Young freedom

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Young freedom
Young-freedom-logo.jpg
description Weekly newspaper
language German
publishing company Junge Freiheit Verlag GmbH & Co. KG
Headquarters Berlin
First edition May / June 1986
Frequency of publication weekly / Friday
Sold edition 30,726 copies
( IVW 2/2020)
Editor-in-chief Dieter Stein
editor Junge Freiheit Verlag GmbH & Co.
Web link jungefreiheit.de
Article archive 1997 ff.
ISSN (print) 0932-660X

The Junge Freiheit ( JF ) is a national German weekly newspaper . It sees itself as an independent, conservative medium. Political scientists assign them to a “border area between conservatism and right-wing extremism ” and describe them as the “ mouthpiece of the new right ”. The sold circulation is 30,726 copies, an increase of 87.5 percent since 2008.

history

Beginnings

Editor-in-chief Dieter Stein founded Junge Freiheit in May 1986 in Freiburg im Breisgau, originally as an organ for the youth organization of the Freedom People's Party (FVP) founded by Franz Handlos . It has appeared every two months since 1986 as an independent school and student newspaper with a circulation of 400. In 1990 ten main authors founded Junge Freiheit Verlag GmbH . From January 1991 the newspaper appeared monthly.

Dieter Stein, founder and editor-in-chief of the newspaper

In the initial phase, the paper was mainly distributed at universities by members of fraternities . Fraternities advertised in the JF and made their houses available to the JF readership. In return, the JF advertised in the fraternity papers . In some university towns, for example, by distributing free copies, new readers could be won, which, according to the JF, formed up to 50 JF readership groups with a total of around a thousand participants within two years . At the beginning of 1992, Dieter Stein spoke in this regard of "activities in the national - conservative pre-political space"; the then editor Hans-Ulrich Kopp described these circles as follows:

"It is also gratifying that party-political differences have no meaning here and the sharp demarcation desired by totalitarian party strategists between CDU members and members of right-wing groups is only acknowledged with a smile."

From 1993 to 1995, the JF and its readership organized an annual “summer university” for which CDU party politicians such as Heinrich Lummer also acted as patrons. In 1993 and 1994 the "Summer University" was organized in cooperation with the Danubia Munich fraternity and the Innsbruck Freedom Student Initiative. The conference leader was Hans-Ulrich Kopp.

In 1993 the founders of the publishing house decided to expand it into a weekly newspaper and to found a limited partnership in which readers could purchase shares. For this purpose, Junge Freiheit Treuhand GmbH was registered in Berlin in 1995 . The co-editors are partners in the Junge Freiheit Verwaltungs- und Beteiligungsgesellschaft mbH Potsdam, founded in 1995 . The following persons were listed as shareholders with their shares in 2000: Dieter Stein with 73 percent, Sven Thomas Frank with 8 percent and Peter Kienesberger with 2 percent.

The JF has been published weekly since 1994.

In August 1994 Dieter Stein dismissed JF editor Andreas Molau after Molau had published an article by Armin Mohler with historical revisionist theses on the Holocaust . Mohler then no longer wrote for Junge Freiheit.

In June 1996 the editors distanced themselves from their readership and declared a collaboration with them to be over.

Attacks and dismissals

On December 4, 1994, strangers carried out an arson attack on the printing plant in Weimar where the newspaper was produced. The damage amounted to more than a million marks. "Revolutionary lesbian women groups and other revolutionary groups" claimed responsibility for the attack. Thousands of subscriber addresses were stolen in a robbery on the printing plant. A subscriber in northern Germany then found a pipe bomb in his mailbox. At the beginning of 1995, power lines were cut at the editorial office and smoke gas grenades were thrown into a window. An editor's car was destroyed by a fire. A short time later, some well-known political figures, including Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Peter Gauweiler , condemned the attack. The perpetrators were not caught.

In October 1995 the editorial team moved from Potsdam to Berlin to the Mosse Center in Berlin's newspaper district . After a month, the publishing office was terminated, so that the publishing house moved to Berlin- Wilmersdorf in 1996 .

After Postbank terminated the publisher's accounts in January 2001, Junge Freiheit obtained the cancellation of the termination in the following month with an “Appeal for Freedom of the Press” published as a national advertisement. When the Leipzig Book Fair wanted to exclude the newspaper from participation in 2006 because of feared protests against its planned anniversary celebration, it again found prominent supporters with another appeal.

Further developments

In June 1996, the German editorial team replaced its readership with the Friends of Junge Freiheit support group in order to gain new subscribers. The JF is financed through advertisements and donations in addition to the sales and subscription proceeds. Junge Freiheit has had an internet presence since 1996. In 2000 the regular authors Götz Kubitschek and Karlheinz Weißmann founded the Institute for State Policy (IfS), which worked closely with the newspaper until 2009.

From October 1995 a separate weekly edition was published in Austria under the title Zur Zeit , directed by FPÖ politician Andreas Mölzer . After it became known that he was working with the NPD , the German editorial team terminated its cooperation with the Austrian branch in September 2007.

Since 2004, Junge Freiheit has been awarding the Gerhard Löwenthal Prize together with Ingeborg Löwenthal , and since 2007 in cooperation with the “Support Foundation for Conservative Education and Research” (FKBF) .

According to a report by Welt.de in March 2017, the circulation of Junge Freiheit rose by 16% in the last quarter of 2015 at the beginning of the refugee crisis in 2015 . This trend continued in 2016 while the circulation of many print media decreased. According to the same report, nine out of ten Junge Freiheit readers are men; the average age is just under 60 years. Three years after the AfD was founded in February 2013, the JF recorded an increase of almost 25 percent in terms of circulation sold.

The British weekly The Economist wrote in 2016 under the heading “German Conservatives: Politically incorrect” about the boom in Junge Freiheit in connection with the rise of the AfD and concluded with the remark, “The presence of a right-wing voice in the German media landscape is part of the way of the country has become a political normal. "

Self-image

The Junge Freiheit sees itself as "one of the last national, publisher-independent newspapers in Germany". They make a contribution “to increase the diversity and vitality of democratic opinion-forming” and want to “honor the great cultural and spiritual tradition of the German nation” and thus “the political emancipation of Germany and Europe and the preservation of the identity and freedom of the peoples the world ”. The newspaper invokes four basic values: "Nation, freedom, conservatism, Christianity".

There is an internal controversy regarding the self-positioning towards a “new right”. While editor-in-chief Dieter Stein criticized the term “New Rights” in his own paper as early as 1989 and from 2005 explicitly rejected the term as “phantom” and external attribution that was unsuitable for his goals, the term is used by other authors of the newspaper. Stein repeatedly criticized the authors who affirmed the term as a self-description. Contrary to what Stein said, various political scientists assessed one of his programmatic articles from 1995 differently. According to Stefan von Hoyningen-Huene, for example, Stein placed Junge Freiheit in this article politically within the conservatives and the “new right”. According to Stein, it can gradually change topics and achieve political-cultural hegemony by occupying and shaping terms and determining the questions that are discussed in the media and society; this is their long-term task. Wolfgang Gessenharter and Helmut Fröchling also read from Stein's article from 1995 that the newspaper would continue to interpret itself as the decisive organ of the “New Right”. Finally, Rainer Benthin refers to Stein's statements on the occasion of the newspaper's 15th anniversary in 2001. In retrospect, Stein emphasized “that the German New Right with its Young Freedom Forum really wanted to establish an independent culture of interpretation and counter-publicity in which National identity was the core issue ”.

After the spelling reform of 1996, Junge Freiheit continued to use the unreformed spelling .

Structure and subject areas

The Junge Freiheit covers the spectrum of topics that are usual for politically and culturally oriented weekly newspapers. The front page comments on current events from the author's point of view. This is followed by the sections Opinion, In Conversation, Politics, Economy & Environment, Background, Culture, Literature, History & Knowledge, Forum, Readers' Forum, Zeitgeist & Media. The online archive contains all articles from April 1997.

The “In Conversation” page contains an interview with a person from contemporary history. These interviews and other articles on the following pages often also refer to the topics of the day on the front page, so that comments on them are of great importance.

There are sometimes extensive special supplements for special events. On May 8, 2005, 20 pages of contemporary witness reports documented different perceptions of the end of the war on the same day in 1945. On July 20, 2007, 28 pages recalled the “heroes of the nation” (Dieter Stein) who carried out the failed assassination attempt of July 20, 1944 . The publisher also publishes articles and interviews from special supplements in book form.

Edition

In contrast to most German newspapers, Junge Freiheit has been able to increase its circulation significantly in recent years. The number of copies sold has increased by an average of 5.1% per year over the past 10 years. Last year, however, it fell by 4.1%. Most recently, 30726 copies were sold. The share of subscriptions in the circulation sold is 65 percent.

Development of the number of copies sold
1998 to 2007 publisher information, 2008 to 2019 IVW, fourth quarter each time (details on ivw.eu)

Authors and editors

The better-known authors include Carl Gustaf Ströhm and Günter Zehm , formerly senior editors of the daily newspaper Die Welt . Both wrote for JF since 1995 . The former FAZ employees Klaus Peter Krause , Kurt Reumann , Günther Gillessen , Theodor Wolff Prize winner Karl Feldmeyer and the former editor of the Süddeutsche Zeitung Peter Kuntze followed later .

The travel journalist and publicist Peter Scholl-Latour , who has become known as a reporter legend, has written regularly for JF in recent years and has repeatedly expressed himself in interviews. Franz Alt was the first television journalist to regularly publish articles on controversial environmental issues in Junge Freiheit . In addition, numerous (former) university professors regularly publish on the “Forum” page, including Franz Kromka (University of Hohenheim), Jost Bauch (University of Neubrandenburg), Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider (University of Erlangen-Nuremberg), Wilhelm Hankel († 2014) (FU Berlin ) and Karl Doehring (University of Heidelberg). Hans-Olaf Henkel , former President of the BDI, has been writing regularly for Junge Freiheit since 2010 . Well-known journalists from the Catholic environment include Wolfgang Ockenfels , Mathias von Gersdorff and Gabriele Kuby .

Activities by local or state politicians of democratic parties for Junge Freiheit led to calls for resignation several times after they became known. Peter D. Krause (CDU) was appointed Minister of Education in Thuringia in April 2008 , but on May 5, 2008, he resigned his position after his previous work as an editor and author for Junge Freiheit and other newspapers on the right edge of the spectrum of opinion and his contradicting statements on this were criticized nationwide. As reasons for his renouncement, he named among other things: "My privacy is being encroached upon in a bad way that I am no longer willing to endure." He also criticized that Germany is a free, democratically stable society and an open one that a fair culture of discourse is still removed and that the campaign against him is "obviously about threatened claims to power".

The long-standing (from 1987 to 2013) CSU member of the Bundestag Norbert Geis also regularly writes comments for the JF.

Hinrich Rohbohm , chairman of the CDU Jork parliamentary group since 2008 , was also a permanent editor at the time. He refused to give up this activity and to distance himself from criticized statements in his articles , which CDU members in the Stade district had called for since January 2009. On October 3, 2009 he therefore resigned from the CDU. Today he is deputy chairman of the Union of Values in the CDU.

The Catholic priest Georg Alois Oblinger, who was a columnist for Junge Freiheit for ten years , was forbidden to do this in 2012 by the Augsburg Bishop Konrad Zdarsa .

Karlheinz Weißmann is a columnist for Junge Freiheit.

Ronald glasses is the press spokesman for the Berlin AfD . Other editors are active in the AfD.

Prominent authors

Former authors

Interview partner

The Junge Freiheit regularly conducts interviews with famous authors, representatives of various media, associations and parties. Some interviews, for example with Udo Voigt (NPD) and Jamal Karsli 2002 and Rolf Hochhuth 2005, were criticized mainly because of the content expressed in them.

Some of the interviewees were publicly criticized for the fact that, as members of democratic parties, their conversation with the newspaper had given the newspaper the desired reputation and readership, and that their statements were placed in other contexts by the editors and thus misused for their goals. However, some, such as the Social Democrats Egon Bahr , Peter Glotz and Christoph Zöpel , defended their interviews, while others stated that they were unaware of a certain tendency of Junge Freiheit . Heinz Buschkowsky , district mayor of Berlin's Neukölln district (SPD), regretted the interview retrospectively and apologized to the members of his district.

In 2001, the Jewish writer Ephraim Kishon gave an interview on the occasion of his nomination for the Junge Freiheit's Nobel Prize for Literature and justified the conversation by saying that they (= the JF) were "'right-wing' because they are not 'left-wing'".

In 2003, the CSU member of the Bundestag, Wolfgang Götzer , said in an interview with Junge Freiheit that anti-fascism was “a fighting term for left-wing extremism ” that served to “divert attention from one's own totalitarian ideology [...] in order to take over the bourgeois camp and ultimately to checkmate ".

The Central Council of Jews in Germany decided for a printed interview its member Charlotte Knobloch 2000, " right-wing to give media" will no more interviews. The state party congress of the Berlin SPD decided on November 26, 2005, “not to work or not to work with Junge Freiheit and in particular not to give her any interviews.” In 2005, the SPD federal executive board issued a brochure on dealing with right-wing extremism, initiated by Niels Annen and Sebastian Edathy which calls for a “strict dividing line” from right-wing extremist ideas: Therefore, “there shouldn't be any articles or interviews for extremely right-wing magazines. This applies in particular to papers like Junge Freiheit and Criticón , which want to legitimize themselves as democratic. ”A similar brochure by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) criticized the SPD's cancellation of an interview as“ not convincing ”, as it was also not extreme Newspapers concern.

Junge Freiheit criticized parts of Wikipedia's authorship in June 2011

In May 2011, former German President Roman Herzog gave the JF an interview in which he criticized the way the EU worked .

In February 2012, the Brandenburg CDU chairwoman Saskia Ludwig published a memorandum in the Junge Freiheit with a commitment to “the concrete, such as our nation, our native landscape and our families”. In September 2012 Ludwig was criticized for an JF article in which she had denounced the way the Brandenburg press worked. After a failed vote of confidence in the CDU parliamentary group that she herself posed, she resigned as parliamentary group and party leader. Ludwig also received widespread opposition after she gave Junge Freiheit a joint interview with Alexander Gauland ( AfD ) in the form of a dispute in March 2017 . In it, she criticized CDU members who “follow Merkel's course, although they do not approve of it”, and warned against an “irreversible transformation of our country into a multicultural immigration society”.

In December 2011 there was an interview with André Kapke from the National Socialist Underground (NSU), in which the radicalization of the right-wing extremist scene in Jena in the 1990s was discussed.

In March 2017, the ZDF presenter Dunja Hayali gave an interview to JF in which she spoke out in favor of an “open dialogue” with one another regardless of the different political positions. In the print edition of July 10, 2020, the German journalist Boris Reitschuster complained in a full-page interview about restrictions on freedom of expression in Germany and points to alleged parallels between Germany and Russia in this regard.

reception

Social science

Since the early 1990s, the newspaper has been the subject of research in various social science disciplines .

Wolfgang Gessenharter coined the term hinge function in 1992 in the scientific debate on the classification of JF . In the journalistic field, according to Gessenharter, the paper tries “to place its ideology between conservatism and right-wing extremism in a typical hinge function”. In 2007, he had a solid, with the German constitution irreconcilable orientation of the boys freedom to Carl Schmitt out of one of the leading constitutional lawyer in the era of National Socialism was. According to Gessenharter, there is a continuity of the statements in articles written by editors from the years 1995 and 2007, which as a result would mean a “conscious relativization of the inviolable human dignity ”. In June 2008, he emphasized that the JF had been avoiding all direct echoes of right-wing extremism for years, but had a dubious relationship with human rights . Therefore, "everyone who has something in common with this newspaper must know that he is thereby encouraging a dangerous relativization of the Basic Law".

In 1992, Armin Pfahl-Traughber coined the terms bridge function and bridge spectrum in the scientific debate on the classification of JF . The JF is the most successful journalistic project in the bridge spectrum. Furthermore, he describes the newspaper since 1999 as part of the New Right, which he classifies as an intellectual, inhomogeneous part of right-wing extremism. She strives for an "erosion of the demarcation" between democratic-conservative, right-wing extremist and right-wing extremist positions, which revalues ​​right-wing extremist positions, makes them better known and thus objectively contributes to "pushing through conceptions of a populist mood democracy with a strong man at the top".

According to Richard Stöss (2000), the JF can be counted on a bridge spectrum between the (new and old) right-wing extremism and conservatism. In the course of a revival of the discussion about the viability of the concept of new rights through an alleged intellectualization of right-wing extremism, Young Freedom has temporarily become a synonym for new rights .

In 1993, after evaluating 50 right-wing and right-wing extremist press products in Germany, Astrid Lange came to the conclusion that Junge Freiheit was a reservoir for the New Right; Above all, notions of inequality are promoted by the magazine, it turns against pluralism and against freedom of opinion and belief . The magazine publishes positions that denounced that the German media are not calling for restrictions on freedom of expression, which is an indication of the lack of liberalism and an expression of the fact that the media have been brought into line.

Helmut Kellershohn , board member of DISS , saw the editors of JF 1994 as "exponents of a broad current in the transition field between right-wing extremism and right-wing conservatism". The editorial team was mainly shaped by German expellees' associations and fraternities , so not by young, "new" rights. In 2007 he reaffirmed his view that the JF was trying to gradually shift political positions that were previously considered to be “conservative” in the direction of “folk nationalism” and to pass this off as conservative normality by selecting and describing topics.

Thomas Pfeiffer , Alexander Ruoff , Andreas Speit and others have referred to the newspaper as the organ of the New Right since the 1990s . One of the reasons for this classification since 1992/93 is a frequent positive reference by leading authors of the JF to anti-democratic authors in the Weimar Republic , who have been summarized as representatives of a " conservative revolution " since 1950 . Pfeiffer sees in this the propagation of a “cultural revolution from the right” in the sense of a topic that is supposed to shift the social discussion to nationalistic positions that are not in line with the Basic Law, for example with a main author of the JF, Alain de Benoist .

Uwe Backes mentioned Junge Freiheit 2001 in connection with “intellectual right-wing extremism”. However, it is far from the self-imposed goal of cultural hegemony. Since 1994 you have had to "moderate yourself politically, increase the information content and dismiss stubborn advocates of a nationalist combat journalism" in order to win more readers. In 2003 he relocated them “in a gray area between the right-wing extremist scene and the democratic majority culture”. He noted that it represented a “spectrum of opinions” that would give him the “greatest scruples” for observation by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution.

In 2004, Rainer Benthin stated in an overview that the JF is the central forum for a “New Right” in Germany. Although it is not identical to this, it offers a platform for all relevant new right discourses, strategy debates and daily political activities. Therefore, it can be characterized as the “authentic voice and movement-oriented medium” of the “New Right”. According to Benthin, in accordance with the research literature, the JF can be characterized as the link between the democratic and radical right.

Steffen Kailitz classified the JF as a “newspaper project” of the “New Right” and described it in 2004 as a paper in which the “concept and ideas of young conservatism” experienced a revival. In the JF he saw this direction represented primarily by Dieter Stein and the former editor Roland Bubik .

Albert Scherr saw the JF 2006 in the "border area between politically and constitutionally unobjectionable as well as highly problematic positions in this regard". She is looking for a “tactically clever balance” between the “elements of demanding and serious journalism on the one hand, and a clearly historical revisionist , nationalist, xenophobic and culturally racist positioning on the other”.

In 2006, the social philosopher and JF author Günter Rohrmoser saw a tendency among critics of the JF to “hunt down” in the spirit of a “common anti-fascist language regime”, according to which differentiations were hardly made and “liberal-conservative to the far right” would merge. He saw media exclusion mechanisms based on a “reinterpretation of the concept of democracy”.

According to Gabriele Nandlinger , “experts” assign the JF a “hinge function between the right-wing conservative and the right-wing extremist spectrum”, which “also offers representatives of the extreme right a platform”. With interviews with respected personalities from different political directions, the paper wanted to "whitewash the smell of legalism with the appearance of bipartisan seriousness".

In 2007 Michael Pechel examined over 30 JF articles on contemporary history that were written between 2000 and 2007 by editorial, main and frequent guest authors . According to Pechel, these contributions show a “deeply backward-looking” view of history that shows an “open flank to historical revisionism”. The JF represented a cultural pessimism known from the Weimar period , which claimed the destruction of nation and national pride. She blames these on the 1968 movement , hedonism , foreign infiltration , multiculturalism and a “neurotic” coming to terms with the past of the Nazi era. In addition, it portrays the German culture of remembrance as the “civil religion of the Holocaust ”, which created “German self-hatred” and made it impossible to commemorate the “courage to sacrifice” and “heroism” of German soldiers in the world wars. Although the editors distance themselves from Holocaust denial , the JF portrayed Holocaust deniers as victims of the justice system and attested their writings to be scientific by calling for public discussion with their campaign against Section 130 of the Criminal Code. JF authors such as Stefan Scheil and Alfred Schickel justified some of the Wehrmacht's crimes in their articles , attempting to “decriminalize” and relativize them by hiding and reinterpreting historical facts. The frequent depiction of the Allied air war of 1944/45 as long-planned annihilation, Polish war plans from before 1939 or “polemics against an alleged collective guilt imposed by the Allies after the end of the war ”, which to this day do not allow any mourning for German victims, served a perpetrator-victim - Reversal with regard to the Nazi era, said Pechel. These theses were taken up and shared by right-wing extremists without contradiction on the part of the JF editorial team.

Eckhard Jesse stated in a newspaper interview in 2008 about the development of the JF that it was "ten years ago in a kind of gray area"; in the meantime it belongs “in the core to the democratic-conservative spectrum with some facets to the far right”. In the book Democracy in Germany: Diagnoses and Analyzes , also published in 2008 by Uwe Backes and Alexander Gallus, Jesse, on the other hand, characterizes the JF as controversial. Up to now she has not succeeded in " getting out of the field of the lunatic fringe ." Her course is "still not clearly democratic-conservative even today, although right-wing extremists such as Hans-Ulrich Kopp and Andreas Molau have left the editorial team."

Werner Patzelt said in a radio interview in 2008 that it had succeeded in “pushing through the idea in the German public that Junge Freiheit was something like the German national newspaper, a real right-wing extremist combat paper”, and that the person in the “Junge Freedom ”was expressed in a journalistic way, and in the political discourse of the Federal Republic it was“ considered to be outlawed ”because it would place him on the side of right-wing radicals. This is "not beneficial in the long run for our political culture". Since 2015, Patzelt has been the lead article for Junge Freiheit himself.

In 2009, Andreas Ruppert called the paper a “hinge” between right-wing extremists and bourgeois-conservative readers. However, the cautious approach led to the ban on observation by the protection of the constitution. Since interviewees from all political directions could be won, it is not noticeable if anti-Semites also have their say or Holocaust deniers are defended. By making the interviewees responsible for right-wing extremist statements themselves, the magazine and its publisher would be protected. The journal's book service distributes de Benoist's writings, but avoids any external cooperation with right-wing extremist parties. Without fundamentally rejecting the EU, the magazine is opposed to the extensive surrender of national rights. The option of the JF is a new right, which is no longer derived from the camp of old or new National Socialists.

Thomas Gesterkamp classified the JF 2010 as the “journalistic figurehead of right-wing conservatism”, which among other things represents the positions of anti-feminist men's rights activists in “clumsy SM symbolism” and drastically illustrated articles.

JF author Felix Dirsch , who generally rejects the term new rights as being based on false premises, assigned the JF 2012 to a “new conservative intelligentsia” that clearly differs from the right-wing extremist camp.

According to Britta Schellenberg , the JF 2013 was "in research as the central forum for a 'New Right' in Germany."

For the political scientist Gideon Botsch , the JF 2017 is the “journalistic“ flagship ”and“ showcase project ”of the so-called New Right”. Previously, he described the JF as a hinge between "national conservatism and the extreme right".

For the gender and educational scientist Juliane Lang , the JF imagined itself - as an example of "right-wing" newspapers - "from the beginning as the voice of organized anti-feminism" by regularly publishing interviews and articles by prominent anti-feminists.

The historian Volker Weiß sees the JF's distancing from the explicitly revisionist theses of Armin Mohler on the Shoah 1994 as a tactical one because “instead of questioning the Holocaust itself , it was considered more clever to either ignore it or to question its historical assessment and to equate it with other mass crimes ”. The magazine also defends the course of the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán against any criticism and makes positive reference to Alexander Dugin , the theorist of the Russian extreme right and proponent of the concept of neo-Eurasism .

The political scientist Patrick Keßler described the JF 2018 as a “hinge organ”, a connecting piece “to link right-wing extremism with other areas of society”.

The theologian Kristin Merle wrote about the JF 2019 that it was a medium of the intellectual new right and a hinge organ between the right-wing scene and conservative values, who would work with “personal overlaps”. Authors from the traditionalist Catholic spectrum as well as editors from the news agency idea , which in turn is close to the German Evangelical Alliance , would write for the magazine.

According to Christian Fuchs and Paul Middelhoff , the journalistic line of the JF is in parts as shrill and reactionary as the statements from the AfD , with which the magazine is now closely associated.

The social scientist Samuel Salzborn called in the JF allegations made of "refugees as a weapon" for political interests, of a state of "under intellectual occupation", an alleged "ideological dictatorship" at universities, "contemporary thought prohibitions" or a “stifling compulsory consensus” as an example of a conspiracy campaign within the right-wing camp and for the “hermetic world of right-wing extremist thinking”.

The historian André Postert attested to the JF that it gave preference to “an AfD with a bourgeois brand core” because it promised itself from this strategy “to gain influence in elections and thus to generate pressure on the CDU”.

defense of Constitution

In the mid-1990s, right-wing extremist tendencies in some JF readership circles and the proximity of some editors to the party Die Republikaner prompted the constitutional protection authorities of the federal states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Baden-Württemberg to observe the newspaper. The State Office for the Protection of the Constitution of North Rhine-Westphalia mentioned the JF for the first time in 1994, as “there are actual indications for suspicion of right-wing extremist activities”. The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) mentioned them for the first time in its report for 1995. Baden-Württemberg reports on the protection of the constitution had mentioned them since 1997, but did not officially declare them an object of observation until 2000.

The reports from North Rhine-Westphalia and Baden-Württemberg classified the newspaper as a "hinge" between conservatism and right-wing extremism until 2005 and justified this with examples of right-wing extremist argumentation patterns among the editors and regular authors. The JF is an important mouthpiece for the efforts of the New Right and right-wing extremists to gain a foothold in the conservative camp and among intellectuals. They use contributions and interviews from people from the democratic spectrum as accessories and camouflage in order to improve their image and thus to advertise themselves.

The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution found only "isolated" contributions by right-wing extremist authors in the JF, and in the 2004 Federal Constitutional Protection Report it was stated that the JF was "not itself the object of intelligence observation by the BfV". However, the BfV was of the opinion that editors and regular authors would use "common right-wing extremist argumentation patterns or positive comments on right-wing extremist organizations, people or publications". "The JF seems to pay particular attention to relativizing the German guilt for the Second World War".

The President of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, Heino Vahldieck , saw Baden-Württemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia classifying the JF in 2004 as “alone on the loose”. In 2005, the Bavarian Office for the Protection of the Constitution stated that the JF had published articles by and interviews with right-wing extremists, but had "for the most part no extremist content," and concluded:

"In view of the fact that the interviewees or authors are almost exclusively people from the democratic spectrum, the overall view of Junge Freiheit is to be classified as a right-wing conservative newspaper on the right edge of the democratic spectrum."

- Florian Ritter : Written question from Florian Ritter SPD, Bavarian State Parliament, printed matter 15/3832

The JF led a year-long legal battle against its classification by the constitution protection of North Rhine-Westphalia. After her constitutional complaint , represented by the former Federal Public Prosecutor Alexander von Stahl as attorney , the Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG) overturned the previous judgments of the North Rhine-Westphalian administrative courts on May 24, 2005 with reference to the freedom of the press. After this Junge Freiheit judgment , the VS reports did not provide sufficient evidence for anti-constitutional efforts by the JF. It referred the dispute back to the Düsseldorf Administrative Court with the requirement to re-examine whether JF's reporting was compatible with the fundamental right of freedom of the press . As a result, the opposing parties waived a new trial on June 23, 2006. The protection of the constitution of North Rhine-Westphalia withdrew a passage concerning the JF from its annual report for 2005.

A similar legal dispute between the JF and the Baden-Württemberg Office for the Protection of the Constitution (2000 to 2004) ended on July 7, 2006, also through a settlement. However, the protection of the constitution in Baden-Württemberg announced that it would continue to monitor the newspaper. On July 28, 2006, the North Rhine-Westphalia Office declared on the overall process that the JF reserves the right to continue observation, with the reasoning: "Their moderate style often conceals anti-democratic and xenophobic concepts."

Nevertheless, the JF has not been mentioned in the Baden-Württemberg Constitutional Protection Report since then. This also applies to the Federal Constitutional Protection Reports.

Journalism and Politics

Publicists and politicians judge the JF differently. In Anton Maegerle's opinion, she strives for “discourse in the political arena”. Mathias Brodkorb (SPD) does not consider the JF to be a right-wing extremist, but this assessment is "by no means undisputed". According to Heribert Seifert ( Neue Zürcher Zeitung ), the "often excessive excitement" about the JF shows the narrow limits for national-conservative journalism in Germany. In the public dispute with the JF, a suspicion, motivated by past politics, dominates, which gets by without good reasons and is quite sure of himself.

Daniel Erk and Stefan Schirmer von der Zeit see the JF as a "workshop for right-wing conservative argumentation models", the editors basically reject "an open, tolerant society [...] still."

Focus co-editor Helmut Markwort and the author Erwin Scheuch denied the newspaper any right-wing extremist tendencies.

According to Andreas Speit and Konrad Litschko , the newspaper makes "no secret of its proximity to the AfD"; However, she goes “quite hard in court with the party's internal wing , because it endangers the social acceptance of the party as a whole”.

literature

Secondary literature

Entries in reference books
Monographs / edited volumes
Contributions to edited volumes
  • Margarete Jäger , Siegfried Jäger: The "conservative revolutionary" at desk work. Detailed analysis of a typical article from the extreme right-wing Junge Freiheit . In: Ders .: Struggles of interpretation: Theory and practice of critical discourse analysis (=  media - culture - communication ). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15072-7 , pp. 183-213.
  • Helmut Kellershohn : The double game of Junge Freiheit using the example of the Hohmann affair . In: Stephan Braun, Daniel Hörsch (ed.): Right networks - a danger . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4153-X , pp. 79–94.
  • Ludger Klein, Bernd Simon: 'Doing it for Germany'. A study of The Republicans and Young Freedom . In: Bert Klandermans, Nonna Mayer (Ed.): Extreme Right Activists in Europe: Through the Magnifying Glass . Routledge, New York [et. a.] 2006, ISBN 0-415-35827-2 , pp. 151-171.
  • Felix Krebs: Conquer cultural hegemony with the Conservative Revolution. The newspaper project Junge Freiheit. In: Jean Cremet, Felix Krebs, Andreas Speit : Beyond Nationalism. Ideological border crossers of the "New Right" - An interim report (=  series of anti-fascist texts , vol. 4). Unrast Verlag, Münster 1999, ISBN 3-928300-94-6 , pp. 53-89.
  • Michael Puttkamer: "Every subscription a conservative revolution". Strategy and guidelines of the 'Junge Freiheit' . In: Wolfgang Gessenharter , Thomas Pfeiffer (eds.): The new right - a threat to democracy? . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4162-9 , pp. 211-220.
  • Matthias Weber: Magazine portrait: Young freedom . In: Uwe Backes , Eckhard Jesse (ed.): Yearbook Extremism and Democracy . 14th year (2002), Nomos, Baden-Baden 2003, ISBN 3-7890-8254-6 , pp. 203-226.

Literature by Young Freedom Authors

Web links

Commons : Junge Freiheit  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ according to IVW ( details on ivw.eu )
  2. ↑ Christopher Fritzsche: Gender-political debates in the new right-wing weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Marta Press, Hamburg 2019, p. 80
  3. ↑ a b c Wolfgang Gessenharter : "Strategies and spheres of influence of the 'New Right'." In: Mechtild Gomolla, Ellen Kollender, Marlene Menk (ed.): Racism and right-wing extremism in Germany. Figurations and interventions in society and state institutions. Beltz Juventa, Weinheim 2018, p. 52
  4. ^ Sonja Kuhn: The German Burschenschaft: a group in the field of tension between traditional formalism and traditional foundations; an analysis for the period from 1950 to 1999 , Verlag des Altherrenverband der Burschenschaft Hilaritas, 2002, p. 87.
  5. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter and Thomas Pfeiffer: The new right: a threat to democracy? Springer Verlag 2004, p. 122.
  6. ^ Dietrich Heither: Stramm right: The German fraternity. In: Blätter für Deutsche und Internationale Politik 10/2011, pp. 111–119;
    Dietrich Heither: The new right: a threat to democracy? Wolfgang Gessenharter and Thomas Pfeiffer (eds.), Springer Verlag, 2004, p. 122.
  7. ↑ Alice Brauner-Orthen: The New Right in Germany. Anti-democratic and racist tendencies. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2001, p. 180
  8. ↑ Alice Brauner-Orthen : The New Right in Germany: Anti-Democratic and Racist Tendencies , Leske & Budrich 2001, pp. 149 and 181.
  9. ^ Frank Böckelmann: Who owns the newspapers? The ownership and ownership structure of daily and weekly newspaper publishers in Germany , p. 404.
  10. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: Short chronology of Junge Freiheit 1986 to 2006. In: Stefan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper “Junge Freiheit” , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 47.
  11. ↑ Alice Brauner-Orthen: The New Right in Germany. Anti-democratic and racist tendencies. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2001, p. 145
  12. ↑ Horst Meier: Protest-free zones? Variations on civil rights and politics. Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, Berlin 2012, p. 72
  13. ^ Günther Bähr: PRESS: Fire against the right. In: Focus Online . December 19, 1994. Retrieved October 14, 2018 .
  14. ↑ Horst Meier: From "spiritual" and real arsonists to the attack on the printing works of "Junge Freiheit". In: processes no. 132 (issue 4/1995), pp. 104-108. December 20, 1995, accessed February 16, 2020 .
  15. ↑ Michael Klonovsky (Interview): Tell me, Daniel Cohn-Bendit… Does Germany belong to the Germans? In: Focus No. 46/1995 of November 13, 1995.
  16. ↑ Attack on the avant-garde. In: Die Zeit No. 51 of December 16, 1994.
  17. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: Short Chronology of Junge Freiheit 1986 to 2006. In: Stefan Braun, Ute Voigt (Ed.): The weekly newspaper “Junge Freiheit” , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 48 f.
  18. ↑ Celebrities stand up for “Junge Freiheit” ( Memento from February 9, 2006 in the Internet Archive ), in: Netzeitung from February 7, 2006.
  19. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: Short Chronology of Junge Freiheit 1986 to 2006 . In: Stefan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit" . Wiesbaden 2007, p. 49.
  20. ↑ Patrick Schwarz: The activities of the Institute for State Policy (IfS) . In: Antifascist Press Archive and Education Center Berlin : Monitor , No. 13, December 2003, p. 3.
  21. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: Short Chronology of Junge Freiheit 1986 to 2006. In: Stefan Braun, Ute Vogt (Ed.): The weekly newspaper “Junge Freiheit” , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 48.
  22. ↑ Gaby Mahlberg: "Young Freedom". A visit to the “ideological mother ship” of right-wing populism , Welt.de, March 31, 2017
  23. ↑ Sonja Álvarez: AfD and Pegida bring “Young Freedom” a record circulation. www.tagesspiegel.de, January 25, 2016
  24. ↑ https://www.economist.com/europe/2016/10/06/politisch-inkorrekt
  25. ^ Claudia Globisch: Radical anti-Semitism. Inclusion and exclusion semantics from left and right in Germany. Springer, Wiesbaden 2013, p. 173
  26. ↑ Andreas Ruppert: “'Europe must remain European and Germany German' - The image of Europe in German right-wing extremism.” In: Lothar Albertin (Ed.): Germany and France in the European Union. Partners put to the test. Narr, Tübingen 2010, p. 187
  27. ↑ Richard Diesing: The New Right: We were at an award ceremony for right-wing journalists. www.vice.com, November 28, 2017
  28. ↑ Robert Scholz: The proof: Dieter Stein (Junge Freiheit) is really conservative. www.endstation-rechts.de, July 6, 2009
  29. ^ Mathias Brodkorb: Phantom “New Rights”? How Dieter Stein unintentionally makes double mimicry socially acceptable. www.endstation-rechts.de, January 14, 2009
  30. ↑ Stefan von Hoyningen-Huene: Religiosity in right-wing extremist youth . Lit Verlag, 2003, p. 223, fn 243.
  31. ↑ Patrick Keßler: The “New Right” in the gray area between right-wing extremism and conservatism? Protagonists, programmatic and positioning movements. LIT Verlag, Berlin 2018, p. 179
  32. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter and Helmut Fröchling: New Right and the extreme right in Germany. In: Jens Mecklenburg (Hrsg.): Handbuch deutscher Rechtsextremismus , Elefantenpress 1996, p. 563.
  33. ↑ Rainer Benthin: On the way to the center: Public strategies of the new rights , Campus Verlag 2004, p. 143.
  34. ↑ according to IVW ( online )
  35. ^ A b c Philipp Wittrock, Anna Reimann: Thuringia - Peter Krause renounces ministerial office. In: Der Spiegel , May 5, 2008.
  36. ↑ The end of a CDU affair - Hinrich Rohbohm resigns from the party. In: Tageblatt , October 3, 2009.
  37. ↑ Christiane Florin, Wolfgang Thielmann: Is that censorship? In: Christ & Welt 6/2012
  38. ↑ Cash in with the right-wing populists. In: Wirtschaftswoche , March 11, 2016
  39. ↑ Armin Pfahl-Traughber : Journal portrait: Szession, in: Backes et al (ed): Yearbook Extremism & Democracy (E & D). 29th year 2017, Nomos Verlag ISBN 978-3-8487-4634-7 , p. 218, biographical information on Götz Kubitschek
  40. ↑ Praise for a notorious Holocaust denier. In: Hagalil
  41. ↑ For example Burkhardt Schröder (Die Woche, October 10, 2000): Aprilfrischerechte - A chairwoman of the Jewish community gives the "Junge Freiheit" an interview. Has right-wing radicalism become socially acceptable?
  42. ↑ Bad intention . In: Die Zeit , No. 47/2004; Reading sample from Martin Dietzsch u. a .: Nation instead of democracy: When the 'Junge Freiheit' seeks conversation ...
  43. ↑ Bahr defends controversial interview. In: Der Tagesspiegel , November 9, 2004
  44. ↑ a b A visit to the "Junge Freiheit" - with Stauffenberg's sword. In: the daily newspaper , May 27, 2008
  45. ↑ Buschkowsky apologizes in the town hall - an interview in the right newspaper has no consequences. In: Berliner Zeitung , March 17, 2005
  46. ↑ Gernot Facius: A completely normal weekly newspaper? www.welt.de, June 21, 2001
  47. ↑ Helmut Lölhöffel: “The interview trap. How the 'Junge Freiheit' repeatedly engaged celebrities and even social democrats. ”In: Stephan Braun, Ute Vogt (Ed.): The weekly newspaper“ Junge Freiheit ”. Critical analyzes of the program, content, authors and customers. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 279
  48. ^ No more interviews for right-wing newspapers - decision of the directorate of the Central Council of Jews. In: Berliner Zeitung , October 30, 2000
  49. ^ State party conference of the Berlin SPD on November 26, 2005, page 66: Miscellaneous - Application No. 47 / II / 05 (PDF; 215 kB).
  50. ↑ Orientation points for dealing with right-wing extremism: Unmask the wolves in sheep's clothing! (PDF; 86 kB).
  51. ↑ Eckhard Jesse: Dealing with party political right-wing extremism. Working paper / documentation No. 149 / December 2005, published by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, ISBN 3-937731-69-5 ( PDF; 70 kB (PDF))
  52. ↑ Pia Lorenz: Ex-Federal and BVerfG President Roman Herzog dead: “A critical spirit, a man of clear words” www.lto.de, January 10, 2017
  53. ↑ Lisa Caspari: The Rambo woman of the Brandenburg CDU. www.zeit.de, February 29, 2012
  54. ↑ Brandenburger CDU leader gives up offices. In: sueddeutsche.de , September 11, 2012.
  55. ↑ Alexander Fröhlich: CDU Vice: "I believe that Saskia Ludwig is wrong" www.pnn.de, March 17, 2017
  56. ↑ Andreas Speit : NPD leadership tries to keep distance. In: taz , February 2, 2012.
  57. ↑ Andreas Speit : NPD and Terror Trio No reason for exclusion. In: taz , February 2, 2012.
  58. ↑ Dunja Hayali: “We have to be able to endure the opinion of the other”. In: Die Welt , March 23, 2017.
  59. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter: Will the Republic fall? The New Right and its support by politics and the media , Knaur Verlag Munich 1994, p. 188.
  60. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter: The Schmittism of "Young Freedom" and its incompatibility with the Basic Law. In: Stephan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit" , Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 77–91, especially p. 88.
  61. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter: A Commentary on Young Freedom. In: Netz-gegen-Nazis.de , April 22, 2008
  62. ↑ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right Intelligence Leaves and Theory Organs , in: Operations , 31 (1992) 116, p. 49.
  63. ↑ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Bridges between right-wing extremism and conservatism. In: Wolfgang Kowalsky / Wolfgang Schroeder (eds.): Right-wing extremism , Westdeutscher Verlag 1994, pp. 160–182, specifically p. 173.
  64. ^ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic. CH Beck, 3rd edition 2001, p. 46 f.
  65. ↑ Richard Stöss: The "new right" in the Federal Republic . Friedrich Ebert Foundation, 2000.
  66. ↑ Richard Stöss: The "new right" in the Federal Republic . Federal Agency for Civic Education, 2007.
  67. ↑ Astrid Lange: What the Right Read - Fifty right-wing extremist magazines - Goals, Contents, Tactics , Munich 1993, p. 104 ff.
  68. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: The plagiarism. The völkisch nationalism of the “Junge Freiheit” , DISS 1994, ISBN 3-92788-44-0 , p. 10.
  69. ↑ Helmut Kellershohn: People, State and Nation. In: Stephan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper “Junge Freiheit” , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 120 f.
  70. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer: The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? , VS Verlag, 1st edition 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4162-9 , pp. 11, 211 and a.
  71. ↑ Alexander Ruoff: Bending, Displacing, Silencing: The National History of "Young Freedom". Unrast Verlag, 2001 edition, ISBN 3-89771-406-X , p. 7 ff.
  72. ↑ Andreas Speit, Jean Cremet, Felix Krebs: Beyond Nationalism: Ideological Border Crossers of the 'New Right' - An Interim Report, Münster 1999, ISBN 3-928300-94-6 , p. 13
  73. ↑ Thomas Pfeiffer: The "Young Freedom" in the NRW Constitutional Protection Reports. In: Stefan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 60-69.
  74. ↑ Uwe Backes : Shape and meaning of intellectual right-wing extremism in Germany . In: From Politics and Contemporary History , B 46/2001.
  75. ↑ Uwe Backes: In: Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer (ed.): The new right - a threat to democracy? With a copy of the panel discussion on the occasion of the “New Rights” conference on October 8, 2003 in Düsseldorf. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4162-9 , p. 230.
  76. ↑ Rainer Benthin: On the way to the middle: Public strategies of the new rights , Campus Research 2004, p. 16.
  77. ↑ Steffen Kailitz: Political Extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany. An introduction. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 978-3-531-14193-0 , p. 93.
  78. ↑ Steffen Kailitz: Political Extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany. An introduction. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 978-3-531-14193-0 , p. 85 f.
  79. ^ Albert Scherr: The Young Freedom - A Challenge to Political Education , 2006; cited in Stephan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit" , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 19.
  80. ↑ Günter Rohrmoser: Conservative Thinking in the Context of Modernity (2006, pp. 35 ff., 70).
  81. ^ Gabriele Nandlinger: Right-wing extremist black and white painting - In the German national gray area: "Young freedom". Federal Agency for Civic Education, 2007, accessed on January 6, 2010.
  82. ↑ Michael Pechel: The understanding of history of the weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit" . In: Stephan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit" . Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 95-113.
  83. ↑ Eike Kellermann (Interview): "Much Ado About Almost Nothing" . In: Leipziger Volkszeitung , May 5, 2008.
  84. ↑ Eckhard Jesse: Democracy in Germany: Diagnoses and Analyzes. (Ed. by Uwe Backes and Alexander Gallus) Böhlau Verlag, Vienna / Cologne 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-20157-9 , p. 362.
  85. ↑ Eckhard Jesse: Democracy in Germany: Diagnoses and Analyzes. (Ed. by Uwe Backes and Alexander Gallus) Böhlau Verlag, Vienna / Cologne 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-20157-9 , p. 384.
  86. ↑ Werner Patzelt: Right is not the same as right-wing extremist . In: Deutschlandradio , December 2, 2008.
  87. ↑ Konstantin Nowotny, Felix Schilk: Der Schattenboxer www.freitag.de, March 20, 2019
  88. ↑ Andreas Ruppert: "Europe must remain European and Germany German". The image of Europe in German right-wing extremism. In: Lothar Albertin: Germany and France in the European Union: Partners on the test bench . Narr Verlag 2009, p. 188.
  89. ↑ Thomas Gesterkamp : Gender struggle from the right - How men's rights activists and family fundamentalists radicalize themselves against the enemy image of feminism. Friedrich Ebert Foundation, WISO discourse, Bonn 2010, p. 10 f. ( PDF; 185 kB (PDF)).
  90. ↑ Felix Dirsch : Authentic Conservatism. Studies on a Classical Current in Political Thought. Lit Verlag, Münster 2012, ISBN 3-643-11530-X , p. 244 f.
  91. ^ Britta Schellenberg: Right-wing extremism debate: characteristics, conflicts and their consequences. Springer Verlag, Heidelberg 2013, ISBN 978-3-658-04177-9 , p. 188.
  92. ↑ Gideon Botsch, Die Junge Freiheit - the mouthpiece of a radical nationalist opposition , In: Federal Agency for Political Education, January 11, 2017, available online
  93. ↑ Alexander Fröhlich in an interview with Gideon Botsch, The AfD is a national populist right-wing party , In: Potsdamer Latest News, September 16, 2014, p. 13 can be viewed online .
  94. ↑ Juliane Lang, "Against Genderism!" Extreme right-wing gender politics , In: Björn Milbradt, Floris Biskamp, ​​Yvonne Albrecht, Lukas Kiepe, Ruck nach rechts ?: Right-wing populism, right-wing extremism and the question of counter-strategies , Verlag Barbara Budrich 2017, p. 115
  95. ↑ Volker Weiß: The authoritarian revolt. The New Right and the Fall of the West. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2018, pp. 67, 193, 200
  96. ↑ Patrick Keßler, The “New Right” in the gray area between right-wing extremism and conservatism? , LIT Verlag 2018, p. 145
  97. ↑ Kristin Merle, Religion in Public: Digitization as a Challenge for Church Communication Cultures , Walter de Gruyter 2019, p. 372
  98. ↑ Christian Fuchs / Paul Middelhoff: The network of the new right. Who controls them, who finances them and how they change society. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 2019, p. 62
  99. ↑ Samuel Salzborn: "Antisemitic conspiracy thinking in right-wing extremism." In: ders. (Ed.): Antisemitism since 9/11. Events, debates, controversies. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2019, p. 156 f.
  100. ^ André Postert: “Saxony and intellectual right-wing extremism. Metapolitics of the New Right. ”In: Uwe Backes / Steffen Kailitz (Ed.): Saxony - A stronghold of right-wing extremism? Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2020, p. 55
  101. ^ Constitutional Protection Report 2004. ( Memento from May 20, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Federal Ministry of the Interior , 2005, ISSN  0177-0357 , p. 101 (PDF; 2.6 MB).
  102. ↑ Constitutional Protection Report 2004. ( Memento from May 20, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Federal Ministry of the Interior, 2005, ISSN  0177-0357 , p. 103 (PDF; 2.6 MB).
  103. ↑ PDS observation by all means. Conversation with Hamburg’s top constitutional protector Heino Vahldieck . In: Neues Deutschland , June 14, 2004 (only available to subscribers).
  104. ^ Written question from the MP Florian Ritter SPD. (PDF) Bavarian State Parliament, printed matter 15/3832 of August 9, 2005 (PDF).
  105. ↑ Judgment of the BVerfG, 1 BvR 1072/01, of May 25, 2005, paragraph no. 1-92.
  106. ↑ Thomas Pfeiffer and Michael Putkamer: Why the state of North Rhine-Westphalia has the "Junge Freiheit" in its reports on the protection of the constitution , in: Stefan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Wiesbaden 2007, p. 58.
  107. ^ Legal proceedings of the "Junge Freiheit" ( Memento from October 4, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF).
  108. ^ Constitutional Protection Report of the State of North Rhine-Westphalia for the year 2005. ( Memento from April 26, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF) Interior Ministry of the State of North Rhine-Westphalia, Department for the Protection of the Constitution, 2006, p. 79
  109. ^ Press release Ministry of the Interior of North Rhine-Westphalia, July 28, 2006; quoted in Stephan Braun, Ute Voigt (ed.): The weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit". Wiesbaden 2007, p. 10.
  110. ↑ Anton Maegerle: “Young Freedom” authors and their political environment. (PDF; 674 kB) In: perspektiven 21, Brandenburgische Hefte für Wissenschaft & Politik No. 18/2003 (The East and the Berlin Republic) , pp. 57–81.
  111. ^ Mathias Brodkorb: The young freedom and their opponents. In: Berlin Republic 1/2008.
  112. ↑ Heribert Seifert: A strange understanding of freedom. ( Memento from July 1, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) Neue Zürcher Zeitung from June 20, 2008.
  113. ^ Daniel Erk, Stefan Schirmer: Journal national. In: Zeit Online , July 23, 2015. Retrieved February 14, 2016.
  114. ^ Young freedom: Free spelling . In: hagalil.com , July 6, 2005.
  115. ↑ Andreas Speit, Konrad Litschko: “Compact” magazine in crisis: Under a scrutinizing look. taz.de, April 15, 2020