Robert Ritter

The title of this article is ambiguous. Further meanings are listed under Robert Ritter (disambiguation) .

Robert Ritter at the "Gypsy Capture". Picture of the RHF (1936)

Eugen Max Robert Ritter (born May 14, 1901 in Aachen ; † April 17, 1951 in Oberursel ) was a German National Socialist racial theorist who headed the Racial Hygiene Research Center (RHF) and was Chief Medical Officer of the city of Frankfurt am Main after 1945 . Knight is as head of the RHF one of the most Schreibtischtäter of Porajmos . The RHF elaborated around 24,000 "expert statements" in which the investigated were classified as "full gypsies ", "gypsy mongrels" or "non-gypsies". These reports formed the basis for coercive measures against Roma up to and including deportation to the " Auschwitz Gypsy camp ".

Life

Youth and school days

Parade of the Hauptkadettenanstalt Berlin-Lichterfelde in 1911. Ritter went to school here from 1916 to 1918.

Robert, born in Aachen in 1901, was the first child of Lieutenant Max Ritter and his wife Martha, née Gütschow, and his two sisters were born in 1903 and 1905. The cause of Ritter's frequent changes of residence and school is suspected to be in his father's occupation.

Political and professional biography

Ritter changed his curriculum vitae in the three epochs of the Weimar Republic , National Socialism and the early Federal Republic according to political opportunity.

After the end of the First World War , Ritter first joined an Upper Silesian Freikorps in 1918 . He then studied education , psychology , philosophy and psychiatry in Bonn , Tübingen , Marburg , Munich , Berlin , Heidelberg and Oslo . In 1923 he took part in the Ruhr War . In 1927 he received his doctorate with the work The Sexual Problem in Education. Attempt at sex education on a psychological basis . His medical dissertation on the question of the inheritance of allergic diathesis followed in 1930 .

In 1931 and 1932 Ritter worked in the child psychiatric department of the Psychiatric University Clinic in Zurich .

From 1932 to 1935 he was senior physician in the youth department of psychiatry at the University of Tübingen , where he was responsible, among other things, for assessing difficult-to-educate young people. There he developed racist and eugenic theories on the biological basis of social conspicuousness that were beneficial to his career in the Nazi state. In 1935 he published an article in the journal Volk und Rasse on red hair as a racial hygiene problem . In the same year he took on a research assignment from the German Research Foundation (DFG) to investigate the biological basis of " anti-social ", homeless and " gypsy " people at the Reich Health Office in Berlin.

Annual funding from Ritters by the German Research Foundation (in Reichsmark ), plus the provision of equipment.

In August 1936 he took over the management of the newly founded " Racial Hygiene and Population Biology Research Center in the Reich Health Office ". Eva Justin became his deputy . In 1937 he completed his habilitation with the work Ein Menschenschlag. Hereditary medical and hereditary historical examinations on the descendants of 'vagabonds, jauners and robbers' investigated through 10 gender sequences . In it he advocated the thesis of the " born criminal ", of the genetic condition of criminal and anti-social behavior. Ritter appealed to Swiss sources for his work, including Josef Jörger with his work on the Zero family.

Tobias Joachim Schmidt-Degenhard points in his dissertation to Robert Ritter (1901–1951). Regarding the life and work of the Nazi "Gypsy researcher" according to that Ritter represents the same ideas in numerous passages in the text and uses very similar formulations as Hermann Aichele in his dissertation The Gypsy Question, also written in Tübingen in 1911, with special consideration of Württemberg . Aichele's work can neither be found in the bibliography nor is it otherwise referred to.

Robert Ritter (1936)

In 1935, on the basis of a recommendation by Ernst Rüdin, Ritter received the order from the Reich Ministry of Health to “carry out a thorough racial record and inspection of all gypsies and mixed gypsies”. "These investigations are in full swing in close cooperation with the Reich Criminal Police Office and the Munich Gypsy Police Headquarters," wrote Ritter in 1938. He found: "The more thoroughbred the gypsies are, the better they can be monitored". He also wrote: “These families, after they have been collected and sighted in migrant yards, would be best placed by the police in closed colonies. A family coexistence would only be allowed there after previous sterilization of those who were still capable of reproduction. ”And:“ Not for nothing have they been called 'savages', as still underdeveloped' naturals' and have pointed out that they are uncontrolled, ruthless and cruel 'like Children 'are, which is why in these and other contexts one likes to speak of the fact that they are still at the childhood level of humanity. "

Robert Ritter (right) draws blood from a woman outdoors. Picture of the RHF (1936)

"Gypsies" were at the center of Ritter's interest. The category was ethnically-racially defined and "against the German blood " members of the "German national community" defined, the Nazi Asozialenforschung among others at the social fringe Jenische placed. They also rated Ritter as "inferior" and to be sorted out, but he did not prevail. Their absence in later norms is considered as "unquestionably [er] [...] proof" that he did not succeed in "convincing the legislature that the Yeniche represent a relevant racial hygiene group and threat".

Ritter's institute examined almost 24,000 people up to 1945 in order to classify them as "full gypsies", "gypsy mongrels" or "non-gypsies". The “expert statements” of the research center played an important role in the decision about sterilization, after the Auschwitz decree about deportation to the extermination camp or also the sparing of persecution.

In 1940, Ritter received a teaching position in race hygiene and forensic biology at the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the Friedrich Wilhelms University in Berlin .

Shortly before the May deportation in 1940, the first large wave of deportations from the Reich to occupied Poland, Ritter gave a lecture to police officers in Bremen about the "gypsy mischief" and hinted at the imminent deportation.

The Criminal Biology Institute of the Security Police in the Reich Security Main Office , headed by Ritter in succession to Ferdinand von Neureiter from 1941, was responsible for assessing young people who were brought to youth concentration camps by the Nazi youth welfare or the criminal police ( euphemistically referred to as "youth protection camps" in official parlance) ( RSHA) responsible. Ritter was responsible for dividing the young prisoners in the Moringen youth concentration camp into 7 “blocks” (B = “observation block”, U = “unsuitable”, ST = “disruptor”, D = “permanent failure”, G = “occasional failure”, F = “questionable Parents ", E =" Parents ") and visited the camp more often. The ST block had a special position; none of the numerous visitors to the camp reported on it. Political prisoners were assigned to him by the Secret State Police . Of the 1,386 prisoners who passed through the camp, at least 89 died by the time it was liquidated. At least 14 other deaths from prisoners relocated because of tuberculosis are also owed to camp detention. At least 22 prisoners were forcibly sterilized in the surgery department of the Göttingen University Clinic. At least 90 young people among the detainees had been detained for homosexual acts. Following the Moringer model, the Uckermark youth concentration camp for girls was built in 1942 - delayed due to the war and with a simplified block system with three blocks - by inmates of the Ravensbrück concentration camp near it .

Although for Himmler Moringen was the prototype for the implementation of the planned “ Community alien law ”, the so-called “youth protection camps” did not become the typical youth welfare institution of National Socialism. On the one hand, their capacity was too low for this and, on the other hand, the camps themselves were too controversial among the youth welfare practitioners. The “youth protection camps”, and thus also Moringen and Uckermark, are now considered to be National Socialist concentration camps. In the Reich Security Main Office, a distinction was made between internal and external designations - internally the designation youth concentration camp was used , which also corresponded to the organizational subordination.

On September 2, 1941, Ritter and Justin visited the youth prison in Kaiser-Ebersdorf in Vienna ; he was part of an inspection group led by the Attorney General Johann Karl Stich .

Ritter supported Justin as much as he could with her doctoral thesis. Her oral doctoral examination took place on March 24, 1943 between 9:15 and 10:15 in Ritter’s private apartment. Another employee of Ritter, the founder of the NSDAP local branch in Budapest, Georg Wagner, who claims to have found an increased color difference in the pairs of eyes in a "gypsy clan" in 1942, received his doctorate in 1943 with racial biological observations on "gypsies" and "gypsy mongrels" and after 1945 Farmer in southern Germany.

From the summer of 1943, because of the Allied air raids on Berlin , Ritter relocated the RHF and KBI to various locations in Mecklenburg, Bavaria, Württemberg, Hanover and the Sudetenland. In January 1944, the move was completed and work was fully restored. Ritter himself moved to Mariaberg, where he moved his library as well as files. The KBI as well as the Reich headquarters for combating the gypsy insurgency were relocated to the premises of the Drögen Security Police School in Fürstenberg / Havel . The driving school, located not far from the Ravensbrück concentration camp , had its own satellite camp of the Ravensbrück concentration camp, and the Uckermark youth concentration camp was also in the immediate vicinity.

In mid-1944, Ritter was promoted to government councilor.

After 1945

At the end of the war, Ritter lived with Justin and Helene Bremer in the Protestant sanatorium in Mariaberg . When trying to become the new head of the institution, Ritter mentioned to the occupation authorities the NSDAP membership and the "stubbornness" of the old institution management and the involvement of the Inner Mission in Nazi actions. Patients from Mariaberg were also suggested for forced sterilization or transferred to the nearby Grafeneck killing center. He was unsuccessful with this strategy: At the beginning of August 1946, Ritter and Justin left Mariaberg at “Nacht und Nebel”. He was before such a termination due to the ongoing conflict with the prison management. From mid-1946 he systematically collected “ Persil notes ”.

His plan to get a professorship at the University of Tübingen also came to nothing after Otto Kirchheimer had informed the Tübingen rectorate under Theodor Steinbüchel in writing on February 15, 1946 that Ritter had been significantly involved in the Jewish legislation under National Socialism and that he " in cooperation with the Gestapo had permanent access to concentration camps and influence on the use of prisoners ”. Kirchheimer pointed out that in relation to "Gypsies", Ritter was an "intellectual prop of Nazi ideology", which requires special examination. Ritter was partially successful in his efforts in Frankfurt am Main, where from 1947 he headed the “ Welfare Office for the Mentally Ill and Nervous ” and the city's youth psychiatry . His assistant Eva Justin was again his subordinate from 1948. He also hoped for a job at the university because of his contacts with Otmar von Verschuer . Verschuer, Josef Mengele's Frankfurt doctoral supervisor , was unable to find a job at the Frankfurt University himself.

In 1947 a publication was published Analysis of Nazi Criminal Organizations , in which Ritter is listed as SS-Obersturmbannführer . In December 1947, Ritter was tracked down in Frankfurt by a private detective on behalf of Oskar Rose , a survivor of the Porajmos living in Heidelberg . In 1948 the State Commissariat for Racially, Religiously and Politically Persecuted Persons in Munich filed charges against Ritter in Frankfurt. The State Commissariat was headed by Philipp Auerbach . The ad was based on statements from Robert Adler, Oskar Rose and his brother Vincent Rose, as well as members of the Bamberger family. In 1947/48 well-known medical professors tried to take action against the publication Medicine Without Humanity by Alexander Mitscherlich and Fred Mielke , which documents the Nuremberg medical trial . Among the plaintiffs was Ferdinand Sauerbruch , who was the DFG reviewer responsible for Ritter’s applications for funding.

In January 1949, the Minister for Political Liberation of the Hessian State Ministry Gottlob Binder informed the Personnel Department of the City Health Office that proceedings were pending against Ritter because of the misrepresentation in the denazification . So he u. a. withholding his membership of the SS . Ritter was invited to the State Chancellery for questioning and referred to his denazification notice from the French occupation zone and his clean bill of health. The evidence on Ritter’s formal memberships was thin. The historian Joachim S. Hohmann writes that on the basis of a document available to him, Ritter joined the NSDAP on July 26, 1934 , and that he joined the SS in 1936. In addition, he was HJ regular leader and a member of the NSDAP youth leadership. The minister's investigation came to nothing.

In his defense in the public prosecutor's investigation proceedings, Ritter built on two main lines: On the one hand, his scientific research was "well-founded", on the other hand, the witnesses were "anti-social elements and ready and able to present any falsehood and, when it came to revenge to practice. ”In order to discharge him, he presented the family trees and other documents about the witnesses drawn up by the RHF to the public prosecutor's office. 60 people were questioned by a judge for the proceedings, 39 affidavits - i.e. Persil certificates - were submitted by Ritter, some of which he had already used for his denazification process and his applications. Paul Wiedel , formerly Vice President of the Reich Health Office, played a central role in the procurement of the Persilscheine . Among these witnesses of repute were some subordinates of Ritters from the RHF, furthermore Gerhard Nauck , formerly also responsible for the persecution of Roma in the RSHA , Max Hagemann , the head of the criminal department of the police headquarters in Stuttgart, from the environment of the " youth protection camp Moringen " the public nurse Gudrun Nell, a county magistrate, who until April 1945 was a member of the youth Criminal Court in Göttingen and the camp knew the camp doctor Otto Wolter Pecksen , the Reich Health Office assistant Cecilie Schulte , the social worker in Reichsgesundheitsamt Charlotte Schirmer, Helene Bremer and the deputy head of the institution Mariaberg Paul Walter , continue Clergy and representatives of church institutions, such as the Tübingen pastor Walter Schaal , who counted himself to the Confessing Church , chaplain Wilhelm Mayer , who had been a prisoner in Dachau, the Catholic pastor Emil Dimmler and three deaconesses who were nursing sisters when Ritter was senior physician in Tübingen were in the clinical youth home. In return, Ritter also wrote friendly letters for Nazi perpetrators. In 1950, Der Spiegel published an apologetic series of articles about the police in the Nazi state, in which several long quotations from Ritter’s reputation test for Arthur Nebe were used. The Spiegel author was Bernhard Wehner , former head of the "Reich Central Office for Investigating Capital Crimes" in Office V of the RSHA.

The preliminary investigation was closed on August 28, 1950. The Frankfurt Chief Public Prosecutor Hans-Krafft Kosterlitz stated in his dismissal order that Ritter had “opposed both the Nazi racial doctrines and the use of any violent measures”. Kosterlitz further stated: “[The main question] arises whether and to what extent the representations of the witnesses can be believed at all. The fundamental question is whether and to what extent statements by gypsies can be used as the basis for judicial convictions. ”Kosterlitz also saw membership in Nazi organizations as unproven.

At the end of May 1948, Ritter was promoted from the city to the senior medical officer with retroactive effect from April 1 . Due to illness, he could hardly work. In 1950 he had more than 100 days of absence due to illness, in 1951 there were 55. The city fired him four days before his death on the grounds that he was permanently unable to work. Ritter died in the Hohemark Mental Hospital near Oberursel during his fifth stay.

Private

Ritter was married and his two daughters were born in 1931 and 1934.

Afterlife, historical evaluation

The after-effects of the criminal biology operated by Ritter also exist in the files on the victims, which were handed over to the Federal Archives very late. As Ritter demonstrated at his Frankfurt trial, he and later other desk criminals had access to these files in order to use the information as they saw fit.

The personal files from the Moringen youth concentration camp also survived the war; They were found in the West German Federal Criminal Police Office , where in the mid-sixties it was considered to base a long-term study on juvenile delinquency on it.

Hermann Arnold is probably Ritter’s scientific “main heir” (Hohmann). From the 1950s to the mid-1970s he used Ritter’s publications and scraps of files in numerous publications. In vagrants, comedians, fierants, and brigands. Investigations on the vagabond problem in vagabond population groups, predominantly in the Palatinate (1958), to which Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer wrote the preface, Ritter and other employees of the RHF are already given in the preface as an important source, in whose tradition Arnold follows; he quotes Ritter verbatim, but without specifying it. Arnold's publication Population Biological Observations on Kinship Wanderers from 1960 was partly based on Ritters Ein Menschenschlag from 1937, the essay On the Question of the Fertility of Gypsies, Gypsy Mongrel Groups and Other Social Isolates (1967), alongside other publications from the Nazi era, also evaluated unpublished genealogies of the RHF.

In Arnold's best-known book The Gypsies from 1965, he writes in a footnote regarding Nazi persecution:

“It has been claimed that the Robert Ritters working group was the engine behind the Gypsy persecution of the Third Reich. Statements of Ritter in lectures, etc. (sic!) Show, however, that he was friendly to the gypsies. The 'genuine' Sinte enjoyed his affection. [...] Ritter did not think 'racist' in terms of criminal anthropology or politics. He was convinced that the inadequate social adaptation of the mixed gypsies was hereditary: not because of bad dispositions on the part of the gypsy ancestors, but because of their German ancestors! He might also have hoped to keep the gypsies out of the grip of criminal policy if he exposed the mongrels. Ritter and his employees did not want the extermination of the gypsies in concentration camps, this has been established several times by law enforcement authorities. "

Almost at the same time as Arnold's best-known book, Hans-Joachim Döring's dissertation on The Gypsies in the National Socialist State was published in 1964 in the series of publications by the German Criminological Society , edited by Armand Mergen . In this, Döring considers it unquestionable that Ritter's “racial biological reports” were the basis for many measures taken by the Nazi state and not least the Auschwitz decree, but Ritter neither wanted nor foreseen this development until 1940, rather “we tend to to the view that the results of the research by the research center led to differentiations that delayed the sterilization and extermination of a large part of the gypsies, for which z. B. the intended freedom of movement for the recognized Sinte and Lalleri gypsies speak. ”Döring's assessment is based on the documents of the proceedings against Ritter.

Although the interpretations of Arnold and Döring represent the prevailing opinion for this time, there are also publications that describe Ritter’s role more actively and more extensively. In April 1963, Der Spiegel described Ritter as the central figure in the Nazi persecution of gypsies in an article about a reparation case.

Scientific and media reception after 1980

From around 1980 a fundamental change in the media and scientific evaluation of Ritter can be observed. Deadly Science was published in 1984 . The singling out of Jews, Gypsies and the mentally ill by Benno Müller-Hill in the first edition. In this book, Ritter is portrayed as a perpetrator on numerous pages, reference is also made to the funding of his work by the DFG and one of Ritters' employees is critically interviewed, another employee refused to print the interview. In 1991, Joachim S. Hohmann published parts of his habilitation "Robert Ritter und die Erben der Kriminalbiologie", in which the work of the RHF and its aftermath is spread very broadly. The basis is also the files of numerous processes, the self-portrayals of the perpetrators are anonymously extensively and critically reproduced evaluated. In 1994 Hohmann added a small publication on the denazification of Ritter. In 2008, the biographical dissertation Robert Ritter 1901–1951 followed. On the life and work of the Nazi "Gypsy researcher" by Tobias Joachim Schmidt-Degenhard in Tübingen, the old place of activity of Ritters. All of these publications show that Ritter, as head of the RHF, is one of the most important desk criminals in Porajmos.

Work on the regional history of concentration camps such as Moringen and Uckermark, regional gypsy camps, for example by Frank Sparing , Karola Fings , Michail Krausnick and the more recent historiography of " anti-social" made a further contribution to the reassessment of Ritter as a Nazi perpetrator, also in relation to other groups of victims and child welfare under National Socialism.

Ernst Klee criticizes that Notker Hammerstein delivered a "commissioned work" on behalf of the DFG in his book The German Research Foundation in the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich , in which the "attempt to clean laundry" was undertaken. Klee thinks that Ritter's work is elevated to “general medical research” and that the henchmen from Auschwitz and Hadamar are brought into the orbit of welfare and precaution.

The positive rating of Ritter by Hermann Arnold became completely a disreputable minority position. The last two writings of Arnold on the subject of the Nazi Gypsy persecution. Your interpretation and exploitation. Facts - Myth - Agitation - Commerce (1988) and Der "Sinti und Roma" -Schwindel (2004), in which he continued to exonerate Ritter, found no publisher, they were self-published. Almost unanimously, Ritter is now classified in historical research as the “chief thinker and accomplice” of Porajmos .

Fonts

• The gender problem in upbringing. Attempt at sex education on a psychological basis. Reinhardt, Munich 1928 (dissertation, psychology).
• On the question of the inheritance of allergic diathesis . In: Archives for Racial and Social Biology . Vol. 30 (1936), H. 4, pp. 289-303 (dissertation, medicine).
• A breed of people. Hereditary medical and hereditary historical examinations of the descendants of "vagabonds, jauners and robbers" - researched through 10 gender sequences. Thieme, Leipzig 1937 (habilitation thesis, medicine; digitized version ).
• The criminal biological institute of the security police. In: Criminology . Vol. 16 (1942), H. 11, pp. 117-119.

literature

• Andrew Rocco Merlino d'Arcangelis: The Yeniche - persecuted in the Nazi state 1934–1944. A socio-linguistic and historical study. Publishing house Dr. Kovac, 2006, ISBN 3-8300-2015-5 (dissertation, University of Hamburg, 2004; online ; Ulrich F. Opfermann : Review on H-Soz-Kult ).
• Joachim S. Hohmann : Robert Ritter and the heirs of criminal biology : "Gypsy research" in National Socialism and in West Germany under the sign of racism (= studies on tsiganology and folklore. Vol. 4). Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 3-631-43984-9 .
• Joachim S. Hohmann: “Persilscheine” for the desk clerk. The example of the Nazi criminal biologist Dr. Dr. Robert Ritter. In: Historical Social Research . Vol. 19, 1994, No. 4, pp. 42-59 ( online ).
• Sebastian Lotte-Kuschke: Robert Ritter. In: Michael Fahlbusch , Ingo Haar , Alexander Pinwinkler (Hrsg.): Handbuch der Völkischen Wissenschaften. Actors, networks, research programs. 2nd Edition. De Gruyter Oldenbourg, Berlin 2017, ISBN 978-3-11-042989-3 , Vol. 2, pp. 637-639.
• Tobias Joachim Schmidt-Degenhard: Robert Ritter 1901–1951. On the life and work of the Nazi "gypsy researcher". Diss. Med., Univ. Tübingen 2008 ( online ).
• Tobias Joachim Schmidt-Degenhard: "Small-minded megalomania" - on the "medical career" of Dr. Dr. Robert Ritter (1901-1951). In: Urban Wiesing et al. (Ed.): The University of Tübingen under National Socialism (= Contubernium - Tübingen contributions to the history of universities and science. Vol. 73). Steiner, Stuttgart 2010, ISBN 978-3-515-09706-2 .
• Tobias Schmidt-Degenhard: Measure and destroy. The Nazi "gypsy researcher" Robert Ritter (= Contubernium - Tübingen contributions to the history of universities and science. Vol. 76). Steiner, Stuttgart 2012.
• Hubert Walter : The Racial Hygiene Society (1931-1945) in the Natural Science Association in Bremen . In: Treatises of the Natural Science Association Bremen. Vol. 41 (1990), No. 2, pp. 197 ff.
• Michael Zimmermann : "So nothing would be achieved with refusals." R. Ritter and the Racial Hygiene Research Center in the Reich Health Office. In: Gerhard Hirschfeld , Tobias Jersak (Ed.): Careers in National Socialism. Functional elites between participation and distance. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2002, ISBN 3-593-37156-1 , pp. 291-318.
• Rudolph Bauer : Ritter, Robert , in: Hugo Maier (Hrsg.): Who is who of social work . Freiburg: Lambertus, 1998 ISBN 3-7841-1036-3 , p. 494f.

Fiction

• Ute Bales : Requests of the birds in winter . Rhein-Mosel-Verlag, Zell / Mosel 2018, ISBN 978-3-89801-402-1 . Biographical novel about Eva Justin and Robert Ritter

Web links

• Ernst Klee on Hammerstein's "Pure Wash"
• Special issue of the Federal Health Gazette on Nazi medicine (March 1989) also contains a description of Robert Ritter

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, pp. 30–33.
2. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, pp. 30–33.
3. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 30.
4. ↑ ^{a b} Ernst Klee : The dictionary of persons on the Third Reich. Who was what before and after 1945. 2. Updated edition. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2005, ISBN 978-3-596-16048-8 , p. 499.
5. ↑ Michael Zimmermann : "So nothing would be achieved with refusals". Robert Ritter and the Racial Hygiene Research Center in the Reich Health Office. In: Gerhard Hirschfeld, Tobias Jersak (Ed.): Careers in National Socialism. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2004, p. 291.
6. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 38.
7. ↑ Tobias Joachim Schmidt-Degenhard: Robert Ritter (1901-1951). On the life and work of the Nazi "gypsy researcher". Diss. Tübingen 2008 ( digital copy [PDF; 1.6 MB]). The chapter on Aichele starting on page 89 is devoted entirely to comparing the passages in the text and ideas, which are also compared in an extensive table.
8. ↑ Quotations from http://www.thata.ch/thataromatagi970428.htm .
9. ↑ Robert Ritter: Gypsies and land drivers. In: The sedentary man. Munich 1938, p. 87, quoted from Karola Fings , Frank Sparing: "Oh friends, where have you gone ...?" Otto Pankok and the Düsseldorf Sinti. Exhibition catalog, texts. Edited by the Evangelical Johanneskirchen-Gemeinde & Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Düsseldorf , Düsseldorf 1993, 2nd, revised edition 2006, without ISBN, p. 15.
10. ↑ Robert Ritter: Primitivity and Crime. In: monthly for criminal biology and criminal law reform , 31, 1940, p. 201, quoted from Karola Fings, Frank Sparing: "Oh friends, where have you gone ...?" Otto Pankok and the Düsseldorf Sinti. Exhibition catalog, texts. Edited by the Evangelical Johanneskirchen-Gemeinde & Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf 1993, 2nd, revised edition 2006, without ISBN, p. 15.
11. ↑ Andrew d'Arcangelis: The Yeniche - persecuted in the Nazi state 1934-1944. A socio-linguistic and historical study. Hamburg 2006, p. 312.
12. ↑ Karola Fings: The "expert statements" of the Racial Hygiene Research Center and their influence on the National Socialist Gypsy policy. In: Michael Zimmermann (ed.): Between education and destruction. Gypsy Policy and Gypsy Research in Europe in the 20th Century (= Contributions to the History of the German Research Foundation , Vol. 3). Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2007, pp. 425–459.
13. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 201.
14. ↑ Hans Hesse, Jens Schreiber: From the slaughterhouse to Auschwitz. The Nazi persecution of the Sinti and Roma from Bremen, Bremerhaven and north-west Germany. Tectum, Marburg 1999, ISBN 978-3-8288-8046-7 , p. 89 ( digitized version ).
15. ^ Hannah Vogt (editor): KZ Moringen, Göttingen 1983 (3rd unaltered edition 1987), pp. 27-29.
16. ^ Heinrich Muth: The "youth protection camp" Moringen. In: Dachauer Hefte 5, 1994, pp. 223-252, here pp. 251f.
17. ^ Rüdiger Lautmann: Lexicon on the persecution of homosexuals 1933–1945: Institutions, competencies, fields of activity. Münster, 2011 p. 178.
18. ^ Hannah Vogt (editor): KZ Moringen, Göttingen 1983 (3rd unchanged edition 1987) p. 55.
19. ↑ Dietmar Sedlaczek : The youth concentration camp Moringen p. 6.
20. ^ Rüdiger Lautmann: Lexicon on the persecution of homosexuals 1933–1945: Institutions, competencies, fields of activity. Münster, 2011 p. 178.
21. ↑ Carola Kuhlmann: Hereditary illness or educable? Weinheim-Munich 1989, pp. 205f.
22. ↑ On the drafts for a community alien law cf. Wolfgang Ayaß (arr.), "Community strangers". Sources on the persecution of "anti-social" 1933–1945 , Koblenz 1998.
23. ↑ Carola Kuhlmann: Hereditary illness or educable? Weinheim-Munich 1989, pp. 203 and 209.
24. ^ Directory of the concentration camps and their external commands in accordance with Section 42 (2) BEG
25. ^ Herbert Exenberger: Prison instead of education: juvenile prison. Kaiser-Ebersdorf 1940–1945 online .
26. ↑ First names after: www.nachkriegsjustiz.at Stich was convicted of high treason after 1945 (see Kirchl-Trauttmansdorff resistance group ).
27. ^ Reimar Gilsenbach : How Lolitschei got a doctorate. In: Enemy Declaration and Prevention. Pp. 112-115.
28. ^ Ernst Klee : German Medicine in the Third Reich. Careers before and after 1945. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-10-039310-4 , pp. 128, 358 and 363.
29. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, pp. 203f.
30. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 204.
31. ↑ Wolfgang Benz , Barbara Distel , Angelika Königseder : The Place of Terror: History of the National Socialist Concentration Camps, Volume 3 Keyword: Drögen CH Beck, 2009.
32. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 199.
33. ^ Michael Zimmermann: Racial Utopia and Genocide. The National Socialist "Solution to the Gypsy Question" . In: Hamburg contributions to social and contemporary history, Ed .: The Research Center for the History of National Socialism, 33. Hamburg 1996, pp. 154, 436.
34. ↑ Hohmann 1991, pp. 162-165.
35. ↑ Thomas Stöckle: Mariaberg in the time of National Socialism - or "You have never experienced anything like this while the world is still"
36. ↑ Hohmann 1991, pp. 162-165.
37. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 47.
38. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 165 f.
39. ^ Post-war careers of Robert Ritter and Eva Justin in Frankfurt 1947-1966 on www.ffmhist.de accessed on February 20, 2014
40. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 167.
41. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 56.
42. ^ Document reproduced in Anita Geigges / Bernhard W. Wette: Zigeuner heute. With a foreword by Eugen Kogon and greetings from Yul Brynner and others Bornheim-Merten, Lamuv 1979, p. 366.
43. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 167.
44. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 167.
45. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 59.
46. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 52f. Minister's name from the personal article Gottlob Binder
47. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 56f; In the specialist literature, the prevailing opinion is that Ritter was not a member of the NSDAP. There is another statement that deviates from this ( Rudolph Bauer , Ritter, Robert , in: Hugo Maier (ed. :) Who is who der Sozialen Arbeit , Freiburg im Breisgau: Lambertus 1998, p. 494f.)
48. ↑ According to Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 232.
49. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 173.
50. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 168; Hohmann 1994, p. 55.
51. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 47.
52. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 46.
53. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 47.
54. ↑ Hohmann 1994, p. 48
55. ↑ At this time, various Nazi-exposed persons changed in this management position Ernst Lauer, old and new head of the criminal investigation department on [1] called on February 22, 2014.
56. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 235
57. ↑ In 1961 the Cologne Public Prosecutor's Office opened proceedings against Nell and 45 other perpetrators from the vicinity of the RHF, KBI; no verdict was issued against any of the accused. Hohmann 1991, p. 382.
58. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 235-
59. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 235, name added
60. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 235.
61. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236.
62. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236.
63. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236.
64. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236, first name supplemented with the Tübingen address book from 1942 (p. 68) accessed online on February 21, 2014
65. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236.
66. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236
67. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 236.
68. ↑ The game is over - Arthur Nebe. In: Der Spiegel. Issue 16/1950, March 14, 1950.
69. ↑ In the case of Hans Bernd Gisevius Bis zum Bitteren Ende Hamburg, (special edition no year) there is no reference to knights.
70. ↑ Ronald Rathert: Crime and Conspiracy. Arthur Nebe the chief of police in the Third Reich. LIT Verlag, Münster 2001. (excerpt online))
71. ^ Post-war careers of Robert Ritter and Eva Justin in Frankfurt 1947-1966 on www.ffmhist.de, accessed on February 20, 2014.
72. ^ Date of the discontinuation order according to Hohmann 1991, p. 167.
73. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 168, (first) name added to www.spiegel.de
74. ↑ According to Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, p. 233.
75. ↑ Schmidt-Degenhard 2008, pp. 240–245.
76. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 163
77. ↑ Dieter Schenk: The brown roots of the BKA. Frankfurt a. M. 2001. p. 209.
78. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 358
79. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 361
80. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 362.
81. ↑ Arnold: The Gypsies. Freiburg im Breisgau 1965, p. 71 footnote 1.
82. ↑ Hans-Joachim Döring: The Gypsies in the National Socialist State . Kriminalistik Verlag, Hamburg 1964, p. 82.
83. ↑ Gypsies. So Aryan. In: Der Spiegel of April 24, 1963. The decision of principle by the BGH to recognize racial persecution before 1943 was not made until December 1963.
84. ↑ Example: Short review in the State Gazette for Baden-Württemberg from August 16, 2013.