Reich headquarters for combating the gypsy insurgency

The first police intelligence service for the security police in relation to gypsies , short form: Zigeunerzentrale , was founded in 1899 in the Munich police department . This intelligence service formed the model for other national and international "Gypsy headquarters" of the police. During the Weimar Republic it was financed and used by all German states . His task was to get an imagined "Gypsy plague" under control with the help of the most modern police means, above all by building a personal database. The recording of " gypsies " and "people wandering in the gypsy manner" in a central card index led to their equality with serial offenders in everyday police operations.

During National Socialism , the Gypsy headquarters was gradually redesigned and relocated to Berlin as a result of the circular to reorganize the Reich Criminal Police in 1936 and 1938 to become the “Reich Central Office for Combating the Gypsies” . The Reich Central Office was part of the newly established Reich Criminal Police Office (RKPA), which in turn formed Office V of the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA). Together with the Racial Hygiene Research Center (RHF), the Reichszentrale organized the identification service and individual information, as well as the registration and the deportations that resulted in the Porajmos ( genocide of the European Roma ).

Personnel and files moderate continuity to the Reich Central Office "Gypsy site" in 1946 was reconstituted in Munich and later received also the Nazi parlance entstammende euphemistic name "Landfahrer place" . It was now part of the Bavarian State Criminal Police Office . In the 1970s it was dissolved as unconstitutional . Your personal files were then handed over to tsiganologists who saw themselves in the tradition of the RHF.

Establishment of the Munich Gypsy headquarters in 1899

Number of "Gypsies" recorded by the Munich Gypsy Center 1899, 1905 ("Gypsy Book"), 1925, 1938 (before moving to Berlin)

On March 28, 1899, under the direction of the lawyer and police officer Alfred Dillmann , the "Intelligence Service for the Security Police in relation to Gypsies" was created in Munich, which was called "Gypsy Central" for short.

The foundation was preceded by intense political debates on how to combat the "gypsy plague". Angelika Albrecht, who examined the police perception and fight against the "Gypsy plague" in Bavaria from 1871 to 1914, came to the conclusion that the idea of ​​a "flood" with "Gypsies" based on police reports and crime statistics was contrary to contemporary perception was unfounded. This also applies to the stereotypical prejudices about crime . For example, the thesis of frequent arson attacks by "gypsies" , which was also widespread among the authorities at the time, found no equivalent in reality. From 1871 to 1914, there was only one trial against "Gypsies" with the charge of arson in Bavaria.

The main focus of the work of the Gypsy headquarters was the establishment of a Gypsy person index . All “Gypsies” older than six years were recorded in the card index.

Every "gypsy" had to be reported immediately by telephone or telegraph to the regional authorities, who had to make the following reports:

"1. Personal details of the members of the individual gang. 2. Identification papers according to content, date and production, with special consideration of the bills issued or extended by the Bavarian authorities. 3. Horses and other animals, wagons and other noteworthy items. 4. Origin and direction of the migration. 5. Police measures taken, criminal investigations initiated . 6. Indication of the reasons for which a harassment in the sense of the resolutions mentioned at the beginning was refrained from. "

- Resolution of the Bavarian State Ministry of the Interior of March 28, 1899.

The last point shows the pressure that was felt on the regional authorities to enforce the orders from Munich. It was believed that the subordinate officials would rather repress the "Gypsies" than write written statements for non-intervention.

Furthermore, the Gypsy headquarters had to be informed about possible judgments and prison sentences as well as their execution of sentences. If “gypsies” were suspected to be the perpetrators, the statute of limitations was lifted , which was the guideline of the police: punishment at all costs, with the aim of discriminating , stigmatizing and criminalizing those affected , as Reiner Hehemann comments.

With the establishment of the Gypsy headquarters, all district offices had to send an overview of all their files on "Gypsies" to Munich. Based on this extensive data collection it could be determined that in 1899 only 1,242 "Gypsies" lived in Bavaria.

The practice of the Gypsy headquarters was not without consequences, it led to an equality of "Gypsies" and "Gypsy-style people" with serial offenders in everyday police operations. Between 1900 and 1933 alone, around 150 special ordinances against “gypsies” were issued in Germany, which offered enough space for additional criminalization.

Dillmann's "Gypsy Book" from 1905

Title page of the Gypsy book by Alfred Dillmann (1905)

In 1905 Dillmann compiled the Zigeuner-Buch from the card index with detailed information on 3,350 people. In addition to an introduction to the “gypsy plague”, the personal section, including photographs, was of particular interest for official practice .

The Gypsy Book was distributed in 7,000 copies, i. H. sent to authorities in and outside Bavaria. Access to and the abundance of material at the Gypsy headquarters expanded even after the book was published. From April 14, 1911, all “gypsies” had to take fingerprints nationwide and sent them to the headquarters. From April 21, 1913, the registry offices had to report births, marriages and deaths.

After the First World War , the Gypsy book was hopelessly out of date and only suitable for limited use. In 1925 the idea of ​​transforming the Gypsy book into an annual periodical was rejected.

At the Nuremberg doctors' trial , extracts from the gypsy book were presented as evidence.

The Munich "Gypsy Conference" 1911

The only nationwide regulation caused problems that were to be discussed and resolved at a conference on December 18 and 19, 1911 in Munich. The delegates of the governments of Bavaria , Prussia , Saxony , Württemberg , Baden , Hesse and Alsace-Lorraine were unanimous in favor of the establishment of Gypsy intelligence services. The attempt to found a Reichs Gypsy headquarters met with Prussian concerns that the effort was too great and the effectiveness was too low, and Bavaria with a headquarters would not be better off than countries without a headquarters. Munich remained or became an unofficial “Reichszentrale”.

There was clear disagreement over the definition of who actually was a “gypsy”. On the one hand, the authorities did not want to restrict their actions by using too narrow a gypsy term, and on the other hand, they did not want to unnecessarily cover “harmless” people. The compromise consisted of a dichotomy, which diffusely summed up “Gypsies” and people wandering around “Gypsy style”. The problem of permanent deportations from the respective area of ​​responsibility was discussed but not resolved. Gypsies should be deported to the state of which they were citizens . The representatives of Prussia contradicted the naturalization of stateless "gypsies" as long as they had not given up their "gypsy status". Alsace-Lorraine proposed that "Gypsies" be deported to the German colonies .

Continued to provide Theodor Harster (Munich) the possibility of fingerprinting before. Dillmann was also present, as was Hermann Aichele , who did his doctorate on the "Gypsy Plague" in Württemberg in the same year. Aichele highlighted Bavaria's outstanding position in his dissertation:

“Bavaria marches at the forefront of the fight against gypsies. [...] The Zigeunerzentrale, which is part of the detection service of the Munich Police Department, serves as an information authority on the basis of the material it has collected and gives the signaling or inquiring authorities everything they need to know about the homeland etc. of the Gypsies concerned, about pending criminal investigations, existing residence bans, any police interventions etc. . known."

- Aichele 1911

Bavaria followed up the conference with a memorandum, which in 30 paragraphs provides a comprehensive description of the goals and tasks of the Gypsy policy and the Gypsy headquarters. The following negotiations to standardize the procedure failed because of the particularism of the countries.

Personal data was exchanged intensively with other Gypsy headquarters, for example with the Swiss one as early as 1910.

Free State and Weimar Republic (1918 to 1933)

Police during a raid in Renningen in the winter of 1937/38 ; Image from the inventory of the RHF

The Gypsy headquarters was only unable to work for a brief moment. During the Munich Soviet Republic , on April 29, 1919, the files of the Gypsy headquarters were burned together with the files of the political police by revolutionaries .

After the suppression of the Soviet republic, the old gypsy policy in Bavaria was quickly resumed, and the gypsy position was fully operational again in 1922. Headquarters in Munich resumed negotiations on standardization, no longer at government level but at police level.

The Munich headquarters were used and financed by all German states. In the federal Weimar Republic there was as little as a Reich Police, both of which were only introduced in the Nazi state. In 1925, files on 14,000 people and families from Germany were kept in Munich.

The "Reich Central Office for Combating the Gypsy Insane" (1936 to 1945)

Arthur Nebe , head of the Reich Criminal Police Office , part of which was the Reich Central Office for Combating Gypsies. Beside ordered mass deportations of " gypsies " and suggested them as "volunteers" for medical crimes (Photo: Kurt Alber)

Example of the Duties of a Subordinate "Gypsy Office" at the Munich Criminal Police (November 18, 1940)

The juxtaposition of regional and local laws and ordinances, which was already known in the Weimar Republic, was gradually radicalized in the Nazi state through centralization and synchronization. One of the pacemakers was Karl Zindel (1894–1945), head of department in the main security police office since 1936 , and from 1940 IKPK . In 1936 he thought about building up the Reich Gypsy Law as well as the centralization of registration, identification and registration, which in a first stage transferred Munich as the “central office” to the nationwide competence of correspondence with the international “Gypsy Registration ” of the IKPK.

The centralization of the police under National Socialism was initiated with the circular on the reorganization of the Reich Criminal Police of September 20, 1936. He eliminated the organizational independence of the criminal police in the German states, regulated the establishment of the Reich Criminal Police Office , to which a “Reich Central Office for Combating Gypsy Fight” was incorporated as point i of the decree. The transfer of the "Gypsy police station at the police headquarters in Munich" was announced and carried out with a special decree of May 16, 1938. The files of the Munich headquarters became a national database as early as 1936. In 1938 over 17,000 files were created in which a total of 30,903 people were registered.

With Heinrich Himmler's decree of September 27, 1939, the Reich Criminal Police Office under the direction of Arthur Nebes became Amt V (Criminal Police) of the Reich Main Security Office (RSHA). The innovations also included a hierarchical structure consisting of the Reich headquarters, 21 Gypsy police headquarters and the like. a. in Königsberg , Prague , Vienna , Munich and Hamburg , to which the Gypsy police stations in the individual cities were subordinate. From 1942 the Reichszentrale was part of Department VA 2 b of the RKPA. VA under Paul Werner stands for "criminal policy and prevention", 2 for "prevention" and b for "anti-social, prostitute, gypsy". VA2b5 is then the Reich headquarters.

The few surviving (and accessible) personal files show how the everyday tasks of the Reichszentrale, i.e. the personal information that was customary even before 1933, seamlessly in the Nazi state-typical arrangements, such as: "voluntary" sterilizations , "voluntary" abortions , forced labor , various withdrawal Rights, preventive detention up to and including admissions to concentration camps were transferred.

On June 20, 1941, the Reich Ministry of the Interior decreed that registry offices should carefully examine applications for marriage permits if a "Gypsy blood impact" was suspected. The RSHA then decreed on August 1, 1941 that the RKPA or the Reich Central Office for Combating the Gypsies would provide information to the inquiring registry offices if the local criminal police (head) offices did not have a breed certificate.

Mass deportations

In addition to providing information about individuals and orders for individuals, the Reich Central Office was also involved in organizing mass deportations. For example the maiden deportation in 1940, during which around 2,500 "Gypsies" were deported from the west of the Reich. At one of three collection points, the Hohenasperg fortress , Josef Eichberger was in charge of the deportation. The compilation of the deportation lists was left to the local police authorities. A representative from the Reich headquarters also came to prepare for the planned deportation of 6,000 “Gypsies” from Austria in the spring of 1940 .

Eichberger's superior Nebe tried in 1939 to have the Berlin “gypsies” deported by sending a telegram to Adolf Eichmann in Vienna, “when he can send the Berlin gypsies”. Eichmann suggested: “Regarding the removal of the gypsies, it is announced that on Friday, October 20th. 39, the 1st transport of Jews leaves Vienna. 3-4 wagons of Gypsies can be attached to this transport. "

The implementing provisions, which interpreted the Auschwitz decree of December 16, 1942 in the form of a quick letter on January 29, 1943 , also contain an instruction to the local police authorities, a form and an index card for each prisoner both to the commandant's office in Auschwitz to send a copy of it to the Reich headquarters. On arrival at the " Auschwitz Gypsy Camp ", the paper that had ordered the admission had to be presented to the Reich Central Office. Reports of deaths from the Auschwitz concentration camp were also sent back to the subordinate regional "offices for Gypsy issues", which were supposed to inform the relatives, via the Reich headquarters. For example, Eichberger reported A.'s death to the Duisburg police on December 15, 1943. This reported back that his relatives were no longer living in Duisburg. Since "gypsies" had been "codified" since 1938, i. H. were no longer allowed to change their place of residence, this negative report is certainly not due to a voluntary move.

Restoration as "Gypsy Police" or "Landfahrerstelle" in Munich (from 1946)

The American military government ( OMGUS ) dissolved the German police facilities in 1945, whose functions were temporarily taken over by the American military police . Following an instruction from the occupation authorities on April 24, 1946, Michael Freiherr von Godin rebuilt the Bavarian State Police.

As early as May 1946, the “News Center on Gypsies”, or “Gypsy Police” for short, was reconstituted in the State Identification Office. Between 1947 and 1951, due to the briefly dwindling legitimation of an openly racist-based anti-gypsyism , it was renamed to "news collection and information center for rural drivers", again the seat was the Munich police headquarters.

At the end of the forties or the beginning of the fifties Josef Eichberger became head of the Munich country driver's office. Other “gypsy experts” from the rural driver's office were also police gypsy experts in the Nazi state, including Karl-Wilhelm Supp and Rudolf Uschold.

With the establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, the allied restrictions, including the repeal of the "Gypsy Act" of 1926, were abolished. The German interior ministries set about establishing a "Federal Center for Combating Criminal Land Fahrfahr" as well as an "Intelligence Service and a Central Registration Office".

In May 1949 the files of the "Landfahrerstelle" were enriched by files of the Racial Hygiene Research Center (RHF). Eva Justin , formerly RHF, handed over 40 files to Uschold with the genealogies, card files, photos, etc. In 1951, Uschold demanded a nationwide headquarters in Die neue Polizei , in order to be able to effectively combat the "rural driver nuisance". Due to the extensive experience and material, the Munich rural driver's position is suitable for this. On December 22, 1953, the Landfahrerzentrale received a new legal basis for its racist special registration with the new Landfahrverordnung, which was essentially similar to the Gypsy Act of 1926. The Munich headquarters became de facto the federal center to which all federal states transmitted data.

These NS files were used for normal personal information from the rural driver's office. For example, in October 1956, Hans Eller sent the Hamburg police a copy of a “race report” drawn up in 1941 to “identify the person”, stating that the person concerned had “certain racial characteristics in common with the Jews.” Or Geyer reported that the person concerned "Of Gypsy origin since 1939" and "the person is a 'Gypsy hybrid'" based on the expert opinion of the Racial Hygiene Research Center in Berlin from December 12, 1941 ".

Files had also survived at subordinate gypsy centers in other countries; these were copied, exchanged and compared via the re-established land driver centers of the state criminal investigation offices. Even lists of concentration camp numbers were circulating.

As early as 1950, not only the Munich rural driver's position had successfully established itself as an expert position. On February 22, 1950, the Federal German Finance Ministries presented the "Circular E 19 to the reparation authorities": "The examination of the reparation entitlement of the Gypsies and Gypsy mongrels according to the provisions of the Indemnification Act has led to the result that the aforementioned group of people are predominantly not racially Reasons were persecuted and imprisoned. ”As one of several regional inspection bodies, the Central Office for Criminal Identification and Police Statistics in Munich, i.e. the rural driver's office, was commissioned to make groundbreaking preliminary decisions in compensation proceedings.

The Landfahrer point supported the in the tradition of Robert Knight standing tsiganologues Hermann Arnold by u. a. Lent family trees to him from the fifties. In 1960 files were again handed over to the private citizen Arnold with the approval of the Bavarian Ministry of the Interior. He had stated that he had been engaged in socio-biological studies, in particular on "gypsies", since 1947. Arnold again made copies of the files available to police authorities.

The police station in Munich was officially closed in 1970 for violating the constitution. The Rural Driver Ordinance on which it is based was repealed in 1970.

After 1945, the special registration of the Sinti and Roma was rebuilt with the "Bavarian Landfahrerzentrale". Its initiator, Hans Eller, participated in the deportation of Bavarian Sinti and Roma to Auschwitz. The Bavarian detective inspector Karl Wilhelm Supp was also involved in the genocide until 1945. He was now head of the wanted department. The search results left by him were further maintained and used. Until at least 1998, the state's police authorities recorded the "type of person" "Sinti and Roma" separately for "purely police-technical reasons". And that, praised a responsible State Secretary of State for the Interior, Hermann Regensburger , was neither “contrary to the rule of law nor racist”. In October 2001, over a hundred years after the "Gypsy Intelligence Service" was founded, the last remaining special ethnic recording of Roma in Bavarian police reports was supposedly officially discontinued.

Bavaria as a model: other national and international Gypsy centers

One of two offices of the International Criminal Police Organization (IKPK) in Berlin after 1938: the villa of the Wannsee Conference . The IKPK gypsy registry had been transferred to Berlin, and Reinhard Heydrich was the head of the IKPK

The Munich “Gypsy headquarters” from 1899 was a model for the establishment of Gypsy headquarters in other countries and states, to name but a few examples: In Saxony , the Dresden police department was responsible for collecting personal data, fingerprints and photos from 1908 . The Switzerland in 1909 created a gypsy registry to Munich model. Also Baden had its own news service in Karlsruhe , closely cooperated in 1922 with Munich. Officials could also be skeptical and refrained from setting up gypsy headquarters, such as the Arnsberg regional president or the Siegen district administrator . Both considered the effort to be too great and the existing provisions to be sufficient.

In 1932 the International Criminal Police Organization (IKPK), the predecessor of Interpol, decided at a meeting in Rome to establish an “international central office for combating the gypsy insanity” in Vienna , which in addition to collecting personal data, fingerprints and photos, also set up family trees. The aim was to facilitate the intergovernmental exchange of information about individuals.

With the annexation of Austria on March 12, 1938, the Vienna headquarters also came under the rule of the National Socialists. The IKPK was relocated to Berlin under the direction of Reinhard Heydrich . Among the files moved to Berlin was the international gypsy registry, which, like other files, was used by the RSHA for its purposes.

Establishment of new gypsy centers in Germany can be traced to the 1960s, for example, informed Landeskriminalamt North Rhine-Westphalia in April 1962 on the establishment of a vagrant headquarters , which had already covered 2,662 people and 897 vehicles to November of the same year.

Dealing with the Nazi perpetrators

See also : Porajmos, sections: Prosecution  and On the Legal and Political Recognition of Genocide

In most cases, charges against the organizers of deportations, who have been proven in individual cases, did not lead to any convictions or to convictions in the lower range of the sentence.

memorial

The erection of a memorial stone in the immediate vicinity of the Munich police headquarters on the corner of Neuhauser Strasse and Ettstrasse, the place of capture and arrest, could not be realized because the Bavarian Ministry of the Interior did not approve this location.

literature

• Karola Fings , Frank Sparing: “z. Currently gypsy camp ”. The persecution of the Düsseldorf Sinti and Roma under National Socialism. Cologne 1992.
• Reimar Gilsenbach , Wolfgang Ayaß , Ursula Körber, Klaus Scherer a. a .: Enemy declaration and prevention. Forensic biology , gypsy research and anti-social policy. (Contributions to the National Socialist Health and Social Policy, Vol. 6), Rotbuch, Westberlin 1988 ISBN 3-88022-955-4 .
• Rainer Hehemann: The “Fight against the Gypsy Fault” in Wilhelmine Germany and the Weimar Republic 1871-1933. Frankfurt a. M. 1987.
• Josef Henke: The fate of sources and evaluation questions. Archival problems in the formation of records on the persecution of the Sinti and Roma in the Third Reich. In Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte , 41 (1993), no. 1, pp. 61–77 online (PDF; 7.4 MB).
• Gilad Margalit: Die deutsche Zigeunerpolitik nach 1945. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 45 (1997), no. 4, pp. 557-588 online (PDF; 7.5 MB).
• Sybil Milton: Precursor to Annihilation. Die Gypsy camps after 1933. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 43 (1995), no. 1, pp. 115–130, online in the booklet archive.

Publications by authors of the "Zigeunerzentralen"

• Alfred Dillmann: Gypsy book. published for official use on behalf of the KB State Ministry of the Interior by the security bureau of the K. Police Directorate Munich, Dr. Wild'sche Buchdruckerei: Munich 1905.
• Hermann Aichele: The Gypsy question with special consideration of Württemberg. Stuttgart 1911.
• Rudolf Uschold: The Gypsy Problem. In: The New Police. 1951, pp. 38-40.
• Hanns Eller: The gypsies - a problem. In: Criminology. Volume 8, 1954, pp. 124ff.
• Georg Geyer: Land driving - seen from the police. In: The New Police. 1957, p. 6ff.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Ministerial Resolution of the Bavarian Ministry of Internal Affairs from 28.03.1899, after Reimar Gilsenbach in Ayass p. 39
2. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 285.
3. ↑ Angelika Albrecht: "Gypsies in Altbayern 1871-1914. A social, economic and administrative historical investigation of Bavarian gypsy politics". Based on the review by Martin Holler
4. ↑ Angelika Albrecht: "Gypsies in Altbayern 1871-1914. A social, economic and administrative historical investigation of Bavarian gypsy politics". (Pp. 261–263) Based on the review by Martin Holler
5. ↑ Gilsenbach in Ayaß p. 17.
6. ^ ^{A b} Hans Hesse, Jens Schreiber: From the slaughterhouse to Auschwitz: the Nazi persecution of the Sinti and Roma from Bremen, Bremerhaven and northwest Germany. Tectum Verlag DE, 1999, ISBN 978-3-828-88046-7 , p. 24 ( limited preview in Google book search; and The History of the Sinti and Roma ( Memento of the original from October 8, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) Info : The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this note. ). 
7. ↑ ^{a b} After: Hehemann 1987, p. 285.
8. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 285.
9. ↑ ^{a b} Hehemann 1987, p. 286.
10. ↑ ^{a b} Hehemann 1987, p. 287.
11. ↑ Review by Martin Holler on: Marion Bonillo: "Gypsy Policy" in the German Empire 1871-1918.
12. ↑ Gilsenbach in Ayaß p. 19.
13. ↑ Leo Lucassen: Harmful tramps "Police professionalization and gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945. Pp. 29-50.
14. ↑ Gilsenbach in Ayaß p. 17.
15. ↑ The special regulation, according to which the registry offices had to report all marriages, deaths and births to the criminal police, existed in Hamburg until 1985 and was only lifted after protests by the RCU. http://www.romahistory.com ( Memento of the original from October 24, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. / 
16. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 289.
17. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 360.
18. ↑ Walter de Gruyter: indexing volume for the microfiche edition. Walter de Gruyter, 2000, ISBN 978-3-110-96299-4 , p. 62 ( limited preview in the Google book search).
19. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 291, p. 344.
20. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 291.
21. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 293.
22. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 345.
23. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 353.
24. ↑ Date of death: fell “when Wytschaete was first stormed in Flanders” in autumn 1914. Klaiber: The Reich Criminal Police. (Lecture at the Association of Detective Officers in Stuttgart in June 1920) Berlin 1920. p. 5. According to: Manfred Teufel: Das (Kgl.) Württembergische Landespolizeiamt 1914 - 1923. In: Die Kriminalpolizei September 2004, pp. 6–22.
25. ↑ Hehemann 1987, SS 344.
26. ↑ Hehemann 1987, SS 344.
27. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 354.
28. ↑ Hehemann 1987, p. 357.
29. ↑ http://www.thata.ch/roma_sinti_jenische_struktur_haltungen_entwicklungen_thomas_huonker_forschungsmandat_schweiz_zweiter_weltkrieg_1998_vollst.pdf from p. 22
30. ↑ Gilsenbach in Ayaß 1988 p. 18.
31. ↑ Hehemann 1987 p. 292 f.
32. ↑ Hehemann 1987, pp. 358f.
33. ^ Margalit 1997, p. 568.
34. ↑ Donald Kenrick: Historical Dictionary of the Gypsies (Romanies). Lanham, Maryland • Toronto • Plymouth, 2007, 2nd ed. P. 97.
35. ↑ Sybil Milton: Preliminary Stage to Destruction. The gypsy camps after 1933. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 43rd year, 1st edition (Jan., 1995), pp. 115–130, here p. 117.
36. ↑ Organizational and biographical information according to: Götz Aly: The persecution and murder of European Jews by the ..., Volume 2 p. 960 ( limited preview in the Google book search)
37. ^ Tobias Joachim Schmidt-Degenhard: Robert Ritter (1901-1951). On the life and work of the Nazi "gypsy researcher" . Tübingen 2008, p. 191, here also the evaluation of Zindel as a driving force.
38. ^ Circular decree of the Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior of June 5, 1936, regarding "Combating the Gypsy Plague". Ministerialblatt für die Prussische Innere Verwaltung vol. 1 no. 27, June 17, 1936 p. 783. Falksimili in: Eva von Hase-Mihalik / Doris Kreuzkamp: You also get a nice caravan. Forced camp for Sinti and Roma during National Socialism in Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt a. M. 1990.
39. ↑ RMBliV. 1936 p. 1339.
40. ↑ RMBliV 1938 p. 883, Bulletin A, p. 72.
41. ↑ Sybil Milton: Preliminary Stage to Destruction. The gypsy camps after 1933. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 43rd year, 1st edition (Jan., 1995), pp. 115–130, here p. 117.
42. ↑ Fings / Sparing 1995, p. 182.
43. ↑ Gedenkbuch 1988, p. XXVI.
44. ↑ Dieter Schenk: The brown roots of the BKA. Frankfurt / M., P. 49, p. 162.
45. ↑ Dieter Schenk: The brown roots of the BKA. Frankfurt / M., P. 204.
46. ^ Case of Liselotte W, where Maly had the heavily pregnant woman deported to Auschwitz from the Reichszentrale, contrary to the then existing legal basis , where she died. Hohmann XY.
47. ↑ Hohmann 1991, p. 97.
48. ↑ Romani Rose: "The removal went smoothly." P. 3. (PDF file)
49. ↑ source uA Hohmann S. 93; Döring p. 99, Zimmermann p. 93; Source: Florian Freund , Gerhard Baumgartner, Harald Greifeneder: Deprivation of property, restitution and compensation for the Roma and Sinti. P. 193.
50. ↑ After: Sybil Milton: preliminary stage to destruction. Die Gypsy camps after 1933. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 43rd year, 1st edition (Jan., 1995), pp. 115–130, here p. 127.
51. ↑ Reproduce the express letter in Streck, B .: Gypsies in Auschwitz. In: Münzel, M. / Streck, B .: Kumpania and control. Düsseldorf 1981 here p. 119.
52. ^ Bernhard Streck: Gypsies in Auschwitz, Chronicle of Camp B II e. P. 77. In: Mark Münzel / Bernhard Streck: Kumpania and control. Giessen 1981.
53. ↑ Frings / Sparing 1992, p. 76.
54. ↑ Margalit 1997, p. 568f.
55. ↑ Margalit 1997, p. 568f.
56. ↑ ^{a b} Federal Criminal Police Office (ed.): The Federal Criminal Police Office faces its history. ( Memento of the original from January 11, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Documentation of a series of colloquia, Cologne 2008, p. 140. 
57. ↑ Central Office for Crimea. Identification u. Police statistics, Dept. Gypsy Police, source u. a. Margalite 1997.
58. ^ Margalit 1997, p. 569.
59. ↑ Margalit 1997, pp. 572-573.
60. ↑ Winter in Ayaß 1988 p. 145.
61. ↑ Uschold: The Gypsy Problem. In: The new police. No. 3 and 4, Munich 1951 after Gilsenbach in Ayaß 1988 p. 145.
62. ↑ Hundsalz 1978: 90; Winter 1988: 146; Fings / Sparing 1995: 187.
63. ↑ ^{a b} Federal Criminal Police Office (ed.): The Federal Criminal Police Office faces its history. Documentation of a series of colloquia, Cologne 2008, p. 130. ( Memento of the original from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. 
64. ↑ Federal Criminal Police Office (ed.): The Federal Criminal Police Office faces its history. Documentation of a series of colloquia, Cologne 2008, p. 131. ( Memento of the original from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. 
65. ↑ Gilsenbach after Ayaß 1988, p. 146.
66. ^ Arnold 1978, p. 4 after Arnold Spitta p. 188 and 323, In: Tilman Zülch: In Auschwitz gassed, persecuted to this day . Rowohlt, Reinbek 1979, ISBN 3-499-14430-1 .
67. ↑ Henke p. 68.
68. ^ Rose, p. 123.
69. ↑ Gilsenbach after Ayaß 1988, p. 146f.
70. ↑ Hohmann 1988, p. 203.
71. ↑ Gilsenbach after Ayaß 1988, p. 146.
72. ↑ Gilsenbach in Ayaß 1988, p. 146.
73. ↑ [dipbt.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/16/021/1602197.pdf request to the federal government]
74. ↑ Hehemann 1987 p. 326.
75. ↑ Thomas Huonker in the Tages-Anzeiger, Zurich, April 28, 1997
76. ↑ Hehemann 1987 p. 322.
77. ↑ Independent Expert Commission Switzerland - Second World War (ed.) (2000): Roma, Sinti and Jenische . Swiss gypsy policy at the time of National Socialism. Supplement to the report: Switzerland and the refugees at the time of National Socialism. Written by Thomas Huonker and Regula Ludi , with the assistance of Bernhard Schär, Bern p. 35.
78. ^ Circular decree of the Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior of June 5, 1936, regarding "Combating the Gypsy Plague". Ministerialblatt für die Prussische Innere Verwaltung vol. 1 No. 27, June 17, 1936 p. 783. Falksimili in: E. von Hase-Mihalik, D. Kreuz: You also get a nice caravan. Frankfurt am Main, 1990.
79. ^ Fings / Sparing 1992, 124.
80. ↑ Critique of Antiziganism ( Memento of the original from August 31, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Issue 2/2010 (PDF; 971 kB) 
81. ^ City of Munich: Places of Remembrance and Commemoration. Volume 3 of the series ThemenGeschichtsPfade 2nd edition 2012, pp. 21–23.