The novel -word Porajmos [ pʰoɽajmos ] (also Porrajmos , German: "devouring") refers to the genocide of the European Roma in the era of National Socialism . It is the culmination of a long history of discrimination and persecution . The number of victims is unknown. According to various estimates, it is within a wide range, but it is six digits.
Like the genocide of the Jews ( Holocaust ), it was an attempt at collective extermination. Anyone who was assigned to “ Gypsyism ” by the National Socialist authorities - in the Altreich a network of pseudo-scientific and criminal police experts, outside often spontaneously decisive actors in the persecution - was fundamentally threatened with annihilation. This was based on the racist interpretation of the members of the minority as "foreign races" "born asocials ". "Gypsies" thus became objects of a "double", ethnic and social racism.
Within the German Reich , first the persecution, then the extermination, was aimed primarily at “Gypsy hybrids” who lived in the area. Since autumn 1939 there were initially only partially implemented plans for deportation . From February 1943 a majority of the Roma living in the German Reich were deported to the specially built gypsy camp Auschwitz . More Roma were deported there from the occupied western European areas. Only a minority survived. Outside the reach of systematic data collection, as in the German- occupied areas of Eastern and Southeastern Europe , Roma in particular were at risk, who, according to the German judgment, were “ vagabond ”, although some were actually refugees or displaced persons . Here, the members of the minority fell victim to massacres by German military and police formations as well as the SS task forces and fighting the armed resistance against the German occupation .
The National Socialist fight against the “ Gypsies ” “from the essence of this race ” (according to the Himmler Decree of December 8, 1938), like the racist , National Socialist “ Final Solution to the Jewish Question ” , resulted in genocide. Porajmos and Shoah stand side by side according to the motivation of the perpetrators, according to the course of events and according to the methods and results of their realization. While Porajmos only refers to the genocide of the European Roma and Shoah only the genocide of the European Jews, Holocaust means both in a comprehensive definition. Even with a narrower definition, research places “the persecution of the Sinti and Roma in the context of the Holocaust” ( Wolfgang Benz ).
The genocide of the European Roma is far less well researched than the Shoah. The mass murders since the beginning of the Second World War were preceded by a nationwide policy of repression, in which the lower levels of police and administration were involved to a large extent. From 1937 local authorities interned “Gypsies” in numerous places in the German Reich in special “Gypsy camps ”, for example in Berlin-Marzahn , Cologne-Bickendorf , Düsseldorf-Lierenfeld , Essen, Frankfurt am Main, Fulda, Gelsenkirchen, Hanover, Kiel, Magdeburg or Ravensburg . The centrally organized registration of the minority, which was also started in 1937 and which was the prerequisite for the later deportations, especially to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp , was carried out in close cooperation with local and regional authorities, with Protestant and Catholic parishes, and with supporters and assistants social work and local history research.
Registration, persecution and extermination were based on racial anthropological and hygienic categories understood as “scientific” (“fighting from the essence of this breed”). The self-image of those affected was irrelevant to the persecutors. This means that people with a partially family background from the majority population - classified as "Gypsy hybrids" - fell victim to the persecution.
The mass murders took place no differently than in the case of the Jewish minority , predominantly in Eastern Europe and in the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp. They began regionally at different times and were carried out with different intensities. Since the beginning of the war, "Gypsies" have been victims of the murders of the Einsatzgruppen in the areas occupied by the Wehrmacht . A large part of the German, Austrian and Bohemian Roma were deported to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp from the end of February 1943. They were housed in a separate area cynically called the "Gypsy Family Camp," where most of them died within a few months of detention and working conditions. The survivors were gassed in 1944 or transferred to other concentration camps for slave labor ; Many people also died from the transport and storage conditions.
The number of victims of murders by German military and police units in the occupied east cannot be reliably determined due to insufficient documentation. Estimates speak of at least 100,000 victims. Public representations of the total number of victims often follow a speech by Federal President Roman Herzog and give the number 500,000. Research does not confirm this estimate.
In addition to Roma, the policy of “anti-social” and “preventive fight against crime”, as it was promoted in 1937/1938, like other deviant groups of the majority population (“strollers”, drinkers, prostitutes) as “gypsy travelers” or Categorized as " German-blooded non - Gypsies" affected.
To the prehistory
The Antiziganism in Europe has a long tradition. By the 16th century at the latest, those referred to as “ pagans ”, “gypsies” or “Egyptians”, like the entire poor population, were subject to rigid legal, economic and social exclusion outside the subject associations. In principle, they had no rights, were not allowed to reside anywhere and were therefore forced to migrate permanently , were referred to niche forms of employment and stigmatized as “abandoned rabble”. Even when settlement opportunities arose in the 19th century through the reform of the settlement law, they were often still deported from place to place. Once they had settled in, they usually remained marginalized and isolated from the majority population in urban or rural outskirts. Since the end of the 19th century they have been stigmatized as "anti-social".
A prominent measure of state-central standardization of the persecution measures was the Prussian "Instruction to Combat the Gypsy Insurrection" in 1906, which was directed both against the Roma (regardless of the respective subgroup such as the Sinti , Lovara , Lalleri, etc.) and against the Yenish "land drivers", so far they did not live permanently. In 1924 it was renewed. It was adopted by other German states. It remained effective until National Socialism.
The Bavarian Office for Gypsy Affairs in Munich , which had existed since 1899, was transformed in the Weimar Republic in 1929 into the headquarters for combating gypsy affairs and from then on cooperated closely with a corresponding authority in Vienna . This agency empowered the police to force Roma without a permanent job to do forced labor .
On July 16, 1926, the “Law to Combat Gypsies, Rural Drivers and Workers shy” was passed in the Free State of Bavaria. Implementing regulations and contemporary specialist comments prove its crime preventive function, ie the case groups mentioned were considered criminal from the start. The distinction between “gypsies” and “rural travelers” was based on a basic racist and ethnic understanding, a new element in the standardization: racial studies provide information about who is to be regarded as a gypsy. A circular issued by the Prussian Ministry of the Interior on November 3, 1927 ordered fingerprints to be taken from "all non-sedentary gypsies and people who wander gypsy fashion". Anyone over the age of 18 had to be photographed for a "certificate" that was given the function of a special ID that had to be presented during controls. A general identification requirement for the majority population ("ID cards" as a forerunner of the later identity cards) was only introduced on September 10, 1939 with the regulation on the passport and visa requirement as well as on the identity card requirement .
Further photos with the fingerprints were sent to the said "Gypsy Police Station Munich". The Bavarian law of 1926 was used as a template for the "Law to Combat the Gypsies", which was presented by the Hessian Interior Minister Wilhelm Leuschner (SPD) and passed on April 3, 1929. In this case, as in general, the exclusion measures against "gypsies" and "rural drivers" - there was no mention of "work-shy" in Hesse - were endorsed by almost all parties. Only the KPD rejected the law as unconstitutional.
The lawyer Hans von Hentig rejected the Bavarian law in principle, as it was directed "against gypsies, with a certain emotional aversion and exploitation, but also, what the title does not reveal, against all gypsy people". Due to its unclearly defined terms, the law is unsuitable for the “deficiently sketched group of people”. For Hentig, individual provisions collide with the Imperial Constitution, for example with the freedom of movement guaranteed in Section 111 , or the ban on traveling in “hordes”, obliging the separation of children and parents if the parents are not legally married.
In many places there were initiatives by citizens or the authorities who, in their measures, invoked appeals to either displace “Gypsies” or to place them under police surveillance. In Cologne, where numerous "wild settlements", often as caravan sites, arose during the global economic crisis , the " Black and White Square " was built in 1934 in order to counter the "general uncertainty and disfigurement of the street scene". In the Prussian city of Frankfurt, the city set up a “ concentration camp ” for “gypsies” on the social democratic initiative . Until then, in German political parlance, the term had been reserved for camps for “ Eastern Jews ” to be deported . The SS began to record Roma as early as 1931. In preparation for the 1936 Olympic Games, Berlin set up the “ resting place ” on the outskirts of Berlin.
The redefinition of these minorities overlapped with the traditional sociographic definition: on the one hand, a “racial” distinction was made between allegedly non-German “gypsies” and German rural travelers, on the other hand only case groups with the cultural characteristic of a “traveling” way of life - which the permanent residents no longer showed - subject to exclusion. Neither the authorities nor the majority of the population made a distinction in favor of or to the detriment of this or that subgroup of the Roma : “Gypsies”, insofar as they apparently corresponded to the antigypsy stereotype as “ nomadic ” , were all equally undesirable regardless of their self-perception.
First steps towards escalating exclusion
Soon after the handover of power to the National Socialists and their allies, local police and administrative authorities in particular intensified traditional discrimination. During the Weimar years, “wild” peripheral emergency quarters were created, especially in large cities, in which many or only Roma lived. They have been disbanded since 1934. They were now interned in fenced in "gypsy camps" if possible outside the city and at a great distance from the majority population. This also applied to those who until then had lived in apartments and houses like this within the majority population. A well-known example of such a camp is the " Marzahn Gypsy Rest Area " set up before the 1936 Summer Olympics on the Rieselfeldern near Berlin . The residents of the camps were subject to strict regulations and were constantly guarded. There were other camps in Cologne-Bickendorf , in Magdeburg on Holzweg , in Kiel on Preetzer Straße or Ravensburg .
From 1935 on, Roma and the Jewish minority were included in racist Nazi legislation. All groups were affected. Although the Nuremberg Laws did not explicitly name "Gypsies", the relevant commentary on the Reich Citizenship Law explicitly included them and Jews as "alien".
"Gypsies" stood "at the intersection of the two variants of racism - the ethnic or racial anthropological and the social or racial hygienic ."
Centralization of the "fight against gypsies", role of National Socialist gypsy research
In 1936 the doctor and former youth psychiatrist Robert Ritter set up the Racial Hygiene and Population Biological Research Center (RHF) in the Reich Health Office . Your first task was to set up a "gypsy genealogical archive". In 1942 the inventory of the "Gypsies" could be considered complete. This was followed by the establishment of a “Landfahrersippenarchiv”, which did not go beyond one approach and remained regionally limited. By March 1943, the research center had produced almost 24,000 reports. The extensive data collection by the Ritter Institute was only possible thanks to the intensive work done by parishes, welfare offices, schools, local researchers and other decentralized actors.
According to Ritter, who set himself the leeway for his assessments and also manipulated them, the vast majority (“more than 90%”) of the “domestic gypsies” recorded were “mixed gypsies”. In contrast to the case of the Jewish minority, “Gypsy hybrids” were seen more as a potential threat to the “purity” and “health” of the “German national body” than “genuine Gypsies” because they would keep aloof, the harmful “blood” of the “Gypsy hybrids” ”But would find its way into the same through“ blood mixes ”with“ marginal existences ”of the German national community . "Gypsies" were to be put in labor camps and forcibly sterilized .
In the course of the redefinition of the tasks of the police, the National Socialist police leadership placed the " preventive fight against crime " alongside crime investigation . By this she understood both “the annihilation of crime” and the “racial purity” of the “German national community”. With this in mind, on December 14, 1937 , the Reich Criminal Police Office (RKPA) issued a “Fundamental Decree on the Preventive Fight against Crime”. Surveillance and preventive detention were the means of implementation against the case groups of "professional criminals", "habitual criminals", "people dangerous to the community" and "people harmful to the community". The RKPA included “anti-social, prostitute and gypsy” categories in the last category. “Preventive custody” was similar to “protective custody”. The redefinition of the concentration camps as “places of education and production” and the increasing shortage of labor against the background of the goals of the four-year plan favored the following arrests, which also affected all Roma. The most spectacular event was the “Aktion Arbeitsscheu Reich” from June 13 to 18, 1938. “At least 200 male employable persons (anti-social)” were to be arrested per criminal police control center in the interest of a “tight implementation of the four-year plan” To imprison concentration camps. In addition to beggars, pimps and convicts, both “gypsies” and “people wandering like gypsies” were named as target groups. Between April and June 1938, more than 10,000 Roma, Jews and members of numerous groups of “German-blooded anti-social” were arrested as “anti-social” and deported to several concentration camps. Individual attacks and the conditions of detention resulted in numerous deaths. From the end of 1939 to July 1941, Josef Ochs was a clerk at the RKPA, responsible for processing the preventive detention orders for placement in concentration camps.
Buchenwald concentration camp, first imprisonment in 1937
After the camp was set up on July 15, 1937, from June 1938 isolated Sinti can be identified as "protective prisoners" in the Buchenwald concentration camp. In the spring of 1939, around one hundred were still imprisoned in the camp, and numerous Sinti had broken down as a result of the flogging and mistreatment in groups. After the start of the war in 1939, 600 Roma were relocated from the Dachau concentration camp to Buchenwald. The Austrian Roma living in Burgenland were also deported to Buchenwald, where about a third did not survive the winter of 1939/1940. The survivors were taken to Mauthausen concentration camp in 1940 , where they perished working in the quarries. The Racial Hygiene Research Center also processed the concentration camp prisoners in Buchenwald.
Resistance to registration by the Racial Hygiene Research Center, an example
The Porajmos did not take place without resistance. One example is the refusal of an assessment by the Race Hygiene Research Center in Schorndorf in Württemberg in 1938 . When Adolf Würth from the RHF arrived in Schorndorf on April 2, 1938, Anton Guttenberger resisted the planned examinations of his family. In a message to the mayor of Schorndorf it says:
"Guttenberger refuses to allow himself to be examined on the following grounds: 'He and his family are not gypsies, even if they were gypsies, they would not allow themselves to be examined racially, as there is no law for this' ... Dr. Würth explains that his further investigations in Württemberg are called into question by Guttenberger's refusal, since other gypsies in other places will also refer to Guttenberger's example. "
The resistance was broken. Würth appeared again in Schorndorf in July 1938 and recorded nine members of the family; Anton Guttenberger was not among them. Anton Guttenberger's refusal ultimately could not prevent registration, appraisal and deportation; classified as a “Gypsy mix”, he and his family were deported to Auschwitz in March 1943, where most of the relatives were murdered.
Persecution "from the essence of this race"
On December 8, 1938, a circular issued by Heinrich Himmler “re. Combating the Gypsy Plague ”means“ regulating the Gypsy question from the nature of this race ”, namely on the basis of“ knowledge gained through race-biological research ”. The decree differentiated between “racially pure gypsies”, “gypsy hybrids” and people who would “move around in the gypsy fashion”.
The definition and identification of the Gypsies in the Reich was also ideologically traced back to the “race” with the decree, but in practice - as with Jews - a racial definition of the group and of individuals on the basis of anthropometric data was impossible for the institutions entrusted with the identification . While it was possible to fall back on the religious affiliation or the religious affiliation of the ancestors in the case of Jews, this was impossible with "Gypsies", who belong to the (Christian) religious communities of the majority population. As a way out, extensive genealogies were created, whereby individual ancestors were determined quite arbitrarily as "Gypsies" and descendants were estimated in their "mixed race".
With the implementation regulations of March 1, 1939, three different colored ID cards were introduced. The provisions provided for expert reports to be divided into three groups. The RKPA assigned this task to the RHF. The aim of the state measures "to preserve the unity of the German national community ", it said, must be "the racial segregation of Gypsies from German nationality ", then the prevention of "racial mixing" and finally the "regulation of the living conditions of the purebred gypsies and the Gypsy hybrids ”. The "Gypsy problem" must be seen and solved on an imperial scale. “Gypsyism” in this racial political sense included both “genuine” or “thoroughbred gypsies” or “full gypsies” as well as “mixed gypsies”. While the first were divided into four variants according to “blood percentage”, 28 options were provided for “mixed bloods”. "Gypsies" or "Gypsy people" were used as the generic term for the 32 subgroups.
The categorization of those who fell out of this Gypsy definition changed to the open collective term “non-Gypsies”. These were those who were assessed as "German-blooded" or "half-breeds with a predominantly German blood component" considered capable of integration and classified as "German-blooded". “Non-Gypsies” were excluded from the escalating exclusion regulations and measures. The group of "gypsy-style" living, which the decree of December 8, 1938 had named, was omitted without replacement.
The opinions of the RHF were limited to Gypsies in the Old Reich. Although research by the Ritter Institute appears to have also been carried out in Ostmark, reports on Austrian Roma are unknown.
After the German invasion of Poland , a leadership conference of the RSHA on future race policy took place in Berlin on September 21, 1939 . It brought together the minorities of the Jews and the “Gypsies” as future deportation victims as part of a general “ethnic land consolidation” in favor of “Reich and ethnic Germans”. An expansion of the transports of Jews and “Gypsies” carried out from the “Ostmark” to the “ Protectorate ” and to Poland, however, did not come about. In its minutes, however, the meeting already stated the goal of deporting “the remaining 30,000 gypsies to Poland as well”.
In the first half of October 1939, Himmler ordered that "within a short period of time the Gypsy question should be settled on an imperial scale throughout the Reich." On October 17, there followed an “express letter” from the RSHA (“ Festschreibungserlaß ”), which stated that the “Gypsies to be arrested later” were to be held in special assembly camps until they were “finally evacuated”. A general ban was imposed on Roma "until further notice" from leaving their current whereabouts. The local police authorities were given the task of counting and identifying those affected. In accordance with the goal of “regulating the Gypsy question based on the nature of this race”, which was proclaimed in December 1938, other rural travelers, therefore primarily Yeniche , were expressly not affected by the fixing decree.
The "Maideportation", the first mass deportation after the attack on Poland
Shortly after the attack on Poland in September 1939, initial plans for the deportation of "Gypsies" to the General Government can be documented. On September 21, Reinhard Heydrich called a conference at which the deportation of the remaining “30,000 Gypsies to Poland” was decided. The planning was carried out very far. A telegram from Arthur Nebes dated October 16, 1939 is known. According to this, “3–4 wagon gypsies” should be attached to a deportation train of “Viennese Jews”. On October 13, 1939, Nebe telegraphed Adolf Eichmann when he could send the “Berlin Gypsies”. Governor General Hans Frank noted in early December 1939 that “Jews and Gypsies” were to be deported from the Reich. Fritz Arlt , who has been part of the administration of the Generalgouvernement since October 1939 , put the number of "Gypsies" announced to the Governor General at 35,000 in mid-1940. The knowledge of the planned deportations was widespread, for example the Magdeburg police chief tried at the end of November 1939 to prevent the structural improvement of the local gypsy camp by pointing out that the deportation would soon take place. In March 1940, in order to make the problems of his administration with the “never-ending influx of Jews, Poles and Gypsies” manageable, Frank was granted a veto right over transports to the Generalgouvernement.
At the urging of the Wehrmacht leadership to “ban the stay of gypsies in the border zone as soon as possible”, Himmler sent an express letter for mid-May 1940 to “transport gypsies ... 2,500 people - in closed clans” from the western border area to the general government arranged. Hamburg (port) and Cologne ( exhibition halls ) were designated as collection points for 1,000 people to be deported, and the Hohenasperg prison near Stuttgart for another 500 . With the arrest on May 16, 1940, as usual with "Gypsies" and unlike the Jewish minority, for which the Gestapo was responsible, the criminal investigation department was commissioned. The local and regional authorities increased the quotas of their own accord, so that 2,800 people were deported. They were allowed to take 50 kg of hand luggage with them. Money, valuables and personal papers were taken from them. The deportation from the assembly points followed on May 22nd.
- Those displaced from southwest Germany were loaded onto trucks and horse-drawn wagons at their destination ( Jędrzejów ) and distributed “or left to their own devices” to villages and small towns in the area. Many of them were later used in defense companies.
- Those deported from West Germany were driven out of the wagons in Platarowo on the border with the Soviet Union, partly left to their own devices, partly distributed to the surrounding villages to be used as harvest workers. In the course of 1941 the majority were housed in fenced ghettos in or near Siedlce . There they were used in road construction and on the railroad.
- Those coming from northern Germany were brought to Bełżec - also on the border with the Soviet Union - (not to be confused with the Belzec extermination camp established in 1942 ). There they set up a camp in which they were housed with Jews, but separated from them. They were initially used to build an anti-tank ditch. The death rate was high. An additional camp was later set up in a former prison near Hańsk . This was followed by work on moor drainage and canal construction for all men, women and boys from the age of ten.
The situation of the victims of the May deportation is confusing. It is safe to say that the living and working conditions, hunger, cold and illnesses led to death for many. Some managed to survive in the cities for longer periods of time, some succeeded in returning to their homeland and hiding there until the end of National Socialism. Recent research assumes a "death rate of around 50 percent". The May deportation of 1940 is regarded as a prelude and training ground for the later deportations of Jews.
Expansion of the deportations with the attack on the Soviet Union
The deportations from the Reich territory in the early winter of 1941 were directly related to the policy of extermination against the Jewish minority initiated in the wake of the attack on the Soviet Union . In September 1941, Himmler announced that the “ Old Reich ” and the “Protectorate” would be “emptied and liberated by Jews from west to east”. Analogous to this, the German Reich was to become “gypsy-free”. Since mid-October 1941, 20,000 Western European Jews have been deported to the Litzmannstadt (Łódź) ghetto . Between 5 and 9 November 1941, 5,007 Roma arrived in cattle wagons from the Reichsgauen Niederdonau and Styria , almost all of them belonged to the group of Burgenland Roma , more than half of them were children. They were housed in a ghetto area separated by a double barbed wire fence, where typhus soon spread under the given conditions . Several thousand who had survived the ghetto by then were asphyxiated in gas vans in the Kulmhof (Chelmno) extermination camp in January 1942 . None of the Roma deported to Łódź survived. The Roma property left behind in November 1941 was confiscated by the authorities and sold to the regional majority population after spontaneous looting by members of the “national community”.
In the “Auschwitz Decree” on December 16, 1942, Himmler ordered “Gypsy hybrids, Rome-Gypsies and non-German-blooded members of Gypsy clans of Balkan origin to be selected according to certain guidelines and to be sent to a concentration camp in an action lasting a few weeks”. The criminal police remained responsible for this . On January 29th, the Reich Security Main Office issued the implementation regulations: “The admission to the concentration camp (gypsy camp) in Auschwitz takes place regardless of the degree of mixed race. [...] The future treatment of the purebred Sinte or the Lalleri Gypsy clans, which are considered to be purebred, is reserved for a later regulation. "
On February 26, 1943, the first transport of Roma - women, men, children - from Germany arrived in section B II e of Auschwitz, which had not yet been completed as the "Auschwitz Gypsy Family Camp". Further transports were also sent there at the end of February. Of the approximately 22,600 prisoners, over 19,300 died. Of these, over 13,600 succumbed to systematic malnutrition, disease and epidemics, and more than 5,600 were murdered in gas chambers. Most of the prisoners came from Germany and Austria (62.75% plus 4.46% stateless persons , the majority of whom were presumably German ), 22% came from the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and 6% from occupied Poland .
A few days after the start of the mass deportations to the "Auschwitz Gypsy camp", a Sinto with the surname Adler asks Munich Cardinal Faulhaber for a conversation and help with the ongoing mass deportations. Faulhaber refuses conversation and help. Other bishops also received calls for help in April / May 1943, such as the Archbishop of Freiburg, Conrad Gröber . In an anonymous petition to him, it says: “That there are 14,000 devout Catholics who firmly on the intercession of Ew. Your Eminence reckon “these are threatened by deportation and sterilization. "Gypsies are Germans and have always felt and acted as Germans". Now all “gypsies and mixed gypsies” would be brought to the Auschwitz concentration camp. Have, goods and money are taken from them, no explanation is given: “All measures taken against us gypsies are not justified by any written documents from higher authorities, but simply carried out by lower authorities. It cannot be the will of the legislature to put women and children in concentration camps, to let entire families die there simply because of their membership of a tribe, without even the slightest reason for any criminal or subversive crime in their hands. "The report put it clearly: "We are systematically going over to exterminating our tribe [...]". Faulhaber had previously been informed of an impending wave of deportations from Gertrud Luckner , who was entrusted with the care of the so-called “Catholic non-Aryans” in the Archdiocese of Freiburg. The Archbishop of Breslau , Cardinal Adolf Bertram - spatially the closest Catholic bishop to Auschwitz - also received two letters from threatened Sinti at the beginning of May 1943: “If our Catholic Church does not take us under its protection, we are exposed to a measure that morally as well as legally mockery of all humanity. We emphasize here that it is not about individual families, but about 14,000 Catholic members of the Roman Catholic Church, and consequently our Catholic Church cannot ignore them. "The requests for assistance that clearly describe the actual threat and one form of the Resistance was left without any ecclesiastical reaction.
With the deportation, the property of the victims fell to the Reich. The regional tax offices administered the immobile property (houses, land) and distributed the inventory to the national community in auction and sales campaigns, as in the case of the Jewish minority.
In May 1944, the Auschwitz camp administration decided to murder the remaining 2,900 Roma from Birkenau. These offered desperate resistance, whereupon the SS refrained from the first evacuation attempt. It was not until the night of August 2 or 3, 1944 that she attacked and murdered the remaining prisoners.
Persecution in the occupied areas and satellite states
Roma were persecuted throughout the German sphere of influence, albeit with different motivation and intensity. Wherever in the West the national authorities carried out the persecution on instructions, the racist criteria of the Reich German authorities for recording and prosecuting generally played a minor or no role. The antigypsy stereotype of the "gypsy" as a spy and subversive supporter of the enemy appears to be an essential motive for persecution, particularly in the Eastern European cases. A far higher number of Eastern than Western and Central European Roma are likely to have fallen victim to the extermination. Due to the special conditions of the murders in the east, a total number can only be given as an indefinite estimate. Historians believe there were possibly more than 100,000 victims.
As a safe country of refuge, Switzerland continued its traditional restrictive border policy and deported foreign Roma, including refugees from the German Reich and from the occupied areas. For the refugees, this meant being sent to a German concentration camp or death.
After Austria was annexed in 1938, Himmler's edicts also took effect in Austria. Here, on the one hand, preliminary work by the police, such as an (incomplete) central gypsy registry ("Gypsy Conscription"), and thoughts of the illegal NSDAP leadership, such as the "Gypsy memorial" by Tobias Portschy, could be used. The displacement of the Roma from the professions led to a considerable need for costs in the communities and thus increased their "willingness to act" and thus to repression against the victims. In November 1940, the Lackenbach gypsy detention camp was set up, through which around 4,000 prisoners passed. Further deportations, particularly in 1941, led to the Litzmannstadt ghetto - none of the 2,000 deportees survived - as well as to the Kulmhof extermination camp and, from 1943, to the “ Auschwitz Gypsy Camp ”. In Burgenland the years 1925-1936 lived according to different counts 5,199 to 7,871 Roma by the Nazis, these figures have been exaggerated for political reasons. Another warehouse was the Maxglan / Leopoldskron collective warehouse . It was closed at the end of March 1943 and the majority of those imprisoned in the camp were deported to Auschwitz. Leni Riefenstahl provided herself with over one hundred “Spanish-looking” extras for her film Tiefland from this camp .
Western Europe (Netherlands, Belgium, France)
In the Netherlands, which was occupied in 1940, there was an estimated number of "a few hundred people" (Zimmermann). Some of them lived permanently acculturated as Dutch citizens, as well as more than 10,000 socially marginalized Reizigers (own name) or woonwagenbewoners (external name) living in caravans , who are descendants of the Dutch rural poor population of the 19th century and relatives of the immigrants during this period German poor population acted. Both groups were not only viewed by the German occupation as “anti-social”, but also as a possible location for spies and agents in hiding, or their relatives themselves potentially as such. The Dutch interest in persecution was primarily the focus of irritation. In 1943, Dutch authorities recorded 10,000 of them (after Roma had been registered since 1937) and issued a general travel ban. They were raided. As far as Reizigers, Roma were still traveling, the occupation authorities tried to prevent them from doing so by prohibiting them from traveling and by setting a limited number of stands. In contrast to the numerous communal "gypsy camps" in the German Empire, these places were barely guarded so that the residents could leave them.
A nationwide raid took place on May 16, 1944, during which 578 people were arrested by local and regional Dutch authorities as "gypsies", "gypsy hybrids" and "wandering gypsies" and detained in the "transit camp for Jews" in Westerbork . The criteria that were applied during the arrest gave the Dutch actors room for maneuver, which were used in different ways. Quite a few of the persecuted had been in hiding for a long time, others were warned by the police. A review of those arrested in Westerbork led to the subsequent release of 279 people who were judged to be irritable. After Roma with Italian and Guatemalan citizenship were also released due to diplomatic intervention, 245 people were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Most of them were Roma, some of them, but also spouses from the Zitigers minority. 30 survived.
Two to three hundred Roma lived in Belgium, many of them Belgian citizens, the majority of whom initially fled to France during the German attack on the country. Some of them returned from there after the end of the fighting in France. In 1940 the military commander Alexander von Falkenhausen issued a general ban on the traveling trade for Belgium and northern France against "Gypsies" and non-Gypsy travelers, but this was not comprehensively controlled and observed. In general, repressive measures did not affect permanent residents. In 1942, after a general stipulation, a “carte de nomades” or “gypsy card” to be renewed every three months was introduced as an identity card for travelers to record and control. However, it was still possible to bypass police controls and travel in small groups.
In 1943 individual Roma qualified as "anti-social", then from Malines / Mechelen (Belgium) 166 qualified as "Gypsies", some from Belgium and some from two neighboring departments in northern France, were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. A transit camp for Jews served as a stopover for the group transport. Some of the people at risk had been able to go into hiding, flee or evade registration and deportation through an acculturated, inconspicuous life after the racist criteria of the German Race Hygiene Research Center (RHF) were not applied. Of a total of 351 deportees, twelve survived.
In France there were bans on movement and stipulations on places for nomads due to a general suspicion of espionage at the beginning of the German attack. In view of the prevailing sociographic description pattern, those affected were wanderers with French or other citizenship irrespective of their ethnic classification, including "Gypsies", Yeniche, forains (showmen, marketers) and outpatients .
The German military administration intensified the repression after the French defeat. In autumn 1940 she expelled the "Gypsies" in the occupied part of a security zone on the Atlantic, banned the traveling trade in 21 western departments and decided to list all "Gypsies" according to the racist concept of RHF and RKPA and to put them in camps . As a result, however, the French authorities interned mainly nomades , forains and outpatients , in accordance with their understanding , in each of which three groups there were also “gypsies”, while acculturated Roma generally remained unmolested. To date, 24 internment camps are known. The Ministry of Jewish Affairs was responsible for the camps. The guard was the French police. The living conditions in these camps were inadequate, but not to be equated with German concentration camps. The death rate was “comparatively low” (Peschanski). In 1941 and 1942 a large number of the forains , including Roma, were released. Some internees fled and went into hiding, others were recruited to work in Germany. Roma (romanichels) in hiding joined the résistance. The camps existed e.g. T. continued after the liberation. The last internees were released in 1946.
Of the few hundred “Gypsies” in Vichy France , many were Sinti who had been deported to central France or who had fled there after the occupation of Alsace . Most of all, they were held in a camp in southern France where they were to be assimilated. The number of tsiganes , nomades , forains , yeniches , ambulants and clochards interned in France between 1940 and 1946 is estimated at around 3,000 and at most 5,000.
Roma, men, women and children, were interned in occupied France mainly in "Gypsy camps", which had poor living conditions and a high mortality rate. An exception is the deportation of 350 internees from Nord - Pas-de-Calais via Belgium (Malines / Mechelen) to Auschwitz, who only survived 12 victims. Around 100 more internees were transferred to the Buchenwald and Sachsenhausen concentration camps. For the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia see: Lety concentration camp
As early as September and October 1939, the first murders of groups of "gypsies" by members of the German self-protection, gendarmerie and armed forces. With the occupation of Poland and the connection of the new "Reichsgaue" Wartheland, Gdansk-West Prussia as well as East Upper Silesia and Southeast Prussia to the German Reich, Himmler's decree to “combat the gypsy plague from the nature of this race” was also valid there, so that Roma later accordingly Auschwitz decree were deported from there to Birkenau. More Roma came to Birkenau from the Generalgouvernement.
In 1942 Roma were sent to the Warsaw Ghetto, from where they were transported to Treblinka for extermination with Jewish prisoners . Members of the minority were also murdered in the Sobibor , Majdanek and Belzec extermination camps .
Most of the Roma in the rest of German-occupied Poland fell victim to mass shootings. They extended to the period between 1939 and 1945 and reached their peak in 1943. Units of the German police, but also Wehrmacht and SS commandos, were responsible for the murders. According to the current state of research, at least 8,000 murder victims can be assumed.
After the attack on the Soviet Union , there were also shootings of Roma from August 1941. Like Jews and communists, they were seen as potential “partisans” and spies. Delayed from the radicalization of the persecution of the Jews to the extermination of the Jews, the persecution of the Roma expanded to include extensive extermination from around spring 1942. Insofar as Soviet sources, booty sources and literature could now be used beyond the previous inadequate source situation, it turns out that it was genocidal . It not only affected “migrating” Roma - who were often war refugees - but also, with a high systematic approach, the part of the minority living in “national gypsy kolkhozes ”, mixed kolkhozes and urban settlements.
In the spring of 1942, members of German military units in the Smolensk Oblast recorded, arrested and murdered the rural and urban Roma population on the basis of residents' lists and "racial" visual judgment. The victims were collective farms, teachers, educators, men, women and children. The report for the Central State Commission, which investigated the crimes in the German-occupied territories from 1942, later stated that "Jews and Gypsies were completely and everywhere exterminated."
In June 1942, in the Chernigov region , a call to “resettlement”, which was used as a pretense, followed a three-day massacre in which at least 2,000 Roma fell victim to the methodology used by the Jewish minority.
In the Crimea , the field of action of Einsatzgruppe D , the extermination activity began as early as 1941. It ran synchronously with the one against Jews and Crimchaks (see also: Simferopol massacre ). The majority of the Roma population was sedentary for a long time and "very strongly assimilated into Tatar". Again the occupiers attempted the comprehensive murder, which only succeeded in about two thirds of the Roma because the high degree of assimilation and the interdependence with the Tatar majority population and their solidarity in support protected many of these Muslim Roma from being discovered as "Gypsies".
The operational area of Einsatzgruppe D included the North Caucasus, which was occupied for only about six months in 1942, an area with a larger and largely sedentary Roma population. The short period of occupation was used by the Germans to track down and collect using "gypsy lists" and by pretending to be "resettlement", despite the pressure from the Red Army that soon began. The early liberation saved many there.
In addition to the task forces, all other types of military and police-military units were involved in the acts, which were often committed with excessive cruelty.
An unknown number of Soviet Roma joined the armed resistance in the occupied territories, thousands fought as simple soldiers, tank drivers, pilots or engineers in the Red Army and some of them received high awards. In the official list of the “ Heroes of the Soviet Union ”, the highest Soviet distinction, Timofej Prokofiev is a Rome that is expressly named as such. The “State Gypsy Theater 'Romén'” supported the front as well as the people in the hinterland with theater performances and concerts. It held donation shows for the benefit of the Defense Fund. Of his contributions was u. a. the bomber "Roménec" financed. The ensemble was awarded "for the defense of the Caucasus".
After the attack on the Soviet Union and the subsequent occupation of the Baltic states in the summer of 1941, the “Einsatzgruppen” - mobile killing units of the SS - together with other SS units, the German military and civilian occupation authorities, killed all Roma. In Latvia, about half of the 3,800 Roma living there were killed by Einsatztruppe A between 1941 and 1943, in Estonia it was over 90 percent of the 750–850 Roma living there. In Lithuania, the majority of the Roma living there are believed to have been killed. At the beginning of 1944, 2,000 to 3,000 Roma were deported from Belarus and Lithuania to the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp . Wehrmacht units were not directly involved in the extermination, but the military police, the secret military police and, above all, the "security divisions" of the Wehrmacht handed over "gypsies traveling around" to the task forces so that they could be shot. The Wehrmacht supported the Einsatzgruppen with considerable organizational and technical aids. With the transition to civil administration, the genocide initiative also passed to them. An example of this is the murder of around 100 Roma from the Latvian Libau on December 4, 1941. The town's German regulatory police shot the Roma on the initiative of the commander of the regulatory police in the "Ostland" Georg Jedicke , after being told by the Reich Commissioner for the "Ostland" Hinrich Lohse had received the approval. In Latvia all accessible “gypsies” were handed over to the security police to be shot at the beginning of 1942.
South and Southeast Europe
After the fall of Mussolini in September 1943, mainly political opponents, hostages, anti-fascist resistance fighters and Jews were interned in the Bolzano Fossoli police transit camp. Primo Levi , who was imprisoned there as a prisoner, described the camp in depth. Among the more than 11,000 recorded prisoners there was also a small number of "gypsies", especially women, who had previously evaded the settlement of settlements by the Italian fascists. The camp was led by Italian carabinieri and South Tyrolean police. It served as a transit camp in the Auschwitz concentration camp.
Bulgaria was allied with the German Reich and Italy until 1944, but Bulgarian Roma, who formed a large minority, were not persecuted. Quite a few of them took part in the armed resistance.
Serbia and Croatia
With the occupation and destruction of Yugoslavia, the “ Independent State of Croatia (NDH)”, a satellite state under the leadership of the clerical-fascist Ustaša movement of Ante Pavelić , was established in Croatia , while Serbia was subordinated to the German armed forces, which from Belgrade the entire “military territory Southeast ”in the Balkans. The political leadership there lay with SS and police leaders sent by the RSHA .
In Serbia, in May 1941, extensive disenfranchising regulations were issued against the Jewish and Roma minorities (registration, identification of persons with yellow armbands “Jew” or “Gypsy”, bans on entry to cinemas, sports fields, markets etc., confiscation of radios, exit restrictions, etc.) )
After the German attack on the Soviet Union , the resistance of the liberation movement in Serbia reached a new level with hundreds of sabotage cases. Thousands were imprisoned in camps, including many Roma and Jews. Increasingly, the regional Wehrmacht leadership switched to shooting Jews, Communists and Roma as “hostages”, from autumn 1941 to “regular mass murders”. Franz Böhme, as authorized commanding general, ordered that 100 Serbian prisoners should be shot for one Wehrmacht soldier killed by the resistance and 50 for one wounded. In addition to communists, the murders (see Kraljevo and Kragujevac massacres ) mainly fell victim to male Jews and Roma, because the military leadership tried in this way to minimize the undesirable consequences of their brutality in the Serbian population and the annihilation of the two minorities as anyway was deemed necessary. In these shootings, which killed thousands, Wehrmacht units acted both on the orders of their superiors and on their own initiative. In some cases, luggage and valuables were first removed from those to be shot in order to hand them over to the National Socialist People's Welfare Association (NSV) for distribution. In addition to units of the Wehrmacht, police and SS units as well as local collaborators were involved in the murders. The SS maintained concentration camps in the Roma district of Semlin near Belgrade, in Šabac and Crveni Krst near Niš. Over 120,000 people were imprisoned there, including a large number of Jews and Roma. The camps were established to have hostages available for execution. They kept this function.
With the suppression of communist resistance towards the end of 1941, so-called retaliatory actions decreased. The number of victims also decreased because the killing ratio was reduced from 1: 100 to 1:50. In the further course, the extermination policy against the Jewish minority was continued, but at the same time it was withdrawn against the Roma, so that a majority survived the German occupation.
A large number of Roma fought in partisan units, especially in the non-particularist, nationalist National Liberation Movement under Josip Broz Tito for the liberation of Yugoslavia. In some parts of the country, the Roma formed their own resistance groups. For example, they became known
- a larger group of mostly young people who, after fleeing to eastern Italy, operated in Veneto under the leadership of Walter Catter .
- Hasani Ibrahim . He made gasoline bombs for the anti-fascist resistance and procured weapons. Before joining the fighting units in the mountains, he blew up a German ammunition dump with vehicles.
In Serbia, in the autumn of 1941, 1,000 male “Gypsies” were shot as hostages by the Wehrmacht. Of the women and children who remained behind, 292 were imprisoned in early 1942 in the Sajmište concentration camp near Belgrade under the direction of Edgar Enge and then Herbert Andorfer . In April and May 1942, the 5,000 to 6,000 inmates of Sajmište, mostly women and children, were murdered in gas vans. According to Andorfer, at least ten percent of the victims were Roma. The camp continued to exist, so in July 1943 around three thousand people rounded up by German troops, including around 500 Roma, were imprisoned there. Very many died in Sajmište, others were transferred from there to the Jasenovac or Auschwitz concentration camps .
In Croatia , the government allied with the National Socialists pursued a policy that privileged members of the “Croatian race” and deprived Jews and Roma of their rights as “non-Aryans”. In May 1942 a Ustaša order was issued, according to which all "Gypsies" living in Croatia were to be arrested. The exception were the Muslim Roma residing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who were declared “ Aryans ” by the Muslim-friendly government . Thousands of Roma in Croatia were imprisoned in Jasenovac concentration camp, where they were chained together in columns. Younger men whom the camp staff considered fit to work were used in forced labor . Those who did not fall into this category were killed “with clubs, hammers, knives and daggers” in dug mass graves . The Franciscan Father Miroslav Filipović also participated as deputy commander of the camp . Hundreds of those able to work fell victim to the camp conditions and massacres by the Ustaše. Shortly before the collapse of the vassal state, the camp staff murdered most of the survivors. The number of Roma killed is uncertain. Estimates for Jasenovac vary between 10,000 and 40,000, for the whole of Croatia between 25,000 and 50,000.
Romania had the largest Roma minority in south-eastern Europe. There was no persecution until 1942, despite various approaches to racist Gypsy research and politics that called for the sterilization of members of the minority. During the rule of the fascist military regime of Marshal Ion Antonescu , which was allied with National Socialist Germany , from June to September 1942 around 25,000 Roma, ie around 12% of the total group, were deported to Transnistria . The region was Romanian-occupied Soviet territory. The deportation decision was not based on the racist category system of the German gypsy persecution. 13,176 deportees were sedentary Roma who were judged to be “dangerous and undesirable”. 11,441 were not settled. As such, they belonged to a minority of the total population. Around 11,000 of the 25,000 died due to hunger, cold, illness and other conditions of shortage.
In Hungary, with an estimated 100,000 Roma, there were already anti-Gypsy measures under the regime of the imperial administrator Miklos Horthy , but their severity lagged far behind the German gypsy policy. In 1940, after the annexation of Northern Transylvania and the Batschka, the number increased by far more than half. Not counting the “Gypsies” in the population were the “civil professions” and “Roma who live in the cities as music gypsies”. The National Socialist influence led to a radicalization of the Hungarian gypsy policy. In February 1941, the government considered interning Roma in camps without “regular work”. In some counties an agricultural "work obligation" was imposed in the summer of 1944 and registration by name was ordered. The mass deportation of Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz in the summer of 1944 gave rise to the idea of compensating for this loss of workers by "gypsies". This idea was not implemented. Roma with permanent residence - the majority of the Hungarian Roma - were drafted into military service until autumn 1944. After Horthy had tried to conclude a separate peace with the Allies, the fascist " Arrow Cross " under Ferenc Szálasi took power in October 1944 . They tightened the measures against the Roma initially by setting regulations for the southern military districts. This was followed by large-scale raids, the arrest of thousands and deportations on foot, which resulted in deaths, to a northern Hungarian prison. An indefinite number of these prisoners under completely inadequate living conditions were deported to Germany and used for forced labor in satellite camps of the Buchenwald and Ravensbrück concentration camps . The number of deaths in the camps, on the evacuation transports and in the last weeks of the war in Bergen-Belsen is not known.
In the last phase of the war, Roma were killed individually and in groups in places where towns that had already been liberated by the Red Army were recaptured by German troops and Arrow Crossers and informed informers about greetings from Soviet troops. For example, on orders from the Gestapo and the Hungarian secret police, gendarmes murdered at least 40 Roma as alleged "Muscovite Gypsies" near Székesfehérvár in February 1945 . Current research assumes around 5,000 Roma who were killed in the final phase of the war and around 1,000 who were killed in Hungary or in German concentration camps by then.
To the total number of victims
Different information is given about the total number of victims. The number of 500,000 victims has been circulating since 1963 - long before serious research on the topic began. It goes back to a rough journalistic estimate that has since been reproduced in the media and politics. The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma and the documentation center it supports also name this number. According to Karola Fings and Ulrich F. Opfermann , it is a “catchy number” that “like the 'six million murdered Jews' is partly used as a pathos formula”. This information has become independent outside of research and has been and is sometimes increased to “600,000 to 1 million” or more. Since this information cannot be substantiated from research, it is used to question the genocidal character of the National Socialist persecution of gypsies as well as the research results in general. However, according to a recent research publication, "it is by no means honest [...], whether in political or scientific discourse, to trivialize or cast doubt on the Nazi genocide of Sinti and Roma."
On the basis of a comprehensive evaluation of the available sources and literature, the historian Michael Zimmermann assumed 94,000 fatalities in 2003 and commented: “The real number” could “be higher in view of a currently difficult to determine unreported number. In order to get more valid information on the total number of victims, additional research about the former Soviet Union as well as about Serbia and Hungary is necessary. "
Donald Kenrick and Gratton Puxon, summarizing their partial estimates for 2009, speak of 200,000 Roma, “who were deliberately killed or died through starvation or lack of medical attention.” In doing so, they distance themselves from the opinion of Puxon thirty years earlier, which at the time was still one "Conservative estimate" was based on half a million, which will be confirmed.
The partial number of Central and Western European victims can be determined fairly precisely. Zimmermann sets it at around 30,000 for the German Empire, Austria, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Belgium and two French departments bordering on Belgium.
Regardless of the controversial number of victims between research on the one hand and self-advocacy on the other, there is a general agreement that the Nazi mass crimes against the Roma minority as genocide are to be equated with the Shoah and that the term “ Holocaust ” is also applicable here .
Reception and processing of the Porajmos after 1945
Dealing with the deeds, perpetrators and victims of the Porajmos in the Federal Republic and also in other states after 1945 was characterized for a long time by a lack of concept and the overlook of the persecution under National Socialism. The surviving victims in the Federal Republic often ended up in barrack camps that were in the same place as the camps from which they were deported. Their efforts to prosecute the perpetrators, such as tracking down Robert Ritter and filing a criminal complaint against him, remained unsuccessful for a long time. If the perpetrators of Porajmos were initially convicted, it was mostly for offenses that they had committed against other victims. Medical crimes condemned at the Nuremberg Trials, which the Sinti on whom these crimes were committed, had helped to clarify through testimony, were received publicly, but the affiliation of the victims remained unnamed. Some of the Nazi perpetrators occupied posts in the West German police, which in turn monitored the Roma and also enabled them to largely undo reparations. In 1956, when making amends, the highest court denied racial persecution for the period before the Auschwitz Decree in 1942. From the beginning of the 1980s, with the strengthening of the Roma civil rights movement, especially in the Federal Republic of Germany, the situation changed. In the media public, the Porajmos was first known under the term genocide of Sinti and Roma . It was not until 1982 that the federal government declared that the crimes should be regarded as genocide.
Dealing with the actors of the genocide
In German Nazi proceedings there were at least 6,500 final judgments in the western zones and in the Federal Republic of Germany and at least 12,890 in the Soviet Zone / German Democratic Republic. Only about a fifth of the respective proceedings related to the genocide of the Jewish minority; the genocide of the Roma minority was of completely marginal importance in both countries. Crimes against Roma were the subject of main hearings just 27 times in the west and four times in the east. "Against dozens of police officers, administrative officials and scientists", there were public prosecutor investigations by German courts in matters of "Gypsy persecution" after the end of National Socialism. In most cases, however, the main hearing did not take place. If it did so, it usually ended with the termination of the proceedings; B. in the proceedings
- against the staff of the RHF Robert Ritter (1950), Adolf Würth (1961–1963, 1986), Eva Justin (1958–1960) and Sophie Ehrhardt (1981–1982, 1983–1986), Ruth Kellermann (1984–1989),
- against those responsible for deportation of the central police institutions such as Josef Eichberger (1961–1964), the main organizer of the "Gypsy transports" in the RSHA , or Paul Werner (1962), head of the official group in the RSHA,
- against local deportation officers such as Otto Bovensiepen (1969–1971) or Leo Karsten (1957–1960), head of the “Office for Gypsy Issues” in the Berlin police headquarters, or Hans Maly (1961–1964), clerk at the Cologne police and later at the RSHA.
In the case of many perpetrators of the Porajmos who were convicted by non-German, German or international courts for violent Nazi crimes, e. In some cases, the crimes against Roma were not discussed in the indictments and / or judgments. Examples include: B.
- Perpetrators from the " Auschwitz Gypsy Camp " such as Otto Moll (convicted in the main Dachau trial , executed), Fritz Klein (convicted in the Bergen-Belsen trial , executed), Johann Schwarzhuber (convicted in the Ravensbrück trial , executed) or Hermann Balthasar Buch ( Sentenced in Krakow in 1948).
- Adolf Eichmann , who also organized the deportation trains for Roma, was charged for this in Jerusalem, but not convicted.
- In two subsequent trials in Nuremberg ( hostage murder trial / case VII against twelve generals and Einsatzgruppen trial / case IX against 24 SS officers) the allegations also included crimes against Roma. For the judgment they were "of completely subordinate importance". It can also be noted that the investigators compiled numerous sources on the genocide of the Roma, but "hardly anything" was included in the published selection of documents. At the Nuremberg Doctors Trial , medical crimes (negative pressure, hypothermia and seawater experiments), the victims of which were Roma, were the subject of negotiation and judgments were also passed. The affiliation of the victims was in the contemporary literature, for example in that of Alexander Mitscherlich and Fred Mielke's Das Diktat der Menschenverfall. The Nuremberg Doctors Trial and its Sources (1947) omitted. Even in 2001, for example, in the annihilation and healing published by Angelika Ebbinghaus and Klaus Dörner , which also deals with these medical experiments in concentration camps , there is no reference to this.
- In the Frankfurt Auschwitz Trials, which were groundbreaking for NSG proceedings, the crimes against Roma remained marginal. For example, when the SS-Unterscharfuhrer Pery Broad was convicted of aiding and abetting murder, the murder of 3,000 prisoners during the dissolution of the "Gypsy camp" was not taken into account. The follow-up proceedings promised by the Hessian Minister of Justice never took place.
In the proceedings against the scientific staff of the RHF, the judges took over the defendants' protective claims or recognized a lack of evidence. The doctor Hermann Arnold , who continued the research approach of the RHF after 1945 , spoke for Justin as a credible exonerating witness. The preliminary proceedings against Karsten in Frankenthal (Pfalz) and against Eichberger, Maly, Karl-Wilhelm Supp , Heinrich Böhlhoff and 42 others in Cologne were discontinued because, in the opinion of the judges, the defendants did not know the purpose of the Auschwitz decree and because of their position also could not have recognized.
Felix Linnemann , who was responsible for deportations from the Hanover area, died in 1948 for other reasons after a brief detention.
Two trials alone led to judgments. The “Berleburger Gypsy Trial” against local deportation officers (1948/1949, revision 1951) ended with acquittals, penalties at the lower end of the sentence, exemptions from detention and amnesties. The trial against the SS Rottenführer and Blockführer in the “Gypsy Camp” in Auschwitz-Birkenau, Ernst-August König, ended with “life imprisonment”. King took his own life before the judgment had become final.
There were also proceedings before Allied, Yugoslav, Austrian and GDR courts. They treated - such as For example, the two Nuremberg follow-up trials mentioned or some federal German trials such as the Chelmno trial - the crimes against Roma are generally only of secondary importance in more extensive crime complexes.
The proceedings outside of Germany usually led to convictions. The spectrum ranged from the death penalty to “life” and temporary imprisonment. Insofar as prison sentences or a waiver of the execution of the death penalty resulted in the Western Allies, the perpetrators were amnestied by the second half of the 1950s at the latest, most of the main perpetrators after just a few years of imprisonment.
In Austria, the prosecution of these Nazi crimes was limited to a few proceedings by the Austrian people's jurisdiction (1945–1955). The persecution has been traced back to preventive crime and remained a fringe phenomenon in research until the early 1970s.
Criminal careers after the end of National Socialism
Some of the accused were once again entrusted with management functions in administration and the police executive, not infrequently in the old area of activity. Paul Werner became Ministerialrat in the Baden-Württemberg Ministry of the Interior, Josef Eichberger in the Bavarian State Criminal Police Office head of the "Gypsy" department, the successor to the NS "Gypsy control center" at the Munich police headquarters, Leo Karsten head of the "Landfahrerpolizeistelle Karlsruhe". After 1945 Johannes Otto and Heinrich Böhlhoff headed the "fight against gypsies" in the State Criminal Police Office in North Rhine-Westphalia and at the Dortmund Criminal Police . Hans Maly headed the criminal police in the federal capital Bonn . Numerous members of the SS, SD and other Nazi agencies who had participated in deportations and murders were accepted into the police service of the Federal Republic of Germany. An example is the case of the head of the criminal police at the commander of the security police and SD in Tallinn Heinrich Bergmann , who was significantly involved in the murder of at least 243 Roma, men, women and children in Estonia in 1942. Bergmann was taken over to the Federal Criminal Police Office in 1955 , the management level of which consisted almost exclusively of former SD leaders, around half of whom were directly involved in the crimes of genocide. He was unmolested until he reached the age limit in the BKA.
The perpetrators of the RHF ended up in various professions, including with the authorities, thanks to the lack of criminal prosecution. Robert Ritter and Eva Justin worked together for the city of Frankfurt, Gerhart Stein became a family doctor in Wiesbaden, Adolf Würth worked for the State Statistical Office of Baden-Württemberg and Sophie Ehrhardt became a professor of anthropology. She remained connected to anthropological research on "Gypsies" and illegally administered some of the files of the RHF, the material of which she evaluated, funded by the DFG. Eva Justin handed over 40 files with the genealogies, files, photos, etc. from the RHF's holdings to the “ Landfahrerstelle ” of the Munich police
For legal and political recognition of the genocide
On February 22, 1950, the Federal German Finance Ministries presented the "Circular E 19 to the reparation authorities ": "The examination of the reparation entitlement of the Gypsies and Gypsy mongrels according to the provisions of the Indemnification Act has led to the result that the aforementioned group of people are predominantly not racially Reasons ... were persecuted and imprisoned. ”The State Office for Criminal Detection Service in Stuttgart, in cooperation with the Central Office for Criminal Identification and Police Statistics in Munich and the rural driver's police station of the State Police in Karlsruhe, was appointed as the checking authority for“ reparation requests from Gypsies and Gypsy mongrels ” . The deportation organizers Paul Werner (Stuttgart), Karl-Wilhelm Supp and Josef Eichberger (Munich) as well as Leo Karsten (Karlsruhe) were charged with making groundbreaking preliminary decisions in the compensation proceedings. Until 1953, the regulation of reparations was in the hands of the federal states.
In 1956 the Federal Court of Justice decided, like before it, various higher regional courts that until the deportation to Auschwitz-Birkenau the persecution was motivated by the "anti-social characteristics of the gypsies", but not by the "racial ideology". The minority had "already given occasion" to "subject them to special restrictions". This judgment confirmed the rejection of compensation payments that had been customary up to that time and justified the continuation of this practice. The Munich Higher Regional Court went beyond the BGH . In 1961, even after the Auschwitz decree, the deportation denied it as "for reasons of race". "Gypsies" were persecuted "because they wandered aimlessly and without a plan, could not identify themselves or were taken for spies". The United Restitution Organization (URO) assessed these misjudgments as scandalous. Until the revision of the ruling in 1963, the URO continuously intervened in the reparation committee of the Bundestag and collected material on the persecution of Roma for appropriate trials.
A study on the implementation of the Federal Compensation Act in Schleswig-Holstein on the basis of 295 compensation applications shows the following rejection rates for the period 1953–1965 and the group of people "Asocial", "Gypsies", Forced Sterilization "according to application reasons:
- "Damage to body and health": 100%,
- "Damage to professional and economic advancement": 100%,
- "Damage to freedom": 100%,
- "Damage to property and property": 100%.
- "Damage to life": 50% "partially [recognized]", 50% "rejected".
It is the victim group with by far the highest rejection rate.
It is astonishing not only the rejection of reparations by the authorities, but that they also denied the court proceedings against judgments pro reparation to the end.
As a result of their deportation, Auschwitz prisoners had lost their German citizenship. For the West German authorities, the compulsory nature of the deportations was of no importance when assessing citizenship. The surviving deportation victims were therefore still considered stateless , and therefore citizens of inferior rights and without the legal opportunity to pursue compensation and restitution proceedings. It was not until the 1980s that their German citizenship was returned to them under considerable public pressure .
After courts of the lower and middle instance increasingly contradicted the judgment of the prevailing jurisprudence, the BGH in 1963 partially revised the decision of 1956. He now conceded that racist motives could have been "partly responsible" for the persecution measures since the Himmler decree of December 8, 1938. In this respect, it was now possible to submit claims for compensation to a limited extent. In December 1979, the Bundestag passed a "grant" of a maximum of DM 5000 with an application deadline until the end of 1982 .
Also in 1982, the federal government, which declared a "crime [of the Roma minority in National Socialism] are to be regarded as genocide", referring explicitly to the 1948 General Assembly United Nations in the wake of the Holocaust adopted Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of genocide . This statement was of no legal significance for the survivors. Two decades later, the Federal Republic of Germany incorporated the UN Convention of 1948 into national criminal law. Since then, German criminal law has qualified the deliberate destruction of a “national, racial, religious or ethnic group” as “genocide”. However, this was irrelevant for the assessment of the National Socialist crimes against the Roma minority. Overall, the genocide of the European Roma, including the relatives of the Roma living in Germany, remained largely without compensation.
At the political level, the efforts of the victims' associations and their supporters have been more successful. On March 17, 1982, Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt received a delegation from the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma with its chairman Romani Rose . Schmidt recognized the genocide of the minority and its racist motivation. Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl confirmed this position on November 7, 1985 during a debate in the Bundestag.
On March 16, 1997, Federal President Roman Herzog declared at the opening of a Roma documentation and cultural center in Berlin: “The genocide of the Sinti and Roma was carried out for the same motive of racial madness, with the same intention and the same will for the planned and final annihilation become like that of the Jews. In the entire sphere of influence of the National Socialists, they were systematically murdered by families, from toddlers to old men. "
In August 2016, the Federal Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic agreed that the last Czech survivors of the Porajmos should receive a one-off payment of 2500 euros as compensation. There are around 15 people.
Commemoration and remembrance culture
The culture of the majority society of remembering the National Socialist persecution of the European Roma developed much later than the history of the Jewish minority or the persecution of political or church opponents of the National Socialists.
After decades of silence about the crimes and a practice of defamation and discrimination that was continued unaffected by the events of National Socialism, it was the initiatives of those affected themselves that brought about changes, initially in the political-official sphere and in the media, since the late 1970s. Vinzenz Rose, Sinto and one of the early and at the time rare actors of the beginning civil rights movement, had a memorial erected in Auschwitz-Birkenau in 1974 to commemorate those who were murdered in the “Gypsy camp”. In 1979, the first international memorial rally of members of the minority and supporters from the majority population took place in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. At Easter 1980 a group of Sinti carried out a hunger strike in the Dachau concentration camp, which received worldwide attention. These and the following actions, initially by smaller groups, not only changed the media and political perspective on the minority, they also contributed significantly to the gathering of a large part of the population group, which was split into sub-ethnic groups and family associations, in the regional associations and member organizations of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma ( Heidelberg) as well as in smaller interest groups with regional importance.
In the 1990s, the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma in Heidelberg set up the only permanent exhibition on the "National Socialist genocide of the Sinti and Roma".
In 1992 the federal government decided to erect a memorial for the European Roma murdered under National Socialism , which should be in Berlin. The Israeli artist Dani Karavan submitted a draft. The efforts to implement it dragged on over many years. The main problem was that the associations of those affected and the respective federal government could not agree on the content of the dedication text. The main points of contention were the long undecided question between the Federal Government and the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma of equating the genocide of the European Roma with the genocide of the Jewish minority and the question of the use of the term "Gypsies" for victims of National Socialism, which was controversial between the victims' associations . On the basis of suggestions from the victims' associations and under the leadership of the federal government, historians from the Institute for Contemporary History (Munich / Berlin) and the NS Documentation Center of the City of Cologne finally drafted a text that was unanimously approved by the Federal Council. Construction began in 2008. The inauguration took place as part of a state act on October 24, 2012 with the participation of Federal President Joachim Gauck and Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel as speakers and was broadcast live by rbb . Other speakers were Romani Rose , chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma , and the survivor of the Porajmos Zoni Weisz .
The dedication text clearly defines the crimes against the European Roma as genocide. He uses the term “Gypsy” exclusively as a quotation from National Socialist texts, i.e. as a source term, and distinguishes the individual persecution of Yenish rural travelers “and other travelers” from the collective persecution and extermination of the Roma.
There were and are activities that are intended to draw attention to the situation of Roma refugees from the civil war and thereby establish a connection between the persecution of Roma under National Socialism and the Roma situation in Germany or their deportation. In November 1989, for example, Roma protested against the deportation of asylum seekers on the site of the former concentration camp in Neuengamme on the initiative of the Rome and Cinti Union Hamburg. This view of the persecution results from the fact that the overwhelming majority of those murdered were Eastern European Roma and the experience of persecution as a traumatic legacy is not limited to Central European Roma. Rather, it is a matter of one of the real commonalities of the families of the overall minority, but primarily of the Eastern and Western European families, and at the same time a commonality with the Jewish minority. While this is generally recognized as a fact and has produced a diverse culture of commemoration and remembrance, this is still not the case with the Roma minority. In this respect, it is characteristic that even a Nazi researcher like Michael Wildt goes into detail on anti-Semitism and the persecution of Jews in a history of National Socialism disseminated by the Federal Agency for Political Education , but only marginally on anti-Gypsyism and the persecution of Gypsies and almost not on Eastern Europe.
Although German sub-authorities and other local and regional actors made significant contributions to the radicalization of the National Socialist Gypsy persecution, the nationwide support for persecution and extermination from below is still not expressed in an equally extensive culture of remembrance (street names, monuments, memorial plaques or other signs or symbols). Places of remembrance, public events). After all, according to the Documentation Center of German Sinti and Roma, there are now "around a hundred memorial sites for the Sinti and Roma persecuted and murdered by the National Socialists" in Germany.
Examples of local artistic and documentary commemoration in public space are provided by Bad Berleburg (2002), Dreihausen bei Marburg (2009), Düsseldorf (1997), Frankfurt am Main , Greven (1997 street name), Cologne (1990 street lane project by Gunter Demnig ; 2003 street name), Magdeburg (1998), Ravensburg (1999), Solingen (2007) and Wiesbaden (1992).
Although Roma were persecuted to the point of extermination in all of German-ruled Europe, with national authorities and other non-German persecutors not infrequently playing a major role, and on the other hand Roma actively resisting in many, mainly Eastern European countries, there is only a rudimentary memorial and culture of remembrance, especially at the historical sites of the former concentration and extermination camps.
In the Soviet Union, the German extermination policy against Roma in the post-war period was a focus of the tours of the Moscow State Gypsy Theater Romèn . In 1982, in the village of Aleksandrovka near Smolensk, a memorial was erected for 176 murdered Roma in the village. Remembrance initiatives of the Roma organization Federal National-Cultural Autonomy of the Russian Gypsies (FNKA), newly founded after the collapse of the Soviet Union , have so far failed. A memorial stone for the Roma who were fighting against the German occupiers and in some cases highly awarded Roma in a Moscow park failed due to a lack of funding and disagreement on content. The monument in Alexandrovka is the only one in Russia to this day.
In the Ukraine, on the other hand, in 2005 parliament decided to make August 2nd the official day of commemoration of the Roma Holocaust . He is remembering the end of the "Auschwitz-Birkenau gypsy camp" when the last 2,900 prisoners were gassed in August 1944.
In the Central and Southeastern European states that emerged after the end of the socialist states, antiziganism experienced a sustained upswing and the Roma minority experienced a new era of discrimination and persecution. A culture of remembrance of the Porajmos could not be established under these conditions. Two camps in what is now the Czech Republic, the former Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia , in which, from 1940 onwards, “wandering gypsies” and “other tramps living in the same way” were imprisoned alongside others who had been declared “anti-social”, were located near Hodonín ( Moravia ) and Lety ( South Bohemia ). Many of the prisoners died, others, including Roma, were deported to the Auschwitz extermination camp.
In Hodonín, a cross commemorates the mass grave there as a symbol that encompasses the groups of victims. In Lety this corresponds to a stone pillar. It is set up in a place that is difficult to access and can only be reached with special knowledge. A pig breeding company was successfully established on the camp site against considerable protests, owned by the prominent Czech-Swiss politician Karl Schwarzenberg . The establishment of this Czech-run camp was initiated by the von Schwarzenberg family in 1939.
A place of remembrance is known from Italy: In the inner-city district of Rome Monti, which was also inhabited by a large number of Jews and Roma, a plaque of the city of Rome on the wall of the Angelo Mai Catholic Institute indicates the deportation of Roma in October 1943 by the Gestapo.
With the emergence of self-organizations of the minority and with the actions of the civil rights movement since the late 1970s, a gradual change of perspective also began in the historical classification of the Porajmos. The idea of the singularity of the Shoah, behind which the genocide of the European Roma lags far behind in the ideological embedding, in the meticulous planning, in the systematic of implementation and in the extent of the annihilation, has meanwhile met with decided contradiction up to that of Individual historians took the view that, due to a broader definition, Roma were more extensively destined for extermination than the Jewish minority.
In Switzerland , the Independent Expert Commission Switzerland - Second World War produced its own documentation on the subject between 1996 and 2000.
- Katrin Seybold and Melanie Spitta : “The wrong word”. The genocide of the Sinti and Roma. D, Karin Seybold Film GmbH, 1987, 85 min.
- Gabriele Trost: "We haven't done anything". The genocide of the Sinti and Roma. D, SWR, 2007, 29 min. (Documentation with testimonials from Hugo Höllenreiner, Lily van Angeren , Josef Müller - Halle).
- Henriette Asséo: Les Tsiganes. Une destinée européenne (= Découvertes Gallimard. 218 Histoire. ). Gallimard, Paris 1994, ISBN 2-07-053156-2 .
- Till Bastian : Sinti and Roma in the Third Reich. History of persecution (= Beck'sche series. 1425). Beck, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-406-47551-5 .
- Wacław Długoborski (Ed.): Sinti and Roma in KL Auschwitz-Birkenau 1943–1944. Against the background of their persecution under Nazi rule. Publishing house of the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum , Oświęcim 1998, ISBN 83-85047-06-9 .
- Karola Fings, victim competitions . Debates on the genocide of the Sinti and Roma and new research perspectives, in: S: IMON - Shoah: Intervention. Methods. Documentation. 2 (2015) 1, pp. 79-101.
- Mariana Hausleitner , Brigitte Mihok, Juliane Wetzel (eds.): Romania and the Holocaust. On the mass crimes in Transnistria 1941–1944 (= National Socialist occupation policy in Europe 1939–1945. 10). Metropol, Berlin 2001, ISBN 3-932482-43-3 .
- Joachim S. Hohmann : Robert Ritter and the heirs of criminal biology. "Gypsy research" in National Socialism and in West Germany under the sign of racism (= studies on tsiganology and folklore. 4). Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main et al. 1991, ISBN 3-631-43984-9 .
- Joachim S. Hohmann, Reimar Gilsenbach : Persecuted Without a Home. Contributions to the history of the Sinti and Roma (= texts on political education. Issue 2, ). Rosa Luxemburg Association, Leipzig 1992.
- Martin Holler: The National Socialist Genocide of the Roma in the Occupied Soviet Union (1941–1944). Expert opinion for the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma. Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma, Heidelberg 2009, ISBN 978-3-929446-25-8 ( digitized version (PDF; 7 MB) ; review by Ulrich Opfermann : H-Soz-u-Kult (December, 2009) ).
- Donald Kenrick , Grattan Puxon: Sinti and Roma - the annihilation of a people in the Nazi state (= pogrom. Threatened peoples. = 11, 1980 = No. 69/70 = pogrom. Series. 1004). Society for Threatened Peoples, Göttingen et al. 1981, ISBN 3-922197-08-6 (first London 1972).
- Donald Kenrick (ed.): Sinti and Roma under the Nazi regime. Volume 1: From “Race Research” to the Camps (= Interface series. 12). Edition Parabolis, Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-88402-188-5 .
- Donald Kenrick (ed.): Sinti and Roma under the Nazi regime. Volume 2: The persecution in occupied Europe (= Interface series. 13). Edition Parabolis, Berlin 2000, ISBN 3-88402-240-7 .
- Julia von dem Knesebeck: The Roma Struggle for Compensation in Post-War Germany. University of Hertfordshire Press, Hatfield 2011, ISBN 978-1-907396-11-3 .
- Michail Krausnick : Where did you get to? The suppressed genocide of the Sinti and Roma. Bleicher, Gerlingen 1995, ISBN 3-88350-038-0 .
- Guenter Lewy : “Return not wanted.” The persecution of the Gypsies in the Third Reich. Propylaen, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-549-07141-8 ( Michael Zimmermann : review ).
- Martin Luchterhandt: The way to Birkenau. Origin and course of the National Socialist persecution of the "Gypsies" (= series of publications of the German Society for Police History eV 4). Schmidt-Römhild, Lübeck 2000, ISBN 3-7950-2925-2 (At the same time: Cologne, University, dissertation, 1995).
- Gilad Margalit : The post-war Germans and "their gypsies". The treatment of the Sinti and Roma in the shadow of Auschwitz (= series of documents, texts, materials. 36). Metropol, Berlin 2001, ISBN 3-932482-38-7 .
- Brigitte Mihok (Ed.): Hungary and the Holocaust. Collaboration, rescue and trauma (= series of documents, texts, materials. 56). Metropol, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-936411-62-X .
- Sybil Milton: Gypsies and the Holocaust. In: The History Teacher. Vol. 24, No. 4, 1991, JSTOR 494697 . , pp. 375-387,
- Benno Müller-Hill : Deadly Science. The segregation of Jews, Gypsies and the mentally ill 1933–1945 (= rororo. 5349 rororo current ). 9-11 Thousand. Rowohlt, Reinbek near Hamburg 1985, ISBN 3-499-15349-1 .
- Jan Parcer (Ed.): Memorial Book. The Gypsies at Auschwitz-Birkenau. = Księga pamięci. Cyganie w obozie koncentracyjnym Auschwitz-Birkenau. = Memorial book. The Sinti and Roma in the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp. 2 volumes. Saur, Munich et al. 1993, ISBN 3-598-11162-2 .
- Romani Rose (Ed.): "We had the smoke in front of our eyes every day ..." The National Socialist genocide of the Sinti and Roma. Catalog for the permanent exhibition in the Documentation and Culture Center of German Sinti and Roma, Heidelberg. Das Wunderhorn, Heidelberg 1999, ISBN 3-88423-142-1 .
- Romani Rose, Walter Weiss: Sinti and Roma in the “Third Reich”. The program of annihilation through labor (= Lamuv-Taschenbuch. 95). Lamuv, Göttingen 1991, ISBN 3-88977-248-X .
- Bernhard Streck : Gypsies in Auschwitz. Chronicle of camp B II 3. In: Mark Münzel , Bernhard Streck (ed.): Kumpania and control. Modern disabilities of gypsy life. Focus, Giessen 1981, ISBN 3-88349-210-8 , pp. 69-128.
- Erika Thurner : National Socialism and Gypsies in Austria (= publications on contemporary history. 2, ). Geyer, Vienna et al. 1983.
- Wolfgang Wippermann : "Like the gypsies." Anti-Semitism and anti-Gypsyism in comparison. Elefanten-Press, Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-88520-616-1 .
- Wolfgang Wippermann: “Chosen Victims?” Shoah and Porrajmos in comparison. A controversy (= historical science. 2). Frank & Timme, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-86596-003-0 (review by Martin Holler: H-Soz-Kult, July 25, 2005 ; review by Jan Süselbeck : literaturkritik.de, February 2006 ).
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "solution to the gypsy question" (= Hamburg contributions to social and contemporary history. 33). Christians, Hamburg 1996, ISBN 3-7672-1270-6 (also: Jena, University, habilitation paper, 1995).
- Michael Zimmermann (Ed.): Between Education and Destruction. Gypsy politics and research in Europe in the 20th century (= contributions to the history of the German Research Foundation. 3). Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2007, ISBN 978-3-515-08917-3 .
Regional and local research
- Ludwig Eiber : "I knew it would be bad". The persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Munich 1933–1945. Buchendorfer, Munich 1993, ISBN 3-927984-16-7 .
- Udo Engbring-Romang: The persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Hesse between 1870 and 1950. Brandes & Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-86099-225-2 .
- Udo Engbring-Romang: Bad Hersfeld - Auschwitz. On the persecution of the Sinti in the Hersfeld-Rotenburg district (= "cornea on the soul". 6). Brandes & Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 2002, ISBN 3-86099-162-0 .
- Karola Fings , Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann (ed.): Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and in Westphalia. 1933-1945. History, processing and memory. Schöningh, Paderborn et al. 2012, ISBN 978-3-506-77356-2 .
- Karola Fings, Frank Sparing : The gypsy camp in Cologne-Bickendorf 1935–1958. In: 1999. Journal for Social History of the 20th and 21st Century. Vol. 6, No. 3, 1991, pp. 11-40.
- Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: “z. Currently gypsy camp ”. The persecution of the Düsseldorf Sinti and Roma under National Socialism. Volksblatt, Cologne 1992, ISBN 3-923243-97-9 .
- Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: "Oh friends, where did you go ...?" Otto Pankok and the Düsseldorf Sinti. The Oberstadtdirektor - Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf 1993, (2nd, revised edition. Ibid 2006; with numerous illustrations).
- Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: Racism. Camp. Mass murder. The National Socialist persecution of gypsies in Cologne (= writings of the NS Documentation Center of the City of Cologne. 13). Emons, Cologne 2005, ISBN 3-89705-408-6 .
- Stefan Goch : “A return to here is no longer to be expected.” Persecution and murder of Sinti and Roma during the “Third Reich” in the Gelsenkirchen area (= series of publications by the Institute for Urban History. Articles. 8). Klartext, Essen 1999, ISBN 3-88474-785-1 .
- Hans Hesse, Jens Schreiber: From the slaughterhouse to Auschwitz. The Nazi persecution of the Sinti and Roma from Bremen, Bremerhaven and Northwest Germany (= scientific articles from the Tectum publishing house. History science series. 1). Tectum, Marburg 1999, ISBN 3-8288-8046-0 .
- Herbert Heuss: Darmstadt - Auschwitz. The persecution of the Sinti in Darmstadt (= "callus on the soul". 1). Association of German Sinti and Roma - Landesverband Hessen, Darmstadt 1995, ISBN 3-00-000166-2 .
- Herbert Heuss: The persecution of the Sinti in Mainz and Rheinhessen. 1933-1945. Association of German Sinti and Roma - State Association of Rhineland-Palatinate, Landau 1996.
- Herbert Heuss, Arnold Roßberg (Ed.): Protection for the murderer? The judicial treatment of Nazi genocide crimes and their significance for society and the legal culture in Germany. The example of the Sinti and Roma (= Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. Series of publications. 9). Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma, Heidelberg 2015, ISBN 978-3-929446-32-6 .
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: Gypsy persecution, expropriation, redistribution. The example of the Wittgenstein district town of Berleburg. In: Alfons Kenkmann , Bernd-A. Rusinek (Ed.): Persecution and Administration. The economic plunder of the Jews and the Westphalian financial authorities. Villa ten Hompel et al., Münster 1999, ISBN 3-00-004973-8 , pp. 67-86.
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: The registration of Gypsies in National Socialism: Responsibility in a German region. In: Romani Studies. Series 5, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2001, , pp. 25-52.
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: Bibliography [of the NRW literature]. In: Karola Fings, Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann (ed.): Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and in Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory. Schöningh, Paderborn et al. 2012, ISBN 978-3-506-77356-2 , pp. 361-372.
- Hermann Rafetseder: The fate of the Nazi forced labor. Findings on manifestations of the oppression and on the Nazi camp system from the work of the Austrian Reconciliation Fund. A documentation on behalf of the Future Fund of the Republic of Austria. Europäische Hochschulverlag, Bremen 2014, ISBN 978-3-944690-28-5 (Corrected print version of a text that remained unpublished in 2007 for data protection reasons, can still be found online as online (PDF; 4.1 MB) in the OoeGeschichte.at forum; specifically for tracking purposes of Roma and Sinti in Austria especially (but not only) on pp. 618–652).
- Peter Sandner: Frankfurt - Auschwitz. The National Socialist persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Frankfurt am Main (= "callus on the soul". 4). Brandes & Apsel, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-86099-123-X .
- Joachim Schröder: The "Office for Gypsy Issues" of the Munich criminal police and the persecution of the Sinti and Roma. In: Matthias Bahr, Peter Poth (eds.): Hugo Höllenreiner. The testimony of a surviving Sinto and his perspectives for an educationally sensitive culture of remembrance. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2014, ISBN 978-3-17-023668-4 , pp. 141–152.
- Wolfgang Wippermann: The National Socialist Gypsy Persecution. Presentation, documents, didactic information (= Life in Frankfurt during the Nazi era. Vol. 2). Office for Adult Education - Adult Education Center, Frankfurt am Main 1986, ISBN 3-7829-0320-X .
- Philomena Franz : Between love and hate. A gypsy life. (= Herder spectrum. 4088). Herder, Freiburg (Breisgau) et al. 1992, ISBN 3-451-04088-3 .
- Katharina Janoska: ROMAN OF WAR: The story of a family . Bu & Bu Verlag 2019, ISBN 978-3950401257 .
- Michail Krausnick (Ed.): “We wanted to be free!” A Sinti family tells. 2nd Edition. Beltz & Gelberg, Weinheim, 1988, ISBN 3-407-80642-6 .
- Franz Rosenbach : Death was my constant companion. The life, survival and survival of the Sinto Franz Rosenbach. Told by himself and documented by Norbert Aas . Bavarian State Center for Political Education, Munich 2005.
- Otto Rosenberg : The burning glass. Recorded by Ulrich Enzensberger , with a foreword by Klaus Schütz . Eichborn, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-8218-0649-4 (autobiography).
- Walter Stanoski Winter : WinterTime. Memories of a German Sinto who survived Auschwitz. Edited by Thomas W. Neumann and Michael Zimmermann. Results-Verlag, Hamburg 1999, ISBN 3-87916-050-3 .
- Mri Historija / My story. Life stories of Burgenland Roma www.roma-service.at . Roma contemporary witness edition of the Roma Service Association, Burgenland (2009).
- Interviews of 407 survivors of Porajmos are in the Foundation Shoah archived and at least the list of names on the Web accessible
- Zoni Weisz : Speech on the “Remembrance Day for the Victims of National Socialism” (January 27, 2011) in front of the German Bundestag
Overviews and individual aspects
- Jewish Responses to the Porrajmos http://www.chgs.umn.edu/ Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, University of Texas, Austin.
- Ulrich F. Opfermann, On the persecution of the European Roma under National Socialism (presentation at the conference of the Evangelical Academy of Rhineland and Rome), in: Nevipe. News and articles from Rome e. V., New Series, Issue 1/2014, pp. 17–21, see: 
- Digital exhibition about the genocide of the Roma and Sinti
- Romani Rose : Dress rehearsal for the genocide. www.stuttgarter-zeitung.de In: Stuttgarter Zeitung of May 29, 2010 (on the nationwide arrest and deportation on May 16, 1940)
- Hans-Dieter Schmid: Hans-Dieter Schmid: "... how to treat Jewish things". The treatment of the Sinti and Roma by the tax authorities (Germany)
- Klaus Detlev Godau-Schuettke: The BGH judgment of 1956 and its judges: their tradition, their further advancement. Forum historiae juris. Internet Zs. for legal history (esp. pp. 20–22) http://fhi-legacy.rg.mpg.de/ (PDF; 199 kB)
- Peter Steinbach, The Nazi Genocide of the Sinti and Roma , in: Tribüne , March 2013
- Scientific services of the German Bundestag, Antiziganism and Porrajmos , The current term v. January 13, 2009 (PDF; 83 kB)
- Deportation from Mainz and Ingelheim in May 1940 , the deportation experiences are later used for Jews
- The National Socialist Persecution of Hamburg Roma and Sinti. http://www.hamburg.de/ (PDF; 3.6 MB)
- Persecution and murder of the Gelsenkirchen Sinti and Roma under National Socialism http://www.gelsenzentrum.de/
- Project Day 2006 http://www.ezaf.org/ (PDF; 186 kB) on the subject of “The National Socialist Genocide of the Roma and Sinti and the Neuengamme Concentration Camp .” European Center for Antiziganism Research
- Martin Holler: The ns. Genocide of the Roma in the occupied Soviet Union. http://www1.uni-hamburg.de/ (PDF; 7 MB)
- “Gypsy life - Gypsy death” http://meteo.sf.tv/ . (Feature on Swiss television dated May 7, 1998 about Sinti who fled to Switzerland and who were extradited, with numerous information on the genocide of Sinti)
- Thomas Huonker : Roma as Victims of Nazi Persecution http://www.thata.ch/ published on April 28, 1997 in the Tages-Anzeiger, Zurich
- Videos of eyewitness conversations on the Nazi extermination policy against Sinti and Roma on paedagogikundns.wordpress.com
- Wolfgang Benz: The Holocaust. Munich 1996, 2nd edition. P. 93. See comparatively the Armenian term "Aghet" .
- Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: Racism, Camp, Mass Murder. The National Socialist persecution of gypsies in Cologne (writings of the NS Documentation Center of the City of Cologne, vol. 13), Cologne 2005, p. 132ff .; Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: 16. The registration of Gypsies in National Socialism: Responsibility in a German region. In: Romani Studies (continuing Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society), 5th Series, Vol. 11, No. 1 (2001), pp. 25-52.
- References from Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, p. 503.
- See e.g. B .: Rainer Hehemann: The fight against the gypsy insurgency in Wilhelminian Germany and in the Weimar Republic . 1871–1933, Frankfurt a. M. 1987, p. 261 ff.
- Rainer Hehemann: The "Fight against the Gypsy Fault" in Wilhelmine Germany and the Weimar Republic, 1871-1933. Frankfurt a. M. 1987, p. 294 ff.
- So the implementation resolution according to Hermann Reich, The Bavarian Gypsies and Arbeitsscheuengesetz of July 16, 1926. Commentary , Munich 1927, p. 1.
- In Germany, the mandatory identification is introduced. At: DeutschlandRadio Berlin , calendar sheet from September 10, 2004.
- Werner Kurt Höhne: The compatibility of the German Gypsy laws and regulations with German law, in particular the Reich constitution. Heidelberg n. J. (1930), pp. 124-129.
- Udo Engbring-Romang: The persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Hesse between 1870 and 1950. Frankfurt a. M. 2001, p. 119 ff.
- Ernst Wilhelm Müller / Klaus Wasserburg: The compensation judgment of the Federal Court of Justice from 1956. P. 302f. In: Erhard Denninger et al. (Ed.): Criticism and Trust. Festschrift for Peter Schneider on his 70th birthday. Frankfurt am Main 1990.
- Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: The gypsy camp in Cologne-Bickendorf 1935-1958. In: 1999. Journal for Social History of the 20th and 21st Century , 1991, Issue 3, p. 17.
- Peter Sandner: Frankfurt. Auschwitz. The National Socialist persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Frankfurt am Main. Frankfurt am Main 1998, p. 40 ff.
- Angelika Königseder: Sinti and Roma. In: Wolfgang Benz, Hermann Graml, Hermann Weiß (eds.): Encyclopedia of National Socialism. 3. Edition. Munich 1998, p. 730.
- See category: Gypsy Forced Camps under National Socialism
- Wolfgang Ayaß : "Asocial" in National Socialism. Stuttgart 1995, p. 139ff .; Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, p. 93 ff.
- Wolfgang Wippermann: "Like the Gypsies". A comparison of anti-Semitism and antigypsyism. Berlin 1997, p. 142.
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 153, 436.
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, p. 151.
- See the reprint of the “Basic Decree” by Wolfgang Ayaß (arrangement): “Community foreigners”. Sources on the persecution of "anti-social" 1933–1945 , Koblenz 1998, no. 50.
- Ayass, pp. 43, 46f .; Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, p. 112 ff.
- Dieter Schenk: Blind in the right eye - the brown roots of the BKA. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2001, ISBN 3-462-03034-5 , pp. 205 f.
- Harry Stein (1999): Buchenwald Concentration Camp 1937–1945. (Buchenwald Memorial) Wallstein Verlag, pp. 74–76.
- Uwe Jens Wandel: The Schorndorf family Guttenberger. In: Heimatblätter. Yearbook for Schorndorf and the surrounding area. Vol. 7, 1989. (according to studienkreis- resistance-1933-45.de
- Federal Archives holdings R 165/38 Würth's work list.
- Uwe Jens Wandel: The Schorndorf family Guttenberger. In: Heimatblätter. Yearbook for Schorndorf and the surrounding area. Vol. 7, 1989 according to http : //www.studienkreis- Resistance-1933-45.de/archiv/xxinfo/he58s04.html - The deportation of the Guttenberger family began on March 15, 1943 from Schorndorf to Stuttgart. a. evidenced by a cost statement from the police. Online (PDF; 23 kB) in English translation.
- wording of the decree: RdErl. D. RFSSuChdDtPol. in the RMdI. from 8.12.38 -S- Kr. 1 No. 557 VIII / 38 - 2026 - 6 (RMBliV. p. 2105 f) .
- Execution the Reich Criminal Police Office regarding "Combating the Gypsy Plague" from March 1, 1939 [for the December decree].
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist Solution to the Gypsy Question. Hamburg 1996, p. 147 ff.
- Cf.: the classification scheme in the decree “Evaluation of the racial biological reports on Gypsy people” of August 7, 1941. In: Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist Solution to the Gypsy Question . Hamburg 1996, p. 148 f.
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist Solution to the Gypsy Question. Hamburg 1996, p. 150.
- Seev Goshen: Eichmann and the Nisko Action in October 1939. A case study on Nazi Jewish policy in the last stage before the “Final Solution”. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte , 29th year, 1st edition (Jan., 1981), pp. 74–96, here p. 81 ( PDF ).
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist Solution to the Gypsy Question. Hamburg 1996, p. 169.
- Michael Zimmermann: The National Socialist Gypsy Persecution. In: Dachauer Hefte. 5: The forgotten camps. dtv 1994, p. 97.
- document is reproduced in the memorial book, p. 1565.
- Document reproduced in: Romani Rose: Bürgerrechte für Sinti und Roma. Heidelberg 1980, p. 16.
- Hilberg: The annihilation of the European Jews. Frankfurt / M. 1990, p. 215 f.
- BA, R 52 II / 247, report on the structure of the administration in the Generalgouvernement from June 1940. (Bl. 200) According to: Götz Aly / Susanne Heim: Vordenker der Vernichtung. Auschwitz and the German plans for a new European order. Frankfurt am Main 1993, p. 213.
- Lutz Miehe: "Unwanted Volksgenossen". The gypsy camp on the outskirts of the city of Magdeburg during the National Socialist era. In: Eva Labouvie: Life in the city: a cultural and gender history of Magdeburg. Cologne 2004.
- Hilberg: The annihilation of the European Jews. Frankfurt / M. 1990, p. 216 f.
- Information and quotations in this section from: Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 167-184; on victim estimation: the other. (Ed.): Between education and destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century. (= Contributions to the history of the German Research Foundation, vol. 3), Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2007, p. 422.
- Bernhard Streck: Gypsies in Auschwitz. Chronicle of camp B II e. In: Bernhard Streck, Mark Münzel (ed.): Kumpania and control. Modern disabilities of gypsy life. Giessen 1981, pp. 69-128, here: p. 76; see early entry notes in the “main book” with entry notes from March 1st and 3rd (the first pages of the main book are not preserved and not every transport has a note on the first preserved pages), In: Gedenkbuch. The Sinti and Roma in the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp. State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau in cooperation with the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma, Heidelberg (ed.), Editorial management Jan Parcer, 2 vols., Munich / London / New York / Paris 1993.
- Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum in cooperation with the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma, Heidelberg: Memorial book: The Sinti and Roma in the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp. Saur, Munich et al. 1993, ISBN 3-598-11162-2 .
- Antonia Leugers (2013): “The Church should step in” - calls for help from Sinti and Roma in view of their deportation in 1943. In: theologie.geschichte, Vol. 8 online .
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: Gypsy persecution, expropriation, redistribution. The example of the Wittgenstein district town of Berleburg. In: Alfons Kenkmann, Bernd-A. Rusinek (Ed.): Persecution and Administration. The economic plunder of the Jews and the Westphalian financial authorities. Münster 1999, pp. 67-86.
- Dieter Pohl : Persecution and mass murder in the Nazi era 1933-1945. Darmstadt 2003, pp. 111-115.
- See the corresponding sections in: Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996.
- Thomas Huonker, Regula Ludi: Roma, Sinti and Jenische. Swiss gypsy policy at the time of National Socialism. Zurich 2010. Example: p. 49 f.
- http://www.burgenland-roma.at/index.php/geschichte/nationalsozialismus .
- Sulzbacher: The "gypsy camp" Lackenbach in the Austrian Burgenland
- Gerhard Baumgartner and Florian Freund : THE HOLOCAUST TO THE AUSTRIAN ROMA AND SINTI (www.romasintigenocide.eu) p. 3 f.
- http://www.burgenland-roma.at/index.php/geschichte/nationalsozialismus .
- Leo Lucassen, "En men noemde hen Zigeuners". De geschiedenis van Kaldarasch, Ursari, Lowara en Sinti in Nederland: 1750–1944, Amsterdam, 's-Gravenhage 1990; Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 235-237, 312-315.
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 235-238; Denis Peschanski, Gypsies in France 1912–1969, in: Michael Zimmermann (Ed.): Between Education and Destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century (Contributions to the History of the German Research Foundation, Vol. 3), Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2007, pp. 268–277; Guenther Lewy, “Return undesirable”. The persecution of the Gypsies in the Third Reich, Munich / Berlin 2001, pp. 142–144. In view of the outdated state of research, to be viewed with caution, especially in the far excessive figures: Donald Kenrick, Grattan Puxon: Sinti und Roma . the annihilation of a people in the Nazi state, Göttingen 1981 (London 1972), pp. 82–85.
- Sinti and Roma on gedenkorte-europa.eu, the homepage of Gedenkorte Europa 1939–1945
- Miriam Y. Arani: Photographs of the propaganda companies of the Wehrmacht in World War II as sources for the events in occupied Poland 1939–1945. In: Journal for East Central Europe Research 60 (2011) issue 1, here pp. 30 and 48.
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 277-283.
- The following information from: Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 259-276; Christian Gerlach : Calculated murders. The German economic and annihilation policy in Belarus 1941 to 1944. Hamburg 1999, pp. 1063-1067; Guenter Lewy: "Return not welcome". The persecution of the Gypsies in the Third Reich. Munich 2001, pp. 199-217; Martin Holler: The National Socialist Genocide of the Roma in the Occupied Soviet Union (1941–1944). Expert opinion for the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma. Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma, Heidelberg 2009. PDF ( Memento of the original from September 21, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- Quoted from: Holler, p. 59.
- Holler, p. 83.
- See also: Guenter Lewy: "Return not wanted". The persecution of the Gypsies in the Third Reich. Munich 2001, p. 206.
- Martin Holler: "Goodbye after the victory over the Hitlerist atrocities - dear comrades Gypsies". Soviet Roma as participants in World War II. In: information. Scientific journal of the German Resistance Study Group 1933–1945. 34 (2009), No. 69, pp. 9-12.
- Michael Zimmermann: The Nazi era in the Baltic states . In: coe.int , October 1, 2008, accessed on January 23, 2012 (PDF; 682 kB).
- Juliane Wetzel: The police transit camp Bolzano. In: Dachauer Hefte 5, Vergierter Lager, DTV 1994, pp. 28–39.
- Elena Marushiakova, Vesselin Popov: Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Bulgaria (1919–1989). In: Michael Zimmermann (ed.): Between education and destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century. (Contributions to the history of the German Research Foundation, Vol. 3), Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2007, pp. 125–156.
- Unless otherwise stated, all information and citations in this section are based on: Karla Fings / Cordula Lissner / Frank Sparing, "... the only country in which the Jewish question and the Gypsy question were solved". The persecution of the Roma in Fascist-occupied Yugoslavia 1941–1945, Cologne undated (1991), pp. 28–40, 48 ff .; Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 248-258.
- For example, a Lieutenant Colonel Walther, Chief of the 9th Infantry Regiment 433, reported on official channels of his experiences with "atonement measures" d. H. He directed mass shootings of Jews and "Gypsies" and the disposal of their property in early November 1941. The victims were picked up from a Belgrade prison camp after consultation with the SS and shot by the Wehrmacht. Document in: Poliakov / Wulf: The Third Reich and its servants. Berlin 1983, p. 353 = Document NOKW - 905.
- Michael Zimmermann (2000): Gypsy Images and Gypsy Politics in Germany. An overview of recent historical studies. In: WerkstattGeschichte 25, pp. 35–58, here: p. 46.
- All information and citations, unless otherwise stated, according to: Karla Fings / Cordula Lissner / Frank Sparing, "... the only country in which the Jewish question and the Gypsy question were solved". The persecution of the Roma in Fascist-occupied Yugoslavia 1941–1945, Cologne undated (1991), pp. 28–40; Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 248-258.
- All information in: Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 284-286.
- Viorel Achim: Gypsy Research and Gypsy Policy in Romania 1920–1950. In: Michael Zimmermann (ed.): Between education and destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century . Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2007 ( Contributions to the History of the German Research Foundation , Vol. 3), pp. 157–174.
- Genocide with a racist character
- Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question". Hamburg 1996, pp. 291-292.
- So Arisch, in: Der Spiegel, 16 (1963), H. 17, pp. 45–52, here: p. 49.
- Archived copy ( memento of the original dated June 6, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- Karola Fings, Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann: Glossary , in: dies .: Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and in Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory , Paderborn 2012, pp. 337–359, here: p. 343 f.
- Michael Klein, Wiedergelesen, in: Antiziganismuskritik 2/2010, p. 6–8, here: p. 6, see: Archived copy ( Memento of the original from August 31, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 971 kB).
- Karola Fings, Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann, Glossary , in: this: Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory , Paderborn 2012, pp. 337–359, here: p. 344.
- Michael Zimmermann : The National Socialist Persecution of the Gypsies. An overview. In: Yaron Matras , Hans Winterberg, Michael Zimmermann (eds.): Sinti, Roma, Gypsies. Language - history - present. Berlin 2003, pp. 115–153, here: p. 138; see. also: The genocide of Sinti and Roma . In: LeMO (German Historical Museum).
- Donald Kenrick / Gratton Puxon, Gypsies under the Swastika, Hatfield (UK) 2009, p. 153, cited above. according to: Fings / Opfermann, ibid, p. 344.
- Gratton Puxon, Abducted reparation, in: Tilman Zülch (ed.), In Auschwitz gassed, persecuted to this day, Reinbek 1979, pp. 149–161, here: p. 159.
- See: Michael Zimmermann, Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "solution to the gypsy question, Hamburg 1996, pp. 284 ff., 382 f.
- Michaela Baetz / Heike Herzog / Oliver von Mengersen, The Reception of the National Socialist Genocide of the Sinti and Roma in the Soviet Occupation Zone and the GDR, Heidelberg 2007, p. 53.
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann, Genocide and Justice. Closing line as “state policy objective”, in: Karola Fings / ders. (Ed.), Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory, Paderborn 2012, pp. 315–326, here: p. 316.
- Gilad Margalit, The Post-War Germans and "their Gypsies". The treatment of the Sinti and Roma in the shadow of Auschwitz, Berlin 2001, p. 167.
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann, Genocide and Justice. Closing line as “state policy objective”, in: Karola Fings / ders. (Ed.), Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory, Paderborn 2012, pp. 315–326, here: p. 316.
- Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann, Genocide and Justice. Closing line as “state policy objective”, in: Karola Fings / ders. (Ed.), Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory, Paderborn 2012, pp. 315–326, here: p. 317.
- Ulrich F. Opfermann: "Keystone behind the years of morality and legal confusion". The Berleburger Gypsy Trial. In: Critique of Antiziganism. 2 (2010), no. 2, pp. 16–34, see also: antiziganismus.de ( Memento of the original dated August 31, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 971 kB).
- Guenter Lewy: “Return not desired”. The persecution of the Gypsies in the Third Reich. Munich / Berlin 2001, p. 356ff .; Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann, Genocide and Justice. Closing line as “state political objective”, in: Karola Fings / Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann (eds.), Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and Westphalia. 1933-1945. History, processing and memory, Paderborn 2012, pp. 315–326.
- The Central Austrian Research Center for Post-War Justice (FStN): Punishment of Nazi crimes against Roma and Sinti .-- ~~~~
- Ruth Bettina Birn , in: Heinrich Bergmann - a German detective career. Klaus-Michael Mallmann / Gerhard Paul (eds.), Careers of violence. National Socialist perpetrator biographies, Darmstadt 2004, p. 47–55, here: p. 47 f. An overview of the proceedings and post-war careers: Federal Criminal Police Office (ed.): The Federal Criminal Police Office faces up to its history. ( Memento of the original from February 24, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Documentation of a series of colloquia, Cologne 2008, pp. 125–142.
- Dieter Schenk: The brown roots of the BKA. Frankfurt a. M. 2003, p. 26.
- Winter in Ayass: Enemy declaration and prevention: criminal biology, gypsy research and anti-social policy. Berlin 1988 p. 145.
- Federal Criminal Police Office (ed.): The Federal Criminal Police Office faces its history. ( Memento of the original from January 11, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Documentation of a series of colloquia, Cologne 2008, p. 140.
- Judgment of the Federal Court of Justice of January 7, 1956, cited above. based on: Wolfgang Wippermann: "Like the Gypsies". A comparison of anti-Semitism and antigypsyism. Berlin 1997, p. 188. The decision was signed by the judges Guido Schmidt (judge) (Senate President), Walther Ascher , Wilhelm Kregel , Fritz von Werner and Kurt Wüstenberg . Klaus Detlev Godau-Schuettke 2001, para. 88.
- This and the following information: ibid, p. 189.
- Hans Günter Hockerts : Lawyers of the persecuted. The United Restitution Organization. In: Ludolf Herbst / Constantin Goschler (ed.): Reparation in the Federal Republic of Germany. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 1989, pp. 249-276, here: pp. 269f. online The work supported by the URO is of central importance: Franz Calvelli-Adorno : The racial persecution of the gypsies before the l. March 1943. In: RzW 12 (1961), pp. 529-537. Calvelli-Adorno was President of the Compensation Senate of the Higher Regional Court Frankfurt am Main.
- Heiko Scharffenberg (2008): The reparation of National Socialist injustice in Schleswig Holstein. ( Memento of the original from January 31, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 1.2 MB) Flensburg, pp. 113–117.
- Ernst Wilhelm Müller / Klaus Wasserburg : The compensation judgment of the Federal Court of Justice of 1956. P. 296. In: Erhard Denninger et al. (Ed.): Criticism and Trust. Festschrift for Peter Schneider on his 70th birthday. Frankfurt am Main 1990.
- Answer of the Federal Government to the major question “Situation and demands of the Sinti, Roma and related groups”, German Bundestag, 9th electoral period, December 21, 1982, printed matter 9 / 2.360, p. 2.
- UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. ( Memento of the original from November 21, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF, German text; 84 kB).
- § 220a StGB , since 2002 § 6 VStGB , see: § 220a StGB.
- cit. to: Documentation and cultural center of the German Sinti and Roma, permanent exhibition in Heidelberg
- Holocaust survivors in the Czech Republic: 2500 euros per person for suffering in the concentration camp. More than 70 years after the end of the war, Czech Roma are said to receive compensation. It is a one-time payment for up to 15 people. The daily newspaper from August 7, 2016.
- Sinti and Roma in the former Bergen-Belsen concentration camp on October 27, 1979. Documentation by the “Society for Threatened Peoples” and the “Association of German Sinti”, Göttingen 1980.
- Wolfgang Benz : Memorial for the Genocide of Sinti and Roma taz of October 24, 2012, Klaus Hillenbrand : Sinti and Roma are still stigmatized. The forgotten victims taz of October 24, 2012, rbb press kit of October 24, 2012, press release of the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma of October 16, 2012 (PDF; 1.1 MB) all accessed on October 24, 2012.
- Text see website Uni Hamburg:  . An unsuitable copyright notice gives the impression that the text has been approved by the Central Council, which is not the case.
- Reference is made to: Ulrich Opfermann, On the persecution of the European Roma under National Socialism, in: Roma - an undesirable minority in Europe? Documentation, ed. from the Evangelical Press Service, No. 15, April 8, 2014, p. 18.
- Michael Wildt, History of National Socialism, Göttingen 2008.
- Memorial sites for Sinti and Roma .
- "May 1940 - 1000 Sinti and Roma", see:  .
- For the memorial sites named for North Rhine-Westphalia, see the respective local articles in: Karola Fings / Ulrich Friedrich Opfermann (ed.), Gypsy persecution in the Rhineland and in Westphalia 1933–1945. History, processing and memory, Paderborn 2012.
- Martin Holler: Goodbye after the victory over the Hitlerist atrocities - dear comrades Gypsies. Soviet Roma as participants in World War II. In: information. Scientific journal of the German Resistance Study Group 1933–1945, 34 (2009), No. 69, pp. 9–12. See also: Martin Holler: The National Socialist Extermination of the Roma in the Soviet and Russian Culture of Remembrance. In: Felicitas Fischer von Weikersthal, Christoph Garstka, Urs Heftrich, Heinz-Dietrich Löwe (eds.): The National Socialist Genocide of the Roma in Eastern Europe. History and artistic processing. Cologne 2008, pp. 245-294.
- On the character of the camp: Michael Zimmermann: Rassenutopie und Genozid. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question" . Hamburg 1996, p. 219.
- On Hodonín and Lety: Archived copy ( memento of the original from September 20, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. ;  ;  ; Archived copy ( memento of the original from September 20, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. .
- See:  .
- William A. Duna (University of Minnesota): Gypsies: A Persecuted Race. Gypsies in Nazi Germany
- Roma, Sinti and Yeniche. Swiss gypsy policy at the time of National Socialism . (PDF; 325 kB).
- The wrong word in the Internet Movie Database .
- "We haven't done anything". The genocide of the Sinti and Roma. Video online.