New rights

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The term New Right ( English New Right , French Nouvelle droite ) describes the conception and is in part also a self-designation of a heterogeneous, right-wing extremist political current in different countries. The German-language version is understood as a “counter-model” to the New Left , differentiates itself from the “old right”, which was arrested by National Socialism , is above all intellectually oriented and seeks links to the conservative spectrum. A fundamental criticism of central constitutional norms is characteristic of the New Right , in Germany also the rejection of the fundamental principles of the Basic Law ; some groups want to renew a völkisch nationalism .

A characteristic of the political science view of the phenomenon is that "in the concept of the new radical right [...] the meaning of the contrast between democratic conservatism and anti-democratic right - wing extremism is relativized and instead pointed to commonalities on the right fringes of the political system".


The expression "New Right" came up in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1960s as a self-term and as a synonym for "Young Right". This is how younger right-wing radicals called themselves in the NPD , which was founded in 1964 , in order to break their party under the influence of the West German student movement from National Socialist models and to differentiate it from the unsuccessful “old frozen right”.

After the NPD failed to make it into the Bundestag with 4.3% of the second vote in the 1969 Bundestag election, Young National Democrats made the first attempts to strategically rethink and reorganize their political camp. In 1972, the Aktion Neuerechte (ANR) split off from the NPD. Its founding declaration, written by Henning Eichberg , proclaimed an "anti-imperialist liberation nationalism". The declaration called for the "occupying powers" to be expelled from the two German states in order to enable a "German rebirth and reunification" in this way.

From 1974, the ANR, renamed National Revolutionary Organization (NRAO), split into splinter groups: The solidaristic people's movement around Lothar Penz re-launched the idea of ​​the national community and got involved in the emerging ecological movement . Eichberg's supporters founded the Cause of the People / NRAO and fought “against foreign infiltration by the superpowers” ​​for “national identity” as the third way between capitalism and communism . With this rhetoric they tried not only to influence so-called left-wing sectarians and ecological groups, but also to nationalistically influence the emerging peace movement.

In addition to the national revolutionaries who had emerged from the NPD, a movement emerged around 1980 that was explicitly based on the French Nouvelle Droite and took up the ideas of its founder Alain de Benoist . There the national liberation is classified more strongly in a pan-European culture war. In 1980 , Pierre Krebs founded the Thule seminar based on the example of the French collection movement GRECE with the aim of preparing the “fight for Europe's future” in theory. The Political Offensive (PO), founded in 1987 by former national revolutionaries, also positioned itself between conservatism and right-wing extremism . Their representative Manfred Rouhs called on the “New Right” in 1988 in the magazine Europa to join the new right-wing party, The Republicans . A third current is characterized by personal contacts and ideological proximity to national liberalism.

In Germany, especially since reunification, a network of new right-wing associations, media and institutions has developed from these roots, which occupy certain subject areas and try to evade clear classifications in the political spectrum in order to gain "discourse sovereignty" far beyond their own camp.

In 1989, Claus Leggewie was the first political scientist to describe the party The Republicans as the “New Right” after they had their first successes in the House of Representatives in (West) Berlin and in the European elections of the same year. The party headed by Franz Schönhuber at that time should be distinguished with this term from the unsuccessful "old right", especially from the NPD and the DVU . Richard Stöss evaluates the rise of the Republicans as part of the Europeanization of this “new” type of right-wing extremism. In this context, party researchers also put the Italian Alleanza Nazionale (AN), the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), the French Front National (FN), the Swiss People's Party (SVP) and the Belgian Vlaams Blok (VB). Eva Schweitzer describes the tea party movement in the USA as “America's New Right”. Gerd Wiegel and Guido Speckmann see a success of new right-wing parties like FPÖ (Austria), Danish People's Party (Denmark), Lega Nord (Italy), SVP (Switzerland), Pro-Movement (Germany) and Tea-Party-Movement (USA) since 1990 in that they included neoliberal and classic right-wing extremist positions together in their program. This made them compatible with conservative-liberal parties.

The Hamburg historian Volker Weiß shows in his book Deutschlands Neuerechte 2011 “that through Sarrazin and his partisans, traditionally right-wing theses and concepts were firmly anchored in the middle of society. The discourse on elite, achievement and inheritance initiated by authors such as Thilo Sarrazin and Peter Sloterdijk [especially with their books Germany abolishes itself from 2010 or Rules for the Human Park (1999) and The Contempt of the Masses (2000)] has thus had circles achieved that the NPD could never have addressed. Society will have to adapt to this new right in the future. ”This is all the more remarkable since Sloterdijk“ as a typical representative of left cultural criticism ”with his“ anthropotechnical turn ”was not to be expected“ as a defector into the counter-enlightenment camp ”and from a social democrat like Sarrazin a “solidarity” with the “extreme right” was also surprising.

Richard Stöss points out that there has always been a conflict between “old” and “new” right-wing extremists in German right-wing extremism, including the Weimar Republic and the German Empire. The decisive factor is that it is not about “old” or “new”, but rather a content-related dissent between traditionalists and modernizers regarding the self-image, goals and methods of right-wing extremism.

Theoretical foundations

Conservative thought leaders

Representatives of the German New Right often refer to certain thinkers of the Weimar Republic . Since Armin Mohler's dissertation in 1949, these have been summarized in the collective term " Conservative Revolution ", which many New Right in turn take up and update. Representatives of this trend are thinkers who rejected human rights , liberalism , Marxism and parliamentary democracy between the world wars , including Arthur Moeller van den Bruck , Ernst Jünger , Edgar Julius Jung , Ernst von Salomon and Carl Schmitt . Their opposing positions were inconsistent, but tended towards authoritarian state models and a German “Sonderweg” vis-à-vis western civilization. Your relationship to National Socialism is controversial; Most of them were not active National Socialists, in some cases they distinguished themselves from them and were persecuted in isolated cases after 1933, while others affirmed and supported the Nazi state. Historians such as Kurt Sontheimer emphasize the ideological and practical similarities that fostered and helped to prepare for the rise of the NSDAP .

New rights also refer to thought leaders and theorists of fascism such as Julius Evola , Robert Michels , Vilfredo Pareto , José Antonio Primo de Rivera and Georges Sorel . The weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit , which historians and political scientists classify as the organ of the New Right, has devoted a series of articles to these and similar thinkers and regularly reviews books about them.

Right Gramscism

The New Right not only appeals to representatives of right-wing ideas, but also, with Antonio Gramsci , to a Marxist intellectual. Its ideas on how to achieve cultural hegemony are - without further consideration of its Marxist ideas and ideals - used as instruments of power.

Since there are currently no historical factors such as a mass movement for a desired turnaround, the most important tactical approach of the New Right is the claim to achieve “discourse sovereignty” in social debates and cultural hegemony. This principle was first described by the Marxist theorist of the Italian Communist Party , Antonio Gramsci. He analyzed that social hegemony also functions in this way in the existing system: If you want to achieve such a hegemony, you have to strive to infiltrate the elite discourse through journalistic activities, to work in clubs, associations and cultural institutions and, on this basis, to add ideological content to the social discussion to ultimately create acceptance for them and to dominate public opinion in the long term. Once this goal has been achieved, society will be “ripe” for an overthrow of the situation through an increasing number of electoral shares and parliamentary seats up to the point of assuming government responsibility. This strategy also appears interesting to the New Right: “An essential new element of the 'New Right' is generally that it invokes the Italian Communist Antonio Gramsci and strives to achieve 'cultural hegemony' in order to achieve political hegemony on this basis To change the situation. "


Content orientations

The New Right is against the principles of the Enlightenment , especially against pluralism and the idea of equality for all people, which underlies general human rights . It replaces “classical” racism with the concept of ethnopluralism by demanding internally ethnically homogeneous, externally equal nation states. Democracy is not constituted by equal citizens, but by ethnic and religious communities. According to Richard Stöss, this ethnopluralism is particularly suitable as a “hinge” between neoconservatism and right-wing extremism .

In the new right debates, for example, the 68 movement and feminism are rejected, ideas for a multicultural society or egalitarian endeavors are made contemptuous. Elites should be formed and lead society. According to the literary scholar Gabriele Kämper , what the new intellectual rights have in common with their predecessors from the “Conservative Revolution” is that they appealed to the longing for a world in which male values ​​and male supremacy are unquestioned. They would design an alternative world in which the emancipation of women is mocked, democracy is denounced as effeminate and feminine, and aggressive, supposedly masculine virtues are glorified.

The New Right wants to strengthen a “national identity” and a “national self-esteem” and currently sees this as inadequately implemented and as partially deliberately prevented by political opponents. In order to achieve the necessary “emancipation” of Germans, German history must be subjected to constant revision and a front must be made against the “ guilt cult ” (meaning the memory of the Holocaust as a central component of German identity).

Against this background, the state of society is culturally pessimistic, mostly portrayed as decadent and in decline and a national-utopian way of thinking is cultivated: Only by referring to organic ideas of nation and people, to the “roots” of society, can a fundamental change be made a healthy society will emerge in a new era (rebirth, rebirth, palingenesis ). This point distinguishes the New Right from conservatism , which seeks to achieve this goal by restoring traditional values. According to Roger Griffin, their ethnic nationalism shares a central aspect of all fascist ideologemes. The New Right “has the same enemies as fascism of the interwar period , even if their approaches to solutions, the forms of organization and their discourse differ significantly”.

Although the European New Right stays away from political violence, it embodies, according to Roger Griffin, "clearly a form of palingenetic ultra-nationalism and deserves the designation 'fascists'". Before the awareness that after 1945 no more political mass movements could be formed, according to Griffin the New Right moved deliberately "into a state of Apoliteia beyond party politics and stoically expects a new historical boom in which the postponed revolution can be resumed" . The militant anti-Americanism of Alain de Benoist, for example, expressly justifies attacks (“retaliatory measures”) on the USA. Ordine Nuovo , who is responsible for several terrorist attacks, has her main inspiration in the works of Julius Evola, according to Griffin.

According to Volker Weiß, there is hardly any fundamental hostility to Islam within the New Right . The reason for the aversion is "only the presence of Islam in the European metropolitan area". The “real conditions in Tehran , Riyadh , Istanbul or Kabul ” - unlike in universalistic thinking - played no role for the representatives of the New Right.

According to Griffin, the preferred target groups of the “Kulturkampf” of the New Right are segments of society in which young people can be found who have a certain tolerance for new right positions. B. Fraternities and displaced persons . Other fields of agitation are neo-paganism and occultism . The black scene was also courted in the 1990s. The starting point for this was primarily the Neofolk , a style of music in which some artists operate with a fascist aesthetic. Fanzine Sigill (later Zinnober ) published musical reviews as well as essays on the work of Armin Mohler , Ernst Jüngers , Julius Evolas and others.

Some New Right groupings refer to pre-Christian or non-Christian European traditions. The neo-paganism belong "to their justification figures, and they practice the corresponding cults with devotion," wrote Friedrich Paul Heller. The Thule seminar, for example, sees a “European rebirth”. According to Heller, the decisive factor here is not the number of members, but their key role. They would have had an impact on the music scene and esotericism.

The historian Walter Laqueur takes the view that the New Right ultimately failed to develop a coherent counter-position to the liberalism of Western American influences.

Main wing

The mentioned examples fulfill a double function: on the one hand they are the target of new right agitation, on the other hand this is carried out out of them because the protagonists have already been established in the corresponding organizations or scenes.

Some political scientists and the protection of the constitution distinguish between two mainstreams of the New Right: “young conservatives” and “national revolutionaries”.

  • Young conservatives tend to target the bourgeois camp, avoid stimulating terms such as “revolution” or “socialism” and relate more strongly than the national revolutionaries to the model of the conservative revolution . Young conservatives cannot be viewed as right-wing extremists working undercover. Some members of democratic parties and their youth organizations such as the Junge Union are also close to young conservative ideas.
  • National revolutionaries tend to refer to Ernst Niekisch and often use the rhetoric of the so-called “left” wing of the NSDAP ( Gregor and Otto Strasser ). Accordingly, they pursue a cross-front strategy, i.e. In other words, they are trying to influence the social discussion, including those around the left, with originally “left” content such as anti-imperialism or anti-capitalism . National Revolutionary rhetoric can be in the NPD and there again, especially in its youth organization Young National Democrats , but also with organizations such as the German College of Horst Mahler find. Because of the often openly National Socialist agitation in this direction, some scholars do not consider it to be the “new”, but rather the “old” right in terms of content.

Scientific definitions

Political and social scientists have been defining the German New Right differently since the 1970s, depending on their inconsistent models and goals.

In 1975 Günter Bartsch named as important theorists of the national revolutionary groups at that time who saw themselves as the New Right: Henning Eichberg (pseudonym: "Hartwig Singer"), Lothar Penz, Uwe-Michael Troppenz (now: Mikail Troppenz) under the pseudonym Michael Meinrad , Wolfgang Günther (pseudonym: "Gert Waldmann"), Sven Thomas Frank (pseudonym: "Alexander Epstein") and Wolfgang Strauss .

In 1987, the political scientist Margret Feit understood this primarily as the national revolutionary current that accompanied the NPD and followed its founding. In 1988, Martin Dietzsch described the right-wing extremist groups as New Right that referred to ethnic groups from the Weimar period, representatives of the Conservative Revolution and national socialists around Gregor Strasser .

The political scientists Klaus Schönekäs and Suzanne Mantino located the New Right in 1989 and 1992 respectively in a “gray area” between right-wing extremism and conservatism .

For the historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler , the striving for a hegemonic role of the reunified Germany in Europe and the “removal of taboos” from German nationalism are part of the foundation of the New Right. Since this endeavor was also recognizable among conservative journalists such as Arnulf Baring , Michael Stürmer and Hans-Peter Schwarz , he also assigned them to the New Right.

The social scientist Reinhard Opitz saw the New Right as neo-fascist because of its lack of ties to a specific political party and references to Weimar groups .

For the first time at the end of the 1980s, Wolfgang Gessenharter described the “intellectual new right” as a “hinge between neoconservatism and right-wing extremism”. This characterization still shapes the discussion in science and in the media to this day. He differentiates the New Right from right-wing extremists as follows: "To assign the term 'right-wing extremists' to parties, ideologies, people [...] presupposes that they have demonstrated 'efforts to eliminate the free democratic basic order'." If proof is not possible, the term “right-wing radicalism” should be used (cf. radicalism ). In terms of content, the use of this term presupposes that the person identified in this way exercises (more or less massive) fundamental criticism of the central constitutional norms.

The political scientist Armin Pfahl-Traughber , on the other hand, clearly assigns the “new rights” to right-wing extremism. In addition to electoral parties and actionists, they represent the “intellectual” part of this camp, which seeks journalistic and social influence through the media, publishers and associations. Important topics of these "theory circles " are ethnopluralism, historical revisionism and esotericism of the right . Many representatives of the "new right" would be directed against fundamental principles of the democratic constitutional state and should therefore clearly be qualified as opponents of democracy.

Like Pfahl-Traughber, Thomas Pfeiffer also classifies the “new right” as part of right-wing extremism, but assigns it a “double function” as the avant-garde of right-wing extremism and a bridge to transport right-wing extremist issues and ideas into the camp of democratic conservatism and the center of society.

Richard Stöss classifies the New Right as a “new” type of right-wing extremism , for which the populist demeanor, the system-immanent practice as well as the demarcation from historical fascism and its “orthodox estate administrators” are characteristic. According to Frank Decker , the term “ right-wing populism ” has become established because the normatively oriented, ideology-critical conceptualization of a new right has not analytically proven itself when considering specific parties.

According to Roland Eckert , representatives of the New Right are right-wing extremists because they question the universal validity of human rights, but not necessarily right-wing extremists in the sense of an attack on the constitutional order. In adopting Carl Schmitt's political philosophy, however, doubts are justified as to whether human dignity beyond ethnic boundaries will be upheld by the New Right in a way that corresponds to the Basic Law. According to Wolfgang Gessenharter, the ideas of Schmitt, the “stirrup holder of the Nazis”, which are incompatible with the Basic Law , continue to have a latent effect today in the New Right, especially in Junge Freiheit .

Uwe Backes uses the term New Rights for forms of “intellectual right-wing extremism” in order not to “collectively assign blame to the address of“ national conservatives ”,“ neoliberals ”,“ globalization advocates ”or advocates of increased immigration control”.

The social scientist Patrick Keßler defines the "New Right" as "an intellectual current that aims to spread its ideas in society with a mixture of right-wing extremist and conservative thinking". According to Keßler, the "New Right" rejects the "German constitutional state, negates democratic values ​​and strives to overcome the system." This, according to Keßler, makes it clear that the "New Right" cannot be assigned to conservatism, but to the right-wing extremist area. "

The scholars point out some common features of the New Right:

  • a collection of almost exclusively male intellectual conservatives;
  • their deliberate demarcation from the previous “old” right, which mainly consists of former Nazi cadres who were biographically involved in the crimes of the Nazi era, as well as their successors and a direct denial of the Holocaust ;
  • Ethnopluralism ” as the ideological core;
  • their strategy of gaining power through cultural and intellectual influence (“cultural revolution from the right”), according to which concepts and images of reality must be filled before management positions in politics and society are filled (“right-wing Gramscism”);
  • their rejection of the basic principles of the Basic Law and the German self-image as well as attempts to reinterpret the same. The memory of the Holocaust is not understood and fought as a starting point and center, but as a main obstacle to national self-confidence;
  • an orientation towards Carl Schmitt's political worldview, consisting of the friend-foe dichotomy and the demand for socio-political homogeneity in a fundamental rejection of an intra-societal pluralism;
  • an often deliberately unprovocative reasoning in order to gain entry into socially acceptable conservative political discourse (“political mimicry”).
  • According to Helmut Kellershohn, it was also linked to a “völkisch nationalism” that has been known for 200 years and the intention of its restoration.

The political scientist Samuel Salzborn , who uses the AfD as an example to describe the New Right as " völkisch rebels", describes the "key instruments [...] of the anti-democrats" in the struggle for " cultural hegemony ":

  • the "creation of (highly emotional) permanent public for one's own positions",
  • the “ suggestion of an unjustified exclusion of ethnic and racist positions from the public debate under the propaganda label of an alleged fight for freedom of expression” and
  • the "stylization of one's own positions as a fight against all others, who are then dubbed 'established', 'system parties' or the like."

According to Ralf Melzer , the New Right "questions essential constitutional norms of human rights-based liberal democracy and the understanding of the Shoah as a central point of reference in the democratic self-image of the post-war period and tries to dissolve the historical-political consensus in this regard".

Classification by the constitution protection authorities

The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution defines the German New Right on the basis of scientific analyzes as the “intellectualization of right-wing extremism”, which, with reference to anti-democratic thinkers of the Weimar Republic, sought “the elimination or at least the impairment of the democratic constitutional state” by initially having “decisive influence on the cultural Tried to gain area ”. In the reports for the protection of the constitution, however, there is no uniform assessment of a new right , rather the dangers to democracy are assessed individually by each individual organization, party or publication.


Right-wing extremism researchers assign media, publishers and institutions to the New Right, most of which were founded since the 1970s, some even earlier, and which today cover both right-wing extremist and conservative topics for corresponding target groups. You see in this a significant personal and organizational interweaving of new rights and right-wing extremists. Since the 1990s, people and circles have been part of what is often referred to as the “New Intellectual Right” in political science, and they mainly gather around the weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit (JF), founded in 1986 . In the middle of 2000 the Institute for State Policy u. a. founded to hold academies, which brings its own publishing house, Edition Antaios , and the magazine Sezession onto the market. By means of this journalistic offensive as well as high-profile interviews in the JF with representatives from the CDU , the SPD , the FDP , from associations, science and culture, but also from the right-wing extremist environment, this right-wing movement elite tries to implement an intellectual opinion leadership and influence power- and to win elected officials.


Organs of national revolutionaries in the New Right around Henning Eichberg were or are:

  • Young forum : founded in 1964
  • Fragments
  • Young review
  • Awakening : founded in 1980 as an organ of the "National Revolutionary Coordination Committee"
  • we ourselves : founded in 1979 as an organ of the Koblenzer JN , which merged with the magazine for national identity in1980, discontinued in 2004.

Armin Pfahl-Traughber , 2001, mentions right-wing extremist and new-right strategy and theory bodies within a strategy to achieve cultural opinion leadership :

Young Freedom authors also regularly write for the magazine

The bodies of the New Right in Austria are:

  • The auditorium : now adjusted magazine as the mouthpiece of the national-liberal student organizations of Austria and rallying point of the extreme right in the Freedom Party was
  • The Eckart



As examples of what he sees as right-wing extremist publishers in the context of the new right-wing strategy of a “cultural revolution from the right”, Armin Pfahl-Traughber names:

Thomas Pfeiffer names new right-wing publishers with right-wing extremist tendencies:

Thomas Grumke and Bernd Wagner lead the new right-wing publishing house in the border area to conservatism and a. on:

Other right-wing publishers with right-wing extremist tendencies appeared in reports on the protection of the constitution, for example:

As a publisher for new right theories and authors, the Ullstein-Verlag operated for a time .

The Arndt-Verlag in Kiel with its branches (Orion, Heimreiter, Bonus, Pour le merite, Reading and Gifting) is one of the best-known publishers in the relevant spectrum, according to the Schleswig-Holstein Office for the Protection of the Constitution in 2008 and the federal government. In the 2000 report on the protection of the constitution, it was stated that Dietmar Munier has "held a firm place in right-wing extremist publishing for decades".

between day

Since 2012, leading figures of the New Right have been meeting annually on an intermediate day . The "free fair" offers over 30 exhibitors, who mainly come from the new right publishing industry, as well as a cultural program as well as lectures and panel discussions. It serves to communicate and network a spectrum that openly describes itself as “right”.

See also


New right standard works

Scientific analysis

  • Peter Bathke, Anke Hoffstadt (ed.): The new right in Europe. Between neoliberalism and racism , PapyRossa Verlag, Cologne 2013, ISBN 978-3-89438-507-1
  • Uwe Backes : Shape and meaning of intellectual right-wing extremism . In: From Politics and Contemporary History . 46/2001, pp. 24-30. ( Online ; PDF, 59 kB).
  • Liane Bednarz, Christoph Giesa : Dangerous citizens. The new right reaches for the middle . Hanser Verlag, Munich 2015, ISBN 978-3-446-44461-4 .
  • Rainer Benthin: On the Way to the Middle: The Public Relations Strategies of the New Right. Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2004, ISBN 3-593-37620-2 .
  • Alice Brauner-Orthen : The New Right in Germany. Anti-democratic and racist tendencies. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2001, ISBN 3-8100-3078-3 .
  • Julian Bruns / Kathrin Glösel / Natascha Strobl : Right- wing cultural revolution. Who and What is Today's New Right? Hamburg 2015
  • Jean Cremet, Felix Krebs, Andreas Speit: Beyond Nationalism. Ideological cross-border commuters of the “New Right”. An interim report. Unrast Verlag , Münster 1999, ISBN 3-928300-94-6 .
  • Margret Feit: The “New Right” in the Federal Republic. Frankfurt am Main 1989.
  • Iring Fetscher (Ed.): Neoconservatives and New Rights. The attack on the welfare state and liberal democracy in the United States, Western Europe and the Federal Republic. (1983) CH Beck Verlag, Munich 1989, ISBN 3-406-09690-5 .
  • Thomas Fischer: The “New Right”. A challenge for the West German left. Neues Forum, Darmstadt 1989, ISBN 3-927682-03-9 .
  • Wolfgang Gessenharter u. a. (Ed.): Right-wing extremism and new rights in Germany. Re-measurement of a political-ideological space? Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-2053-2 .
  • Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer (Eds.): The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-8100-4162-9 .
  • Wolfgang Gessenharter: The new intellectual right and its support from politics and the media , in: Stephan Braun and Daniel Hörsch (eds.): Right networks - a danger . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 978-3-8100-4153-1 .
  • Franz Greß , Hans-Gerd Jaschke , Klaus Schönekäs: New rights and right-wing extremism in Europe. Federal Republic, France, Great Britain. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1990, ISBN 3-531-11890-0 .
  • Daniel Hornuff : The New Right and its Design. The aesthetic attack on the open society. transcript, Bielefeld 2019, ISBN 978-3-8376-4978-9 .
  • Gabriele Kämper: The male nation. Political rhetoric of the new intellectual rights , Böhlau Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-412-13805-3 .
  • Helmut Kellershohn (ed.): Right discourse piracy. Strategies for the acquisition of left-wing codes, symbols and forms of action , Unrast, Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-89771-757-2
  • Patrick Keßler: The "New Right" in the gray area between right-wing extremism and conservatism? Protagonists, programmatic and positioning movements. LIT Verlag, Münster 2018, ISBN 978-3643138446 .
  • Kurt Lenk , Günter Meuter, Henrique Ricardo Otten: Pioneers of the New Right. Campus-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1997, ISBN 3-593-35862-X .
  • Hanna-Ruth Metzger: Right-wing intellectual offensive: Discourse-strategic influences on the political culture of the Federal Republic of Germany. LIT-Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7432-X .
  • Armin Pfahl-Traughber : Conservative Revolution and New Right. Right-wing extremist intellectuals against the democratic constitutional state. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-1888-0 .
  • Friedbert Pflüger : Germany is drifting. The Conservative Revolution discovers its children . Munich (ECON) 1994, ISBN 3-430-17471-6
  • Sebastian Pittl : The political theology of new right movements. In: Michael Klöcker, Udo Tworuschka (Hrsg.): Handbuch der Religionen. 60. Supplementary delivery. Hohenwarsleben 2019, I - 14.10.3.
  • Jay Julian Rosellini: The German New Right. AfD, PEGIDA, and the Re-imaging of National Identity. Hurst, London 2019. ISBN 978-1-78738-140-7 .
  • Samuel Salzborn : Attack by the anti-democrats. The Volkish Rebellion of the New Right. Weinheim 2017, ISBN 978-3-7799-3674-9
  • Friedemann Schmidt: The New Right and the Berlin Republic. Opladen 2001, ISBN 3-531-13642-9 .
  • Martin KW Schweer (Ed.): The New Right - A Challenge for Research and Practice. Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2003, ISBN 3-631-39053-X .
  • Iris Weber: Nation, State and Elite. The ideology of the New Right. Papyrossa Verlag, 1997, ISBN 3-89438-129-9 .
  • Fabian Virchow: Fascist community of action or ideological cadre forge? System opposition strategies of the West German right after 1969. In: Massimiliano Livi, Daniel Schmidt, Michael Sturm (eds.): The 1970s as a black decade. Politicization and mobilization between Christian democracy and the extreme right . Campus, Frankfurt a. M./New York 2010, ISBN 978-3-593-39296-7 , pp. 229-247.
  • Volker Weiß : Germany's New Right. Attack by the elites. From Spengler to Sarrazin . Paderborn 2011, ISBN 978-3-506-77111-7
  • Volker Weiß : The authoritarian revolt. The New Right and the Fall of the West . Klett-Cotta , 2017, ISBN 978-3-608-94907-0 .

Other countries

  • Andreas Umland : The “Neoeurasism” of Aleksandr Dugin: On the political strategy of the Russian “New Right” and the role of integral traditionalism and (quasi-) religious elements in their ideology. In: Margarete Jäger, Jürgen Link (Hrsg.): Power - Religion - Politics. On the renaissance of religious practices and mentalities. Münster 2006, ISBN 3-89771-740-9 .
  • Bernhard Schmid: The New Right in France. Unrast, Münster 2009, ISBN 978-3-89771-102-0
  • Bernhard Schmid: Between metapolitics and the march through the institutions: The Nouvelle Droite in France. In: Massimiliano Livi, Daniel Schmidt, Michael Sturm (eds.): The 1970s as a black decade. Politicization and mobilization between Christian democracy and the extreme right . Campus, Frankfurt a. M./New York 2010, ISBN 978-3-593-39296-7 , pp. 131-145.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. Richard Stöss : The Right Edge of the Party System, in: Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): Handbuch Klassenforschung, VS Springer: Wiesbaden 2013, pp. 563–618, here p. 568.
  2. Andreas Speit , Andrea Röpke : Neo-Nazis in pinstripes: The NPD on the way to the center of society . Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-86153-467-9 , p. 74 .; Franz Gress, Hans-Gerd Jaschke , Klaus Schönekäs: New right and right-wing extremism in Europe: Federal Republic, France, Great Britain. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1990, ISBN 978-3-531-11890-1 , p. 13.
  3. a b Andreas Speit: Fate and Depth. Desires of the New Right. In: Cremet / Krebs / Speit: Beyond Nationalism . Unrast Verlag, Hamburg 1999, ISBN 978-3-928300-94-0 , p. 18.
  4. cf. Ines Aftenberger: The new right and neo-racism. Grazer Universitätsverlag, Graz 2007, ISBN 978-3-7011-0088-0 , pp. 53 and 237.
  5. Andreas Speit: Fate and Depth. Desires of the New Right. In: Cremet / Krebs / Speit: Beyond Nationalism . Unrast Verlag, Hamburg 1999, ISBN 978-3-928300-94-0 , pp. 17-22.
  6. Wolfgang Gessenharter: What is right-wing extremism? Central aspects of a complex problem . Spöhr, Holger / Kolls, Sarah (ed.): Right-wing extremism in Germany and Europe, Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2010, pp. 27–43
  7. Richard Stöss : The "new right" in the Federal Republic . Right-wing extremism dossier, Federal Agency for Political Education , December 2007.
  8. Werner T. Bauer: Right-wing extremists and right-wing populist parties in Europe , Austrian Society for Political Advice and Policy Development - ÖGPP (ed.), Vienna 2012, p. 9f., Pdf ( Memento from January 24, 2013 in the Internet Archive )
  9. ^ Eva Schweitzer: Tea Party: The white rage: What makes America's New Right so dangerous. Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-423-24904-1
  10. Gerd Wiegel, Guido Speckmann: The rights of today. From old fascism to the new social Darwinism. In: Sheets for German and International Politics , March 2012.
  11. Volker Weiß: Germany's new rights. Attack by the elites - from Spengler to Sarrazin. Paderborn u. a. 2011.
  12. ^ Thilo Sarrazin: Germany abolishes itself. How we risk our country . DVA. Munich 2010, Peter Sloterdijk: The contempt of the masses. Attempt on cultural struggles in modern society . Suhrkamp. Frankfurt a. M. 2000 and Peter Sloterdijk: Rules for the human park . A reply to Heidegger's letter on humanism. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt 2008, (reprint of the first edition from 1999)
  13. Volker Weiß: Germany's new rights. Attack by the elites - from Spengler to Sarrazin. Paderborn u. a. P. 131.
  14. Volker Weiß: Germany's new rights. Attack by the elites - from Spengler to Sarrazin. Paderborn u. a. P. 61
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  16. Richard Stöss: The "new right" in the Federal Republic . Federal Agency for Political Education December 17, 2007.
  17. a b c Roland Eckert: Cultural homogeneity and aggressive intolerance. A Critique of the New Right. From politics and contemporary history (APuZ 44/2010). Online: Federal Agency for Political Education, October 2010
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  19. Steffen Kailitz: Political Extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany , Wiesbaden 2004, p. 85.
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  21. The controversial concept of fascism. Interview with Roger Griffin in: DISS-Journal 13, 2004, p. 13
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  38. Reinhard Opitz: Faschismus und Neofaschismus , Pahl-Rugenstein, Bonn 1996, ISBN 3-89144-209-2 , p. 227f.
  39. Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer: The New Right - A Danger to Democracy? Wiesbaden 2004, pp. 33, 53.
  40. Wolfgang Gessenharter: What is right-wing extremism? Central aspects of a complex problem , in: Spöhr, Holger / Kolls, Sarah (Ed.): Right-wing extremism in Germany and Europe. Current development trends in comparison , Frankfurt a. a .: Peter Lang 2010, pp. 27–43
  41. Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic 1999/2001, pp. 40–50
  42. Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer: The New Right - A Danger to Democracy? Wiesbaden 2004, pp. 33, 53.
  43. Richard Stöss: The "new right" in the Federal Republic . Federal Agency for Political Education December 17, 2007.
  44. Richard Stöss : The Right Edge of the Party System, in: Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): Handbook Political Research, VS Springer: Wiesbaden 2013, pp. 563–618, here p. 574
  45. Wolfgang Gessenharter: The Schmittismus der Junge Freiheit and its incompatibility with the Basic Law , in: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, July 18, 2007.
  46. Uwe Backes: Shape and Significance of Intellectual Right-Wing Extremism in Germany (2001; pdf; 59 kB)
  47. Patrick Keßler: The "New Right" in the gray area between right-wing extremism and conservatism? Protagonists, programmatic and positioning movements. LIT Verlag, Münster 2018, ISBN 978-3643138446 . P. 25f. and 283.
  48. Wolfgang Gessenharter: On the function of new right friend-enemy images in the past and present of the Federal Republic , lecture as part of the lecture series at the University of Hamburg on May 12, 1999, Greven, Michael Th./von Wrochem, Oliver (ed.): Der Krieg in of the post-war period, Opladen: Leske + Budrich 2000, pp. 197-211
  49. ^ Samuel Salzborn: Attack of the anti-democrats. The Volkish Rebellion of the New Right. Beltz Juventa, Weinheim 2017, p. 187 f.
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  53. Wolfgang Gessenharter: What is right-wing extremism? Central aspects of a complex problem . Spöhr, Holger / Kolls, Sarah (ed.): Right-wing extremism in Germany and Europe, Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2010, pp. 27–43
  54. Patrick Keßler: The "New Right" in the gray area between right-wing extremism and conservatism? Protagonists, programmatic and positioning movements. LIT Verlag, Münster 2018, ISBN 978-3643138446 . Pp. 176-178.
  55. cf. Franz Gress, Hans-Gerd Jaschke, Klaus Schönekäs: New right and right-wing extremism in Europe: Federal Republic, France, Great Britain . Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1990, ISBN 978-3-531-11890-1 , p. 241ff.
  56. Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic , 2001, p. 40ff. and 46
  57. ^ Authors ( memento from January 1, 2008 in the Internet Archive ), accessed on October 23, 2012.
  58. Thomas Pfeiffer: Journalism of the New Right , in: Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer: The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? 2004, p. 169
  59. Andrea Ilse Maria Reiter: The "Eckartbote" (1952-1982) , Verlag Heinz, 1985
  60. Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Right-Wing Extremism in the Federal Republic , 2001, p. 42
  61. Wolfgang Gessenharter, Thomas Pfeiffer: The New Right - a Danger for Democracy? 2004, p. 130; 203; 207
  62. Thomas Grumke, Bernd Wagner: Handbook right-wing radicalism. People, organizations, networks: from neo-Nazism to the middle of society. Leske + Budrich Verlag, 2002, ISBN 3-8100-3399-5 , p. 455.
  63. ^ Franz Greß, Hans-Gerd Jaschke, Klaus Schönekäs: New rights and right-wing extremism in Europe. Federal Republic, France, Great Britain. 1990, p. 51; Ralf Havertz: The impetus. Botho Strauss' essay "Swelling Bocksgesang" and the New Right. A critical discourse analysis. Volume II, Traktor-Verlag, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-9811991-4-7 , p. 373.
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  65. Review , taz, November 9, 2015
  66. , Andruck - Das Magazin für Politische Literatur , March 20, 2017; Stefan Maas: Old ideas in a new guise (March 22, 2017)
  67. , Literature & Lectures , March 22, 2017, Thomas Steiner: Björn Höckes keyword: The heads of the New Right (March 23, 2017)