Antigypsyism

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Antiziganism ( French tsigane , Gypsy ' and ism ) is an analogy with " anti-Semitism educated term", a special form of racism describes. It describes the attitudes towards Roma , Sinti , Travelers , Yeniche and other people and groups, which are characterized by stereotypes , aversion and / or enmity , who are stigmatized by the majority society as "Gypsies"as well as the forms of social and state exclusion, discrimination and persecution that are conditioned or partly caused by these attitudes , including displacement , pogroms , internment , forced sterilization and state-organized genocide (see Porajmos during the Second World War ). In order to avoid reproducing the collective racist term contained in the term, the term Gadjé racism , which is mainly used by the Roma themselves, is used as an alternative . Gadjé denotes in Romanes all persons who are not Roma.

target group

Antigypsyism was and is primarily directed against the Roma , who originally came from India and who immigrated to Europe since the late Middle Ages, who were given different labels by the majority of society (“Gypsies”, “heidens” etc.) in a racist and degrading sense .

Antigypsyism could and can also affect members of a wide range of socially declassed and marginalized people, because their socio-economic situation - historically as " travelers ", today especially as marginal residents of peripheral settlements  - resembles that of the "gypsies" and the stereotypes associated with this term seem applicable to them. These include the groups known in the Central and Upper German language area as Yeniche , Irish Pavee or Dutch woonwagenbewoners . Although they can be distinguished from Roma according to their language, self-image and culture as well as their origin from the European majority population, and as evidenced by the various regional majority societal names, antigypsy resentments can also be identified.

definition

The Alliance against Antigypsyism proposes the following working definition for antigypsyism:

“Antigypsyism is a historically established stable complex of socially established racism against social groups identified with the stigma 'gypsies' or other related names. It comprises 1. a homogenizing and essentializing perception and representation of these groups; 2. the attribution of specific properties to them; 3. Discriminatory social structures and violent practices that arise against this background, which have a degrading and exclusive effect and which reproduce structural inequality.

- Alliance against Antigypsyism

Common and scientific stereotypes

Antigypsyism is shaped by stereotypes that attribute negatively assessed characteristics to “gypsies” carelessness, faithlessness, fearfulness, vindictiveness, insolence, inclination to begging and theft. Ambivalent or positively rated qualities such as magical and fortune telling abilities, great love of freedom, strong erotic charisma, special rhythmic and musical abilities as well as manual and physical dexterity in criminal or certain manual and show-making activities are also assigned. Antigypsy stereotypes with regard to the physicality of "gypsies" include physiognomic attributes such as black hair, black "flashing" eyes, dark skin color and irregular facial features. In Meyers Konversations-Lexikon (edition 1888) it says: “As far as the character of the gypsies is concerned, they are reckless, faithless, fearful, creeping towards violence, at the same time vengeful, cynical to the highest degree and where they dare to believe can, presumptuous and insolent. All are devoted to begging, women and children in particular steal ”.

In the German race-theoretical and "criminal biological" research of National Socialism ( Robert Ritter , Eva Justin , Adolf Würth ), views of the non-stationary way of life of the "foreign-racial" designated "gypsies", their social and economic behavior and their physical and mental abilities were based on Hereditary biological thought pattern expanded to include the idea that the Roma and their various subgroups are an ethnic group or “mixed race” that may have remained at a stage in the development of hunter cultures from the Stone Age. “Gypsies” have perpetuated their hereditary, socially damaging dispositions through endogamous reproduction or through sexual contact with marginalized members of the majority population, their “inferior scum” and the like, additionally strengthened and strengthened. Yeniche, on the other hand, were not regarded by Nazi research as "foreign races", but also as a genetically inferior and particularly dangerous "class of people" who acquired or strengthened their lower abilities through constant procreation in asocial and criminal milieus and through mixing with "gypsies." “(Roma) also passed on to them. This approach was continued after the end of National Socialism into the 1980s / 90s by the hereditary biology and hereditary hygiene oriented doctor and "Gypsy advisor" of German governments, Hermann Arnold . As an outsider in “population science”, Volkmar Weiss has recently continued the antigypsy tradition when he puts Sinti and Roma up for discussion as a “hereditary lower class” of inferior “population quality”, characterized by an above-average crime rate compared to the majority population with below-average intelligence and, in order to limit the associated potential for social conflict, I recommend less for structurally structured support and education programs than for the population sanitary measure of birth control.

History of Antigypsyism

From the Middle Ages to the First World War

Assaults and hostilities against "Gypsies" can be traced back to the end of the Middle Ages . After a period of public acquiescence in the 15th century Gypsies were in 1496 and 1498 by Reichstag farewells for outlaws explained.

In 1539 they were expelled from Paris , in 1563 they were expelled from England on pain of death . In the 17th century “pagans”, as the popular synonym for “gypsies” was, which wrongly placed them outside the Christian community, enjoyed a certain degree of sparing, at least in Central and Western Europe. Many men were in military service, their families were active in the entourage of the units. As owners of mostly specialized military tasks up to officers, they earned comparatively well and were under the protection of the respective sovereigns. Antigypsy ideas are to be found during this period, especially in the writings of “educated” authors who, as a rule, were not in lively contact with the objects of their descriptions. In the 18th century the living conditions and the social situation of the "gypsies" changed fundamentally. With the formation of standing army of subjects, they lost their traditional livelihood. In the first decades of the 18th century there was a phase of intensified persecution after “Gypsies” like all “abandoned people” were no longer permitted to reside anywhere and were economically marginalized.

While “Gypsies” as well as large parts of the majority population became more and more impoverished and impoverished in the last third of the century, they were discovered by the emerging “ethnology”, which now expanded and systematized the existing antigypsy descriptions. The Göttingen historian Heinrich Moritz Gottlieb Grellmann was extremely influential with his work Die Zigeuner. A historical experiment on the way of life and constitution, customs and fate of this people (1783, 1787). The motif of child robbery, often attributed to the gypsies (sometimes also buying foreign children), has been used in literature (e.g. by Cervantes or Brentano ) since the 17th century and thus a basic suspicion has always been passed on.

Until the 19th century, the European population was largely tied to their village or city, e.g. B. due to serfdom , property , citizenship of a city or due to legal regulations. Mutual social control in the living environment, belonging to a social group and the "correct" belief were important foundations of living together at this time. All parts of the population that were not tied to a location, such as traveling traders, showmen, vagabonds, etc. were generally viewed as outside society and more or less discriminated against. In the case of the “Gypsies”, there were also foreign ethnic origins, foreign appearance, foreign customs and manners, different beliefs and extensive deprivation of social control from others, and often poverty.

Due to the end of serfdom in Romania, after 1864 many Roma living there, until then sedentary, migrated to Western and Central Europe, especially from the Lovara and Kalderascha subgroups . The appearance of "foreign gypsies" in the last third of the 19th century led to a renewed boom in antiziganism in legislation and the media:

“As for the character of the gypsies. As soon as they come, they are reckless, faithless, fearful, creeping towards violence, at the same time vengeful, cynical to the highest degree and, where they believe they can dare, presumptuous and impudent. All are devoted to begging; women and children especially steal; open street robbery is almost unprecedented [...] "

This same point of view also found echo in literature, such as the story Die Spitzin by Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach , published in 1901 .

In Germany, ordinances and edicts were issued in order to control the traveling of the "gypsies". The 1906 Order to Combat Gypsy Insanity included a ban on “traveling in hordes”, which posed existential difficulties for Roma families and communities.

During the First World War , Roma fought on both sides. Roma who were captured and unfit for war were forced to do public work. Wages were only paid in kind, with wages being lower than those of the rest of the population. For fear of espionage, the migration of traveling groups was prevented by tightened police measures and the confiscation of horses and wagons, which in many cases deprived them of their livelihoods.

Between the world wars

Roma were recorded and registered: by counting people, creating photo files and numbering houses. As early as 1922, the provincial government of Burgenland ( Austria ) issued a decree that all Roma were to be detained in their home communities and that the immigration of new groups was to be prevented. In 1925 all Roma were photographed.

In 1936, the International Central Office for Combating the so-called Gypsy Plague was created in Vienna : Its first task was to collect data on Roma. In Burgenland preparatory work has already been done: Before 1938, already 8,000 Roma were collected over 14 years with fingerprints in the "Zigeunerkartothek". The basis for the systematic persecution and extermination during the Nazi era was thus already in place.

In the Central European countries, attempts have been made since the 19th century to keep foreign travelers away by means of entry bans and expulsions. For example, the Swiss Federal Constitution of 1848 enshrined legal provisions with which the migrant part of the population should be domiciled and the emergence of new "homelessness" should be prevented. This was followed by the federal law of December 3, 1850 “regarding homelessness”. It obliged the cantons and thus the sub-authorities to accept a place in the event of assumed or actual biographical ties. On an initiative of the Swiss Federal Councilor Giuseppe Motta , the aid organization Kinder der Landstrasse of Pro Juventute was founded in 1926 , under whose aegis around 600 children of travelers were taken away from their parents in the following decades, placed in foster families, reform homes and psychiatric institutions and in some cases also have been forcibly sterilized. It was not until 1973 that the “relief organization” was closed due to great public pressure.

Even the Fascist Italy discriminated against Roma and Sinti from 1926 systematically by means of corresponding decrees dealing with the internment of so-called "zingari" in concentration camps increased from 1938 to radical persecution and complete disenfranchisement.

The Bavarian Gypsy and Work Shyness Act of 1926 provided, among other things, for admission to forced labor camps. In Frankfurt a. M. was from 1929 to 1935 the so-called "concentration camp on Friedberger Landstrasse" in operation. For the purpose of transferring Sinti and Roma there, pressure was exerted, but no coercion. Two years after this camp was closed, a forced camp was set up elsewhere in Frankfurt. ( For details see: Porajmos #On Prehistory .)

National Socialism and the Post-War Period

The national socialist policy, with its persecution motivated by both ethnic and racist as well as socially hygienic and racist motives, went far beyond the criminalization of the "gypsies" that had been customary up to then. First of all, the anti-Gypsy measures that had already been carried out at the local level during the German Empire and the Weimar Republic were systematized. At the instigation of local authorities, assembly camps for Roma and Sinti were set up, for example on the Heinefeld in Unterrath , a district of Düsseldorf , in Frankfurt (Main) or in Berlin-Marzahn . During the persecution measures up to around 1938, the interest and activity of local and regional authorities initially predominated.

According to the law for the prevention of hereditary offspring (“Sterilization Law”, 1933), sterilizations were carried out, according to the Blood Protection Law (one of the two Nuremberg Laws , 1935) marriage bans were pronounced.

Robert Ritter and Eva Justin from the “Racial Biology Research Center of the Reich Health Office” draw blood from a man, April 1938

In the Racial Hygiene and Forensic Biology Research Center headed by Robert Ritter , the Roma and Sinti living in Germany have been recorded according to their genealogies and their physical characteristics measured since 1937. The RHF developed a system of categories according to which a distinction was made between “foreign races” “Gypsies” and “Gypsy hybrids” on the one hand and “non-Gypsies” from the German majority population and “half-breeds” considered to be “ German-blooded ” on the other. Sinti and other Roma were only classified as "genuine" Gypsies, while the vast majority were classified as "Gypsy hybrids". On the other hand, “Gypsy travelers” were generally regarded as “German-blooded non-Gypsies”, provided that a genealogical record revealed at most one grandparent with half of the Roma origin. However, while the Sinti and Roma living in the "Altreich" were genealogically and expertly recorded by the RHF in a "Gypsy clan archive", the establishment of a corresponding "rural driver clan archive" did not go beyond one approach. To what extent people with, in the opinion of the authorities, “Gypsy” partial descent, contrary to their self-image, were classified as “Gypsy hybrids” and thus as “Gypsies” is a question that has hardly even been addressed by research and cannot be answered for the time being.

The Burgenland Gauleiter and Governor Tobias Portschy ( The Gypsy Question . 1938) played a leading role in the ideological background to the persecution .

The scientifically justified reorientation of the fight against the gypsies culminated on December 8, 1938 in Himmler's decree, also known as the “basic decree”, “Conc. Combating the Gypsy Plague ”, which provided for a“ regulation of the Gypsy question based on the nature of this race ”. As a result, the most far-reaching forms of persecution, including mass killing in the extermination camps, were directed against the Roma subgroups classified as "foreign races".

Like others who were categorized as “anti-social scum” (recipients of support, “loafers”, “work-shy” - the groups of “anti-social” overlapped), “rural travelers wandering around in the gypsy fashion” were also discriminated against. They were denied migrant trade licenses and benefits. In the spring and summer of 1938 they were interned like Jews, Sinti and Roma objects of the raids after “work-shy” and as such in concentration camps (Neuengamme, Buchenwald, Dachau and others), some of which did not survive. Others fell victim to forced sterilization. The " Festschreibungserlaß " of 1939, which forbade "Gypsies" and "Gypsy hybrids" to leave their place of residence on the penalty of being placed in a concentration camp and formed the prerequisite for the following group deportations, already explicitly excluded them. In 1940 they were neither involved in the deportation "in closed clans" to the Generalgouvernement, which most of the deportees did not survive, nor in 1941 in the deportation of Burgenland Roma to the Litzmannstadt ghetto ('Łódź'), nor in the nationwide deportation beginning in February 1943 nationwide organized "family-wise" deportations to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp .

By the beginning of the 1940s at the latest, Sinti and Roma had also been deprived of important social rights and, on par with the Jewish minority, rights at work, a special tax was imposed on them and their children had been schooled.

Deportation of Southwest German Sinti in Asperg , May 1940

Scientific research was closely linked to police objectives. The National Socialist gypsy policy escalated into the mass killing of the Sinti and Roma, insofar as they lived within the borders of the German Reich, in the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp and of Roma outside the German Reich, especially by the so-called task forces in occupied Eastern Europe. In the “Gypsy Family Camp” in Birkenau, but also in other camps such as Natzweiler (Alsace), Roma and Sinti were victims of medical experiments , such as those directed by Josef Mengele , among others . With the deportation to the extermination, the property of the Sinti and Roma fell to the state, which handed it over to the “German national community” in the form of its citizens and socio-political institutions such as the NSV, as it had already been done in the case of the Jewish minority , especially real estate, was managed by the tax authorities for the benefit of the majority population.

How many Sinti and Roma and people affected by their persecution died as a result of the Gypsy policy of the Nazi dictatorship is not known, as there is no reliable information about the number of those murdered in the Soviet Union , Poland and Southeastern Europe. In Auschwitz-Birkenau alone , however, around 15,000 people were killed as "gypsies" or "mixed gypsies". The murder rate among Roma groups in the Czech Republic and among the largest Austrian group of Burgenland Roma was around 90 percent.

In 1946, the Reich Central Office for Combating the Gypsy Fault was restored as a "Landfahrerstelle" in the Bavarian State Criminal Police Office . The rural driver's position was dissolved in 1970 because of the violation of the constitution.

In 1956, the Federal Court of Justice refused to pay compensation to a “mixed race gypsy” for his forced resettlement in 1940. The exclusion and resettlement policy of the “Gypsies” pursued by the National Socialists was not “racially” motivated, but rather a “common police preventive measure” at the time to “fight the gypsy plague”. In 2015, judges of the BGH distanced themselves from the judgment practice of their predecessors, many of whom had already been active as judges before 1945.

Political and moral recognition of the genocide

On March 17, 1982, then Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt received a delegation from the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma and recognized the National Socialist crimes against the European Roma as genocide. Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl repeated this recognition on November 7, 1985 during a debate in the Bundestag. In 1992 the Bundestag decided to erect a central memorial. After the Sinti and Roma organizations were unable to agree on a common dedication text for years, the Federal Council passed a resolution on December 20, 2007, confirming the political will to create a " Memorial to the Victims of the National Socialist Genocide of the Sinti and Roma in Europe " . In this resolution he explicitly recognized “the political and moral responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany for a worthy commemoration of these victims of National Socialist crimes” and declared that the dedication text wanted to take into account the concerns of victims' associations “as much as possible”. In the meantime, a dedication text has been drawn up, formulated and approved by the political bodies by historians from the Institute for Contemporary History in Munich and the NS Documentation Center in Cologne. On December 19, 2008, the symbolic start of construction of the monument took place in Berlin in a public ceremony.

Current developments

A Roma demonstrator with a t-shirt print in Romanian Țigancă împuțită ("Dirty Gypsy") in Bucharest (2007)
Bulgarian Prime Minister Borisov called the Roma "bad human material "

After the end of National Socialism, the European Sinti and Roma remained discriminated against. Open persecution has become rare, but silent discrimination is present in every country in Europe. In a survey of a representative cross-section of citizens in all 28 countries of the European Union by the EU on the subject of "discrimination" in spring 2008, the question was asked how well the respondents felt on a scale from 1 to 10 if they thought about to have certain neighbors. By far the most uncomfortable felt by Europeans to think that they had Sinti and Roma as neighbors (average value: 6.0; for comparison: the average value for disabled people is 9.1).

In Western European countries, Sinti and Roma as well as comparable minorities from the majority population (Pavee, Woonwagenbewoners, Forains, Jenische, etc.) still suffer from discrimination and prejudice to this day . The partially rekindled nationalism also turns against them in many cases. Social cuts and deregulation measures hit them particularly hard. The school education of the Sinti and Roma is often inadequate. The traditional professions of the Sinti and Roma are no longer needed. Some Roma are still stateless today and therefore suffer legal disadvantages. In its resolution on the situation of the Roma in Europe, the European Parliament draws attention to “the widespread prevalence of anti-gypsyism and its discriminatory effects on employment, education and social services for the most disadvantaged ethnic minority group in the European Union”. However, Parliament does not offer any practical solutions to the problem either.

In many countries in East Central Europe , Eastern Europe and Southeast Europe , especially in the Czech Republic , Slovakia , Serbia , Slovenia , Hungary , Bulgaria , Romania , Albania and North Macedonia , Roma are on the margins of society and often live in their own residential areas, settlements or ghettos , which are often in In the course of forced sedentarism, they were built with poor quality and poor infrastructure. Václav Miko, a Roma activist from the Czech Republic, compares the situation with apartheid between 1948 and 1990 in South Africa and refers to partial bans on entry for Roma in pubs or automatic placement of Roma children in special schools. The silent majority tend to believe in negative prejudices and headlines from the tabloids . Therefore, Roma in these countries are exposed to massive discrimination and in some cases also persecution. During the war in Yugoslavia in 1991, Roma got caught between the fronts; the parties involved used violence to recruit soldiers in the Roma villages. This and other armed violence triggered waves of Roma refugees to Western Europe.

Since Slovakia and Hungary have been members of the European Union since 2004 and Bulgaria and Romania since 2007, the issue of minority protection is gaining in importance. The condition and criterion for acceptance into the community of states is respect for the minorities. In a survey in England in 1993, two thirds of English citizens said they were against a neighborhood of “gypsies”.

The European Commission's Turkey Progress Report of November 9, 2005 reports that Roma in Turkey still have problems finding adequate housing, training, health care and work. In the past two years, human rights organizations led by Roma have emerged in five Turkish cities. In collaboration with these organizations, Istanbul Bilgi University has started to locate the Turkish Roma population and determine their exact number in order to get a clearer picture of their problems. Legislation prohibits Roma from immigrating to Turkey.

In Germany, a crime scene sequence edited by Martin Walser (“Poor Nanosh” from 1989) caused a scandal because of its anti-Gypsy content, including the use of the term “the people of red petticoats” and various clichéd depictions, and was approved by the Central Council of Sinti and Roma strongly condemned in Germany.

According to a study by the University of Leipzig in 2014, over fifty percent of Germans agreed with antigypsyist statements - such as "I would have problems with Sinti and Roma in my area."

The German Bishops' Conference of the Roman Catholic Church has not used anti-Gypsy organization names since 2010. In contrast, the right-wing Catholic Scouts of Europe described the ethnophaulism Gypsies in 2018 as "allegedly discriminatory". The Engelwerk , which is close to her, attributes, among other things, "Gypsies" to being particularly receptive to demons .

A newly created Antiziganism research center has existed at Heidelberg University since 2017 , headed by contemporary historian Edgar Wolfrum and financed by the state of Baden-Württemberg with an annual amount of 220,000 euros.

An expert commission commissioned by the federal government published a 500-page report on June 24, 2021 that systematically examines antiziganism in Germany. Under the title “Change of Perspective - Catching Up Justice - Participation”, the authors referred to “structural and institutionalized racism” against Sinti and Roma, which encompasses all areas - for example schools, neighborhoods, police stations, courts. The report was based on 15 recent studies on antigypsyism, including in local government, school books and the police. The commission demanded the appointment of a commissioner and a federal-state commission on the subject of antiziganism. She also called for an end to the deportations of Sinti and Roma, as there are no safe countries of origin for these people.

International Roma Day , which has been taking place on April 8th every year since 1990 , aims to draw attention to the situation of the Roma, especially their discrimination and persecution .

Examples of antigypsy rioting

Antigypsy demonstration in Sofia , 2011

Some examples of antiziganistically motivated attacks from the last few years:

  • In October 2006 a Roma family in the Slovenian village of Ambrus was attacked by a “vigilante group” and expelled.
  • After the murder of an Italian woman by a Roma who immigrated from Romania at the end of October 2007, Romanian Roma in particular came under general suspicion in Italy . The Italian government also announced mass deportations for minor offenses.
  • At least 16 antigypsy attacks took place in Hungary in November 2008 alone.
  • In Naples in May 2008 the rumor that a Roma tried to steal a toddler ( child theft : an old antigypsy cliché) sparked riots in which a Roma camp was completely burned down.
  • In the Czech Republic, and especially in Northern Bohemia, neo-Nazi marches and pogroms against Roma took place and are currently taking place. The highlights were a series of demonstrations in 2011 and 2013 led by the right-wing extremist party DSSS and the autonomous nationalists. Particularly noticeable was the Schluckenauer Zipfel , in which the impostor Lukáš Kohout was active as an organizer of demonstrations. In 2011, larger numbers of citizens joined the neo-Nazi demonstrations and sometimes formed violent groups, which led to pogrom-like situations with marches through Roma districts. In 2013, in the months leading up to the parliamentary elections, the DSSS tried to win over women voters with a series of anti-Roma demonstrations that lasted several months. The then Interior Minister Martin Pecina assessed the situation as "very serious". Roma in the Czech Republic are not only threatened or even affected by neo-Nazi violence, they are also discriminated against in the labor and housing market. A large number of employers do not employ Roma despite having suitable qualifications. Roma are often segregated into dilapidated old building quarters or prefabricated housing estates and pay overpriced prices there, sometimes even for very dilapidated apartments. Segregation extends to regulatory measures such as in the northern Bohemian towns of Rotava and Litvinov, where a sitting and standing ban was enacted, which was openly aimed at Roma. Roma are also disadvantaged in the educational system in the Czech Republic. About 50% of Roma children are placed in special schools regardless of their actual intelligence. The European Court of Human Rights condemned this practice in 2007 as discriminatory. The term “non-adaptable” is used as a code word to exclude Roma. It appears in both apartment rental advertisements and neo-Nazi announcements.
  • In 2011 , an illegal “ vigilante group” was formed in Hungary under the name Verderö 'Wehrkraft' , with the declared aim of expelling the Roma minority from Hungary.
  • Also in 2011 there were riots against Roma in various cities in Bulgaria.

Antigypsy Research Controversies

Labeling problem

The formation of the term “antiziganism” is controversial. One criticism refers to the fact that it implies a “gypsyism” which does not exist and which contradicts the self-image of many Sinti and Roma as a German national minority or as a European minority. Another criticism sees the definition of victim status in the use of the term. In 2008, the authors Lorenz Aggermann, Eduard Freudmann and Can Gülcü suggested using the term anti-Romanism instead of the term antiziganism, “because it seems absurd to use a term that is different from the discriminatory term 'gypsy' derives ”. Elsa Fernandez proposed the term Gadje racism, which shifts the focus to the perpetrators of racism by taking up the Romanes expression for non-Roma, “Gadje”.

Although the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma also rejects the ethnonym Gypsy because it has a long history as a derogatory designation and is "polluted" by National Socialism, it speaks of "antiziganism" in no different way than other weighty self-organizations of the Roma and thus parallelizes "anti-Semitism" and with it the Jewish history of persecution. It is "the only scientifically sound term that takes into account the construct of the" gypsy "and the violence associated with it". In the Czech Republic, the Roma writer and activist Václav Miko introduced and coined the term in his book from 2009.

Comparability of the persecution of the Romans and the persecution of the Jews

Occasionally - according to the German-American-Jewish political scientist Guenter Lewy - the equation of the persecution of the Romans and the persecution of the Jews was disputed. Originally, this question also played a role in the discussion on the dedication text for a national memorial for the Sinti and Roma of Europe murdered under National Socialism .

Later the discussion shifted to the question of the use of the term “gypsy” in the memorial text.

The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma sees both the refusal of equality and the use of the foreign term as an expression of antiziganism of the majority society.

media

literature

  • Antigypsyism - main focus. In: HUch! Student newspaper of the Humboldt University in Berlin. No. 61, June / July 2009, pp. 3–11 ( refrat.de [PDF; 4.2 MB; various articles]).
  • Alexandra Bartels, Tobias von Borcke, Markus End, Anna Friedrich (Hrsg.): An attempt at a bibliography. In: Bartels et al. (Ed.): Antiziganistischeusten 2. Unrast, Münster 2013, ISBN 978-3-89771-518-9 , pp. 314–355 ( unrast-verlag.de [PDF; 960 kB]).
  • Markus End: "If you don't work, you shouldn't eat". History, Present and Critique of Antigypsyism. In: arranca! # 41: how now? Transformation strategies January 1st 2010, ZDB -ID 1161205-8 ( arranca.org ; introductory text about antiziganism).
  • Klaus-Michael Bogdal : Europe invents the gypsies. A story of fascination and contempt. Suhrkamp, ​​Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-518-42263-2 , urn : nbn: de: 101: 1-201402148515 .
  • Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma (Ed.): Antiziganismus. Social and historical dimensions of “gypsy” stereotypes. Heidelberg 2015, ISBN 978-3-929446-31-9 ( sintiundroma.de with PDF; 1.4 MB ).
  • Markus End, Kathrin Herold, Yvonne Robel (eds.): Antiziganist conditions. To criticize an omnipresent resentment. Unrast, Münster 2009, ISBN 978-3-89771-489-2 .
  • Markus End: Stereotypical representations of Sinti and Roma in German media. The ZDF morning magazine in the antiziganist discourse. In: Oliver von Mengersen (ed.): Sinti and Roma. A German minority between discrimination and emancipation (= Federal Center for Political Education [Hrsg.]: Series of publications. Volume 1573). Federal Agency for Political Education , BpB, and Bavarian State Agency for Political Education , Bonn and Munich 2015, ISBN 978-3-8389-0573-0 , pp. 201-233.
  • Gernot Haupt: Antiziganism and social work. Elements of a scientific foundation, shown using examples from Europe with a focus on Romania. Frank & Timme, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-86596-076-6 .
  • Gernot Haupt: Antiziganism and Religion. Elements of a theology of Roma liberation (= religious studies. Volume 17). Lit, Münster 2009, ISBN 978-3-8258-1765-7 .
  • Joachim S. Hohmann : You were wronged! Gypsy persecution in Germany. In: grandstand . Vol. 21, 1982, H. 82, pp. 100-113.
  • Wulf D. Hund (Ed.): Gypsy pictures. Pattern of racist ideology. Duisburg Institute for Linguistic and Social Research , undated, ISBN 3-927388-74-2 .
  • Wulf D. Hund (Ed.): Gypsies. History and structure of a racist construction. Duisburg Institute for Language and Social Research, Duisburg 1996, ISBN 3-927388-53-X .
  • Anna Lucia Jocham: Antiziganism. Risks of exclusion of Sinti and Roma through stigmatization (= MenschenArbeit. Volume 28). Hartung-Gorre, Konstanz 2010, ISBN 978-3-86628-313-8 (Zugl .: Freiburg (Breisgau), Catholic University of Applied Sciences for Social Sciences and Religious Education, diploma thesis, 2008).
  • Michail Krausnick , Daniel Strauss: From “Antiziganism” to “Gypsy Tales”. Handbook for Sinti and Roma. 5th edition Books on Demand, Norderstedt 2011, ISBN 3-8370-5729-1 , urn : nbn: de: 101: 1-20091127416 (information on Sinti and Roma in Germany).
  • Eva Krekovičová: Between tolerance and barriers: the image of gypsies and Jews in Slovak folklore (= studies on tsiganology and folklore. Volume 21). Translated by Ute Kurdelová. Peter Lang, Frankfurt et al. 1998, ISBN 3-631-31688-7 .
  • Ulrich Kronauer: Pictures of the "Gypsy" in legal-language sources and their representation in the "German Legal Dictionary". In: Anita Awosusi (ed.): Gypsies. On the stigmatization of Sinti and Roma in lexicons and encyclopedias (= series of publications by the Documentation and Cultural Center of German Sinti and Roma. Volume 8). Verlag Das Wunderhorn, Heidelberg 1998, ISBN 3-88423-141-3 , pp. 97-118 ( adw.uni-heidelberg.de ).
  • Jana Leichsenring, Scientific Services of the German Bundestag: Antiziganism and Porrajmos ( Memento of December 11, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) (= current term. No. 02/09 [January 13, 2009]). In: bundestag.de, accessed on July 24, 2017 (PDF; 75 kB).
  • Norbert Mappes-Niediek : Poor Roma, bad gypsies. 2nd Edition. Christian Links, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-86153-684-0 , urn : nbn: de: 101: 1-201211085757 .
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  • Bernhard C. Schär, Béatrice Ziegler (ed.): Antiziganism in Switzerland and Europe, history, continuities and reflections. Chronos, Zurich 2014, ISBN 978-3-0340-1220-1 , see also the review by Ulrich F. Opfermann . In: see points . Review journal for historical studies. Issue 15 (2015), no. 2, ISSN  1618 to 6168 ( sehepunkte.de , accessed on 24 July 2017).
  • Roswitha Scholz : Homo Sacer and "Die Zigeuner" - Antiziganism - reflections on an essential and therefore "forgotten" variant of modern racism. In: EXIT! June 2007 ( exit-online.org ).
  • Wilhelm Solms: "You may have been baptized, but ..." The churches' position on the Sinti and Roma in Germany. In: theologie.geschichte . Journal for theology and cultural history. University of Marburg, Volume 1 (2006), ISSN  1862-1678 , pp. 107–129 ( uni-saarland.de [PDF; 69 kB]).
  • Wilhelm Solms : On the demonization of the Jews and Gypsies in fairy tales. In: Susan Tebbutt (Ed.): Sinti and Roma in German-speaking society and literature (= research on literary and cultural history. Volume 72). Peter Lang, Frankfurt et al. 2001, ISBN 3-631-35349-9 , pp. 111-125.
  • Katharina Stengel: Traditional enemy images: the compensation of the Sinti and Roma in the fifties and sixties (= Fritz Bauer Institute [ed.]: Materials. 17). Fritz Bauer Institute , Frankfurt 2004, ISBN 3-932883-30-6 .
  • Michael Stewart (Ed.): Gypsy 'Menace': Populism and the New Anti-Gypsy Politics. Oxford University Press, New York 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-932793-5 .
  • Änneke Winckel: Antiziganism. Racism against Roma and Sinti in the unified Germany. 2nd Edition. Unrast, Münster 2002, ISBN 3-89771-411-6 (also: diploma thesis).
  • Wolfgang Wippermann : "Like the gypsies". A comparison of anti-Semitism and antigypsyism. Elefanten-Press, Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-88520-616-1 .
  • Antigypsyism Foundation Paper. Version June 2017. P. 5 ( antigypsyism.eu [PDF; 264 kB]).

Web links

Individual references and comments

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  3. Amadeu Antonio Foundation , Gender, GMF and Right-Wing Extremism (ed.): Racism against Sinti and Roma . Berlin December 4, 2018 (2 pages, amadeu-antonio-stiftung.de [PDF; 243 kB ; accessed on June 20, 2021] Flyer).
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  6. Benoît Massin: Anthropology and human genetics under National Socialism or: How do German scientists write their own history of science? In: Heidrun Kaupen-Haas, Christian Saller (Hrsg.): Scientific racism: Analyzes of a continuity in the human and natural sciences. Campus publishing house, Frankfurt a. M. 1999, ISBN 3-593-36228-7 , pp. 12-64.
  7. ^ Carsten Klingemann : Population sociology in National Socialism and in the early Federal Republic. In: Rainer Mackensen (Ed.): Population doctrine and population policy in the “Third Reich”. Leske and Budrich / German Society for Demography, Opladen 2004, pp. 183–206, p. 195, note 12.
  8. On the conception of the Yeniche in Nazi research see Andrew Rocco Merlino D'Arcangelis: The persecution of the socio-linguistic group, the Yeniche (also known as the German land drivers) in the Nazi state 1934–1944. Diss., Hamburg University for Economics and Politics, 2004, Part II, p. 229 ff., Urn : nbn: de: gbv: 18-22474 ( text = ediss.sub.uni-hamburg.de [PDF; 9.8 MB, accessed July 29, 2019]).
  9. Volkmar Weiß: The IQ trap: intelligence, social structure and politics. Leopold Stocker Verlag, Graz 2000, ISBN 3-7020-0882-9 , pp. 195–202 (“The Gypsies - a new hereditary lower class?”), Pp. 202–207 (“The accumulation of social explosives”), cf. Also another: Population policy as the basis of the state and the people. In: The new axis. 20 (2004), pp. 11-29.
  10. Gypsies . In: Meyers Konversations-Lexikon . 4th edition. Volume 16, Verlag des Bibliographisches Institut, Leipzig / Vienna 1885–1892, pp. 903–904.
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  20. ^ Chicago audio record . Archived from the original on January 18, 2010. In: segabg.com, accessed July 23, 2017.
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  40. Wolfram Schäfer: Against the charge of kidnapping. In: Udo Engbring-Romang, Wilhelm Solms (Ed.): “Theft in view”? On the criminalization of the "gypsies" (= contributions to antiziganism research. Volume 3). I-Verb.de, Seeheim 2005, ISBN 3-9808800-6-0 , pp. 141-179. Wilhelm Solms: The literary sources of the child robbery allegation. Ibid, pp. 180-195.
  41. Luisa Brandl: Italy: Flaming anger against immigrants. In: stern.de. undated, accessed on July 26, 2017; Michael Braun: Authorities defend pogroms: large-scale operation against foreigners in Italy. In: taz . May 15, 2008. Retrieved July 26, 2017.
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  44. ^ Christian Rühmkorf: The business with Roma poverty . In: time online . December 12, 2013. Retrieved July 26, 2017.
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