1937–1955. Frankfurt am Main 1992, p. 645 u. 649 (letters of November 4 and December 14, 1945).
  196. ^ Alfred Andersch: German literature in the decision. A contribution to the analysis of the literary situation. Karlsruhe: Volk und Zeit, 1948, p. 13 ff.
  197. ^ Alfred Andersch: Cicindelen and words. Ernst Jünger, “Subtile Hunts”. In: Ders .: north south right and left. From journeys and books 1951–1971. Zurich 1972, pp. 322–326, here p. 325.
  198. К. H. Bohrer: The Aesthetics of Terror. The pessimistic romanticism and Ernst Jünger's early work. Munich, Vienna 1978, p. 18 f.
  199. ^ Georges-Arthur Goldschmidt : Old love. Ernst Jünger is returning to Paris. In: Frankfurter Rundschau. June 26, 2008.
  200. ^ Fritz J. Raddatz : Cold and Kitsch. From the erotic pleasure of violence and death: the gentleman's equestrian prose by a German poet. In: The time . August 27, 1982, No. 35.
  201. Uwe Wittstock : "If you want, you should do it better." Conversation with Marcel Reich-Ranicki about the second part of his literary canon The Stories. In: The world. November 16, 2011.
  202. Denis Scheck recommends… Ernst Jünger. ( Memento of October 16, 2013 in the Internet Archive ). In: DasErste .de  / Hot off the press , September 29, 2013.
  203. a b Exhibition: LSD. The correspondence between Albert Hofmann and Ernst Jünger. In: Literaturmuseum der Moderne , July 16 to October 20, 2013, accessed on November 29, 2019.
  204. Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger Society e. V. Retrieved January 17, 2017.
  205. Collection : Ernst Jünger. In: German Literature Archive , accessed on November 29, 2019.
  206. ↑ Government Gazette. November 14, 2008, p. 6.
  207. Press release: Ernst Jünger's library indexed. In: German Literature Archive Marbach. July 26, 2018, accessed August 7, 2018 .
  208. ^ A b Daniel Haas: Exhibition: Ernst Jünger. In showers of drawings. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , November 6, 2010, No. 259, p. 33, with picture gallery .
  209. ^ Postage stamp: 1998 death of Ernst Jünger. In: Prophila Collection , accessed November 29, 2019.
  210. ↑ on this: Detlef Schöttker: “Living Dangerously!” On the correspondence between Ernst Jünger and Dolf Sternberger. In: Sense and Form . 4/2011, pp. 437-447.
  211. The French translator Jüngers, b. 1936, who made rehabilitation his life's work.
  212. ^ Andreas Langenbacher: An adventurous journey. Book review. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung , August 27, 2011, accessed on August 27, 2011.
  213. Jürg Altwegg : The truth from the trenches. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , December 6, 2013, No. 284, p. 33.
  214. Film review by dpa : In the trenches of history. In: Hamburger Abendblatt , November 27, 2019.