History of Alliance 90 / The Greens


from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Party logo 1993 to 2008

The history of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen has two different roots: In West Germany and West Berlin , the Green Party arose from the environmental movement and the new social movements of the 1970s and was founded as a party on January 13, 1980 in Karlsruhe . In 1990, the groups of the civil rights movement in the GDR that had played a major role in the peaceful revolution of 1989 united to form Bündnis 90 . The Greens and Bündnis 90 united in 1993 to form the common party Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen. The Green Party in the GDR , which, alongside the Green League, represented the East German ecological movement, had already merged with the West German Greens to form an all-German party on December 3, 1990.

In March 1979, a group of voters “ Other Political Association The Greens” was founded, which won 3.2 percent of the vote in the 1979 European elections . The party emerged from this electoral community through a reorganization in January 1980. The first regional associations were founded at the end of 1979.

With the Bremen Green List , a green state list entered a parliament for the first time in October 1979, and in 1983 the Greens succeeded for the first time in a federal election . The Greens were the first successful party to be founded at the federal level since 1950. From 1985 to 1987, Joschka Fischer was the first state minister in Hessen. The development and establishment phase of the Greens was strongly influenced by an internal party opposition between the radical so-called “ Fundis ” and “ Eco-Socialists ” on the one hand and the pragmatic “ Realos ” on the other. In addition to the issue of environmental protection, party-specific features determined the image of the Greens, such as the principle of rotation , the separation of office and mandate and a quota for women .

The year 1990 marked a turning point in the history of the party , not just because of the events in the GDR and reunification . In the 1990 Bundestag elections , the Green Party, which was skeptical to negative about reunification, failed in West Germany because of the five percent hurdle . In contrast, Bündnis 90, which had appeared in East Germany, was represented as a Bundestag group in parliament. In 1990/91 numerous representatives of the left wing left the party. In the following years it reorganized itself and also changed its face through the merger of the Greens and Alliance 90. In 1994 he was able to return to the Bundestag.

After the federal election in 1998 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen in the Schröder cabinet became a ruling party in a red-green coalition at federal level for the first time , which was confirmed in the 2002 election. Germany's participation in the Kosovo war as well as in military operations in Afghanistan led the party, whose essential roots traditionally included pacifism , to an acid test. Since the new elections in 2005 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen have been an opposition party again.

Prehistory and precursor groupings

New social movements and civic environmentalists

Anti-nuclear movement symbol

In the old Federal Republic of Germany, a wide range of new social movements emerged in the 1970s in the wake of the student movement of the 1960s . The idea of ​​a march through the institutions of the 1968 generation , which Rudi Dutschke had already called for in 1967, also contributed to the later parliamentary success of the Greens . In this tradition, a large part of the new social movements could be located politically with the New Left . A minority of political activists was organized in the so-called K groups , such as the Communist League (KB), the Communist League of West Germany (KBW) and the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). For them, ecological problems were the direct consequence of capitalist relations of production. Sharply demarcated from the K groups, anarchist groups of the Spontis belonged to the undogmatic left , which was also supposed to influence the development of the Greens. Not to be underestimated is the influence of disappointed former Social Democrats who left the SPD in protest against Helmut Schmidt's defense and nuclear policy .

In the process of developing an ecologically-oriented alternative, the left-wing spectrum met with bourgeois and conservative forces who articulated themselves in nature conservation organizations and, since the late 1960s, increasingly in local citizens' groups . The new left and the conservative environmentalists, especially those born after the war, were united by a post-materialistic change in values . The ecological movement in particular questioned the concept of linear progress and criticized technology and civilization in principle . In contrast to the milieus of the established parties, the supporting group of the new social movements could not be limited by their particular interests, but rather formed a community of values ​​oriented towards universal values. This was associated with a loss of importance of classic political issues such as economic growth and financial stability in favor of newer policy areas such as environmental protection or general questions about quality of life , self-realization or equality . Thus, the socio-political milieu of the emerging green parties could only be classified into the established right - left scheme to a limited extent . For the most part, however, the new political movement embodied a libertarian, post-materialistic-ecological left, which could be distinguished from the traditional left, which was more ideologically oriented and focused on issues of distribution policy.

First local electoral alliances (1977)

Due to the electoral successes of left-wing alliances including environmentalists in the French local elections in March 1977, there were also considerations within West German groups to participate in elections, especially given the massive police measures in connection with the anti-nuclear power plant protests, there was no extra-parliamentary resistance seemed more capable of improvement. This led to disputes with a section of the New Left that was strictly anti-parliamentary, but also with political groups that would rather build a socialist party.

First of all, local voter communities and electoral alliances emerged . The first candidatures came on October 23, 1977 in elections to the district assemblies in Lower Saxony , which became necessary in some districts as part of the local reorganization. In the district of Hildesheim , the Green List Environmental Protection (GLU), which in November 1977 had joined the "Environmental Protection Party" founded in Lower Saxony shortly before, got a seat in the district council. She had a rather conservative self-image and especially distanced herself from left-wing opponents of nuclear power. In the district of Hameln-Pyrmont , the “Voting Community - Nuclear Power No Thank You” started. It was founded by the "Citizens' Initiative Against Atomic Power Weserbergland", which opposed the construction of a nuclear power plant in the district of Grohnde and on March 19, 1977 mobilized 20,000 nuclear power opponents to a demonstration. She also achieved a seat in the district council with 2.3 percent.

Election results 1978/1979
choice % list
Lower Saxony 4.6.1978 3.9% GLU
Hamburg June 4th, 1978 3.5%
1.0%
Colorful list
GLU
Hesse October 8, 1978 1.1%
0.9%
GLH
GAZ
Berlin, March 18, 1979 3.7% AL
Schleswig-Holstein April 29, 1979 2.4% GLSH
European elections June 10, 1979 3.2% SPV -The Greens
Bremen October 7, 1979 5.1% BGL

Green and colorful lists run in state elections (1978)

In 1978 the development of participation in elections continued, which was marked by conflicts between left “colorful” or “alternative lists” on the one hand and conservatively oriented “green lists” or “environmental lists” on the other. There were regular differences of opinion as to the extent to which K-group members should be included in the joint work.

In the state elections on June 4, 1978 in Lower Saxony , the Green List Environmental Protection (GLU) ran and immediately became the fourth strongest party with 3.86%. In the mayor elections in Hamburg on the same day, the “ Colorful List - Fight Back ” and the Hamburg GLU competed with the protagonists of the KB . The Bunte Liste achieved 3.5 percent and the GLU 1.1 percent.

The former environmental policy spokesman for the CDU parliamentary group, Herbert Gruhl, left the CDU together with some other Union politicians, especially from the Junge Union , in July 1978 due to irreconcilable differences in environmental policy and founded the Green Action Future (GAZ). Since he kept his mandate in the Bundestag , he is often referred to as the first member of the Greens in the Bundestag .

Interview with Jutta Ditfurth (1987)

In the state elections on October 8, 1978 in Hesse , the bourgeois Green Action Future competed with the Hesse Green List (GLH). This was founded by Jutta Ditfurth , who later became a symbol of the left wing of the green party alongside Thomas Ebermann and Rainer Trampert. At 0.9 percent, the GAZ result was well below the expectations of its founder Herbert Gruhl, who had hoped to inherit the FDP with a result of six percent. The GLH also clearly failed with 1.1 percent at the five percent hurdle . The GLH's top candidate was Alexander Schubart, Frankfurt City Councilor and former SPD member. At number 7 on the list, Daniel Cohn-Bendit was elected as a representative of the Frankfurt spontaneous scene . His application speech, in which he announced the legalization of hashish and the assumption of the Ministry of the Interior in the event of the election success , made headlines. The organic shop owner, gay activist and later member of the Bundestag for the Greens Herbert Rusche from Offenbach ran for 8th place on the list .

In the state elections on October 15, 1978 in Bavaria , the Action Group for Independent Germans (AUD), the GAZ and the “Green List Bavaria” (GLB) founded by former CSU members formed an electoral alliance that was first named “The Greens” . The original national conservative AUD had (in Hessen "action environmental protection and democracy") with the theme " protection of life " since the mid-1970s, the environmental policy as an issue and could celebrities win as candidates, such as the Düsseldorf artist Joseph Beuys , who in the general election 1976 had run as a non-party leading candidate. The Greens came to 1.8 percent nationwide. They achieved their best result in Freising, where they received 4.8 percent of the first and 3.7 percent of the second votes.

European elections, entry into a state parliament and preparation for founding a party (1979)

Otto Schily and Petra Kelly at a press conference after the federal election in 1983.

The Alternative List for Democracy and Environmental Protection (AL) achieved 3.7 percent in the elections for the House of Representatives on March 18, 1979 in West Berlin and was represented by 10 members in four district council assemblies . The AL was founded on October 5th, 1978. About 3,500 people attended the meeting. The lawyer Otto Schily , who was involved in the founding, had tried in vain to bring about an incompatibility resolution with Maoist K groups. The Schleswig-Holstein Green List (GLSH) achieved 2.4 percent of the votes in the state elections on April 29, 1979.

For the European elections on June 10, 1979 it came on 17/18. March in Frankfurt on the initiative of the Federal Association of Citizens' Initiatives Environmental Protection (BBU), in which the civic environmental initiatives have been organized since 1972, to form the joint electoral list "Other Political Association (SPV) -The Greens" from GLU Lower Saxony, Green List Schleswig-Holstein, AUD, GAZ, the Free International University , the Third Way Campaign (A3W) and representatives of other citizens' initiatives. In contrast to Bundestag elections, no formal party formation was necessary for other political associations to participate in the European elections. Herbert Gruhl (GAZ), August Haußleiter (AUD) and Helmut Neddermeyer (GLU) were elected chairmen . The top candidate was Petra Kelly , who had left the SPD in the same year. Other candidates were Roland Vogt , Baldur Springmann , Joseph Beuys , Georg Otto , Eva Quistorp and Carl Amery , while the substitute candidates were Herbert Gruhl, Milan Horáček , Dieter Burgmann and Wilhelm Knabe . The list was in the election campaign u. a. supported by Heinrich Böll and Helmut Gollwitzer .

The SPV – Die Grünen achieved 3.2 percent with 900,000 votes. This electoral success caused a decisive shift in the balance of power between the bourgeois and the alternative camp and, on the other hand, had an initial function for the establishment of election initiatives for the local elections on September 30, 1979 in North Rhine-Westphalia, where in Bielefeld (colorful list 5.6 percent), Münster (Green Alternative List 6.0 percent), Leverkusen (5.0 percent), Datteln (9.9 percent) and Marl (Die Grünen community of voters 8.9 percent) made it into the local parliaments. In Cologne (4.0 percent), Cologne Alternative obtained seats in two district offices. In Ahaus , the planned location of a nuclear waste interim storage facility , a voting community founded by opponents of nuclear power achieved 25.5 percent.

Rudi Dutschke

On September 30, 1979, a meeting of 700 supporters of the ecological movement took place in Sindelfingen near Stuttgart , which resulted in the founding of the Greens in Baden-Württemberg as the first state association . The Bremen Green List (BGL) won on October 7, 1979 with 5.1 percent as the first green voter association in the Federal Republic of mandates in a state parliament, the citizenry . The BGL consisted mainly of former SPD members around Olaf Dinné . The alternative list, which was also running, received 1.4 percent. At a public event in Bremen's town hall, Rudi Dutschke had previously tried in vain to prevent the split between the “Greens” and “Alternatives”.

In November 1979 a second federal congress of the SPV-Die Grünen took place in Offenbach, at which the founding of the party for January 1980 was decided. This should not be done as a new, but rather as a reorganization of the SPV-Die Grünen in order to be able to use the reimbursement of campaign costs from the European elections in the amount of 4.5 million marks to finance the building of the party and not to have to include the left lists as founding members. However, the members of the alternatives were given the opportunity to join the SPV-Die Grünen by December 20, 1979 in order to take part in the Karlsruhe founding congress, and Baldur Springmann submitted an application not to allow membership in the SPV-Die Grünen, if at the same time membership in another organization, particularly a communist organization, was refused. As a result, the number of members soared from 2,800 to 12,000 within just under two months. Even before the federal association was constituted, a regional association in North Rhine-Westphalia was founded on December 16, 1979 in Hersel near Bonn .

Development phase

Federal Executive Spokesman, from 2001 Federal Executive Chairwoman
1979 Herbert Gruhl , August Haußleiter , Helmut Neddermeyer
(managing spokesman for the SPV Die Grünen )
1980 August Haußleiter (after his resignation in June 1980:
Dieter Burgmann ), Petra Kelly , Norbert Mann
1981-1982 Dieter Burgmann, Petra Kelly, Manon Maren-Grisebach
1982-1983 Manon Maren-Grisebach, Wilhelm Knabe , Rainer Trampert
1983-1984 Wilhelm Knabe, Rainer Trampert, Rebekka Schmidt
1984-1987 Rainer Trampert, Lukas Beckmann , Jutta Ditfurth
1987-1989 Jutta Ditfurth, Regina Michalik , Christian Schmidt
(after the resignation of the board in December 1988
, the federal main committee took over the office on a temporary basis)
1989–1990
( GDR Green Party )
Marianne Dörfler, Carlo Jordan , Gerd Klötzer, Vollrad Kuhn ,
Henry Schramm, Christine Weiske
(provisional councilor)
1989-1990 Ralf Fücks , Ruth Hammerbacher , Verena Krieger
1990
( GDR Green Party )
Judith Demba , Friedrich Heilmann, Viktor Leibrenz,
Dorit Nessing-Stranz, Henry Schramm, Christine Weiske ;
Vera Wollenberger (press officer)
1990-1991 Renate Damus , Heide Rühle , Hans-Christian Ströbele
1991-1993 Ludger Volmer , Christine Weiske
1991–1993
( Alliance 90 )
Marianne Birthler , Wolfgang Ullmann , Gerd Poppe ,
Werner Schulz , Katrin Göring-Eckardt , Christiane Ziller ,
Petra Morawe , Burghardt Brinksmeier , Uwe Lehmann
1993-1994 Marianne Birthler, Ludger Volmer
1994-1996 Krista Sager , Jürgen Trittin
1996-1998 Jürgen Trittin, Gunda Röstel
1998-2000 Gunda Röstel, Antje Radcke
2000-2001 Renate Künast , Fritz Kuhn
2001-2002 Fritz Kuhn, Claudia Roth
2002-2004 Angelika Beer , Reinhard Bütikofer
2004-2008 Reinhard Bütikofer, Claudia Roth
2008-2013 Claudia Roth, Cem Özdemir
2013-2018 Cem Özdemir, Simone Peter
since 2018 Annalena Baerbock , Robert Habeck

Party founded (1980)

At the Federal Assembly on January 12 and 13, 1980 in Karlsruhe, the party "The Greens" was founded. The dispute over the participation of members of communist organizations threatened to let the foundation fail. The compatibility of membership in the Greens with membership in other parties was ultimately ruled out - u. a. against the protest of Rudolf Bahro , who therefore declared his entry into the party at the meeting. The participation of delegates of the colorful lists, as their spokesman and others, was also controversial. a. the Hamburg Henning Venske performed. The discussion of the program and the election of a board of directors were postponed to the next Federal Assembly, which was to take place in Saarbrücken in March 1980. Until then, the previous board of the SPV-Die Grünen was confirmed in office and the European election program made the working basis.

The Federal Assembly in Saarbrücken on 22./23. March 1980 elected August Haußleiter , Petra Kelly and Norbert Mann as party spokesperson, Rolf Stolz as secretary and Grete Thomas as treasurer. The assembly passed a basic program, in the formulation of which the left-alternatives could prevail against the bourgeois-ecological forces in all important questions. Among other things, the program contained calls for the shutdown of all nuclear facilities , unilateral disarmament , dissolution of the NATO and Warsaw Pact military blocs , a 35-hour week with full wages and the abolition of Section 218 of the Criminal Code . This program was perceived by the conservative wing around Herbert Gruhl as a defeat. The federal program, as before the European election program of the SPV-Die Grünen, described the new party as " ecological , social , grassroots democracy and non-violent ". The self-image was that of an "anti-party party" (Petra Kelly). The Greens saw themselves less as a party than as a movement, whereby the founding of the party was seen as a parliamentary second leg. It was particularly controversial whether the presence in parliaments should only be used as a stage for this movement or whether one should aim for actual government power. This dispute between “ Fundis ” and “ Realos ” was to determine the internal party debate for the next few years.

At the Federal Assembly in Dortmund on June 21 and 22, 1980, August Haußleiter , who had been severely attacked in various media for nationalist statements in the 1950s, resigned as party spokesman out of consideration for the new party. The treasurer Grete Thomas, who had become known that she had had another party member, whom she suspected of being an agent for the protection of the constitution, observed by a detective, was voted out of office. As the successor to Haußleiter, Dieter Burgmann , state chairman of AUD-Bavaria, prevailed against Herbert Gruhl and Otto Schily , who supported Burgmann in the last ballot by refusing to run again. Further board members were Helmut Lippelt , Halo Saibold , Christiane Schnappertz, Ursula Alverdes and Erich Knapp. Jan Kuhnert lost to Bettina Hoeltje in the elections . Eva Reichelt became treasurer. This concluded the founding process with the election of a full federal board.

After its defeat at the Dortmund party congress, the conservative wing around Herbert Gruhl and Baldur Springmann withdrew from the party. Gruhl justified his resignation in an interview with NDR with his rejection of grassroots democracy, which at the time also included the principle of rotation . Gruhl then founded the conservative Ecological Democratic Party (ÖDP) in Munich , which, however, remained relatively insignificant above the municipal level.

After the party congresses in 1980, the short-lived group of grassroots, undogmatic socialists in the Greens (BUS) formed around Kuhnert, Ditfurth, Eckhard Stratmann-Mertens and others. The BUS saw itself as an ecological-grassroots counterweight to the instrumental understanding of party, democracy and ecology of Group Z, which emerged from the Communist League . Group Z had successfully supported Bettina Hoeltje in the board elections. The members of the BUS dispersed in the phase up to 1990 among the eco-socialists , radical ecologists and eco- libertarians . Ultimately, the eco-socialists had gained the upper hand both programmatically and personally and dominated the party until they moved out in 1990.

First federal election (1980)

On October 5, 1980, the Greens ran for the first time in a federal election , but clearly failed with a disappointing 1.5 percent of the second votes at the five percent hurdle. Many supporters of the Greens had chosen the SPD with Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt as a "lesser evil" in order to prevent a Chancellor Franz Josef Strauss from the CSU.

State elections and extra-parliamentary actions (1980–1983)

Only a good two months after the party was founded, the Greens entered the state parliament of Baden-Württemberg with 5.3 percent , where they were not allowed to form their own parliamentary group , which they were then allowed to do in the next election when they were more than they could Mandates than the FDP achieved. In Saarland and North Rhine-Westphalia, green lists failed shortly after the 1980 success in Baden-Württemberg. After the disappointing federal election in 1980, they cleared the five percent hurdle in Berlin, Lower Saxony, Hamburg, Hesse, and in a new election again in Hamburg, but only narrowly missed it in Bavaria.

Peace Movement Symbol

The founding phase of the green party coincided with the height of the peace movement. In December 1979 the Bundestag approved the NATO double resolution. In 1983 the number of activists was estimated at 300,000 to 500,000 in around 4,000 individual initiatives. The peace demonstrations grew into ever larger mass events: on October 10, 1981, 300,000 people demonstrated against retrofitting on October 10, 1982 , on the occasion of the visit of the American President Ronald Reagan , 500,000 and again half a million on October 22, 1983 in Bonn's Hofgartenwiesen . On the same day around 1.3 million people nationwide took part in actions against retrofitting, including 200,000 in a human chain from Stuttgart to Neu-Ulm . The Easter marches regularly mobilized hundreds of thousands during these years. The event Artists for Peace on September 11, 1982 in Bochum's Ruhrstadion was attended by 200,000 people. When the Bundestag discussed the deployment of American medium-range missiles in Germany on November 22, 1983 , this was accompanied by further large-scale demonstrations in the hot autumn , but all established parties supported the arms race . After the defeat by the decision of the Bundestag, the peace movement quickly lost its importance.

In November 1981, construction of the Frankfurt Runway West began . During the protests, there were extremely violent clashes with the police by small militant groups of autonomists . This was repeated, among other things, in demonstrations against the Brokdorf nuclear power plant and against the planned Wackersdorf reprocessing plant . The acts of violence damaged the reputation of the environmental movement and the support of broader sections of the population visibly waned.

The Greens in the Bundestag

Bundestag election results of the Greens
or Alliance 90 / The Greens
choice %
Bundestag election 1980 1.5%
Bundestag election 1983 5.6%
Federal Parliament election 1987 8.3%
Bundestag election 1990 4.8% (Greens) 1
6.0% (Alliance 90) 2
Bundestag election 1994 7.3%
Bundestag election 1998 6.7%
Federal Parliament election 2002 8.6%
Bundestag election 2005 8.1%
Bundestag election 2009 10.7%
Bundestag election 2013 8.4%
Bundestag election 2017 8.9%
1 Result in the old federal states
2 Result in the new federal states

First parliamentary group (1983–1987)

On September 17th, the social-liberal coalition broke up . The peace and environmental movements had meanwhile become mass movements and brought the Greens a strong increase in voters in the early federal elections on March 6, 1983 . Competing environmental parties played no role in the election. The ÖDP only entered Bavaria with a state list and received only around 11,000 votes. With 5.6 percent of the second vote , the Greens won 28 seats. This was the first time since the mid-1950s that a newly founded party made it into the Bundestag . With the entry of the Greens, four parliamentary groups were represented in the Bundestag for the first time since 1961.

With the state manager of the Green Hesse, Herbert Rusche, the first publicly self-confessed gay member of the Bundestag moved into the Bundestag.

In October 1983 Petra Kelly, Otto Schily, Antje Vollmer, Gert Bastian , Dirk Schneider , Gustine Johannsen and Lukas Beckmann visited the GDR. In doing so, they signed a personal peace treaty with Erich Honecker , which was supposed to oblige both sides to campaign for the start of unilateral disarmament in their own country. Petra Kelly wore a sweater with the imprint swords for plowshares and asked Honecker why he was banning what he supported in the West in the GDR.

Alternative party structures

As an "anti-party party" and a "fundamental alternative to the traditional parties", which of course had to adhere to the requirements of the party law, the Greens experimented with party structures that were supposed to prevent a caste of professional politicians, as criticized by the Greens in all established parties . As a " movement party ", the Greens should expressly be nothing more than a parliamentary free leg, while the extra-parliamentary opposition should remain the mainstay.

For the Greens of the 1980s , grassroots democracy , which was based on latent anti-parliamentarism on the part of the New Left and fundamental criticism of representative democracy , was not only a demand for society as a whole, but should also be exemplified within the Green Party. Therefore, their political representatives should always be tied back to the will of the decentralized party base and be subject to constant control. The parliamentarians were only given an imperative mandate by the party base . In fact, the imperative mandate, which was constitutionally untenable, played no role from the start. All meetings, even those of the parliamentary group, were initially held in public. Decisions should be made according to the principle of consensus . Not least because of the heterogeneity of the Greens and their culture of debate, both principles proved unsustainable.

In order to avoid the accumulation of offices and concentration of power, the Greens pursued a strict separation of office and mandate for a long time , which was only relaxed in 2003. Instead of a party chairman, there were three equal board spokesmen. As a result, the Greens did not conduct personalized election campaigns for a long time.

One of the rigid preventive measures against bureaucratic encrustations of a political class was that in the early years all party offices had to be held on a voluntary basis. In connection with the separation of office and mandate, this led to the fact that professionally working politicians with paid employees in the parliamentary groups were faced with an unpaid, poorly resourced party executive committee that was barely involved in parliamentary work. Since this concept proved to be unsustainable, members of the federal executive board have been able to apply for compensation since 1987. But in 1988 there were still 24 party employees compared to around 200 faction employees, so that the party executive committee was notoriously in the shadow of the factions. One element to prevent professionalized parliamentary elites was that a large part of the diets had to be paid to the party's eco-fund and initially only an amount corresponding to the salary of a skilled worker could be kept personally. This was 1,950 plus 500 marks for each person to be entertained. Even today, mandate holders' contributions play a bigger role with the Greens than with other parties. Their share in the total funding of the federal party averaged 20 percent from 2003 to 2010, in Lower Saxony it was still in 2016.

No organizational peculiarity of the Greens has caused so much discussion inside or outside the party as the rotation principle , which has only been in place for a few years . According to the decision of a federal assembly in 1983, MPs had to vacate their mandate after half of the legislative period for a successor who previously worked in an office community with the elected MP. Already in the first electoral term after entering the Bundestag there were various problems with the application of the rotation principle. Petra Kelly and Gert Bastian refused to rotate, others reluctantly left the seats to an alleged or actual second guard. It was very similar with the rotation at the party leadership, which was also introduced. In 1986 the two-year rotation was replaced by a four-year rotation. In the following legislative period, only the members of the Hamburg and Berlin regional associations rotated.

The longest lasting innovation was the quota for women on all offices and electoral lists in order to achieve equal participation of women in politics. The all-female executive of the Bundestag parliamentary group, elected on April 3, 1984, caused a sensation with Annemarie Borgmann , Waltraud Schoppe , Antje Vollmer , Christa Nickels , Heidemarie Dann and Erika Hickel . The male-female ratio in the 10th legislative period was 18:10. In all later Green factions there were more women than men.

Many of the party-internal experiments of the Greens were quickly dropped or put into perspective. It quickly became clear that grassroots democracy, instead of an elite of professional politicians, favored informal elites of the various currents, which were largely beyond the control of the party. In addition, the deliberate amateur party structure resulted in an unintended layer of particularly active members who had sufficient time and financial independence. In addition to public service employees, this included students and, last but not least, unemployed academics.

Sociopolitical discussions

The success of the Greens led to fierce socio-political discussions, because the established social forces saw it as an attack and a threat to the existing system. The Greens not only had to defend themselves against accusations of being hostile to Germany and critical of the system. Rather, they were assumed to have a split relationship with the state's monopoly of violence and a proximity to the terrorism of the Red Army faction in the 1970s. For example, the fact that Otto Schily and Christian Ströbele defended terrorists as prominent criminal defense lawyers in the 1970s was cited. These questions echoed in 2001 when Joschka Fischer was accused of his past as a Frankfurt street fighter and attempts were made to make political capital out of it.

In the course of the state elections in 1985, a so-called “child sex scandal” hit the headlines in North Rhine-Westphalia. A working group of the regional association called for the deletion of sexual criminal law (including § 176 StGB ), this was accepted in a resolution with 76:53 votes and was included in a first version of the election platform of the Greens.

Wing fights 1983–1989

The eco-socialists have dominated the party since the bourgeois forces moved out in 1980/81. In addition to the marginalized bourgeois movement, a group of so-called eco - libertarians formed in 1983, especially in Baden-Württemberg , who were shaped by anthroposophy and humanism . The eco-libertarians rejected a blind belief in progress, but considered the economic system of the Federal Republic to be reformable, advocated the parliamentary system of the Federal Republic and wanted as little state intervention as possible. You spoke out in favor of coalitions with the CDU as early as the 1980s . Your most important protagonists were Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever and Winfried Kretschmann .

However, since the first red-green coalition in Hesse in 1983, the bitter dispute over one's own position in the Federal Republic of Germany and, in particular, over participation in the government of the Federal Republic of Germany has proven to be even more controversial. Beyond the left-right scheme, the so-called “ Fundis ” (derived from fundamentalists ) essentially represented a position that was radically critical of the system and rejected compromises with the established parties and thus also possible government participation. Among the Fundis, the radical ecologists aimed at overcoming the system through deindustrialization. The Chernobyl nuclear disaster of April 26, 1986 and the breakup of the Hessian coalition in February 1987 promoted the flow of the Fundis, which was reflected, among other things, in a stronger representation in the three-member federal executive committee.

The " Realos " (derived from real politicians ), which dominated the Bundestag parliamentary group and most of the regional parliamentary groups, increasingly sought arrangements with the established parties and possible coalitions in order to implement reforms in the spirit of green politics, for which they were increasingly willing to compromise . The grand pioneers were Joschka Fischer and Hubert Kleinert on the Realos side and Jutta Ditfurth on the Fundis side. The two wings turned out to be almost equally strong and increasingly threatened to block each other or even to split the party, as the issues of fact became more and more questions of power. The most effective link between the contradicting currents was ultimately the five percent threshold clause in the federal electoral law, because both wing of the party had to fear that they would not be strong enough to overcome this alone.

In 1988 a group called “Green Awakening” around Antje Vollmer , Ralf Fücks and Christa Nickels tried to pursue and convey a common green policy beyond the wing battles that dominated the media image of the Greens. After an unsuccessful perspective congress, which should have led to a compromise between the political ideas of the various currents, the “Left Forum” around Ludger Volmer , Jürgen Reents and Eckart Stratmann formed another internal party direction. In terms of content, this largely agreed with the eco-socialists, as they ultimately considered a capitalist economic system to be incompatible with ecological economics, but strategically they supported government participation such as the Realos. In December 1988, the Green Dawn also concluded an alliance with the Realos, but in January 1989 helped the eco-socialist Thomas Ebermann to be elected as one of the spokespersons for the parliamentary group against the Realo Otto Schily. In November 1989, Schily drew the conclusions from the protracted arguments about allegations such as profile addiction and professional politics. He resigned from the party and switched to the SPD.

First red-green coalitions at state level (1985–1990)

Government participation by the Greens, Bündnis 90
and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen
Duration State / Federal Coalition partner
1985-1987 Hesse SPD ( Cabinet Börner III )
1989-1990 Berlin AL with SPD ( Senate Momper )
1990-1994 Lower Saxony SPD ( Cabinet Schröder I )
1990-1994 Brandenburg B'90 with SPD and FDP ( Cabinet Stolpe I )
1991-1999 Hesse SPD ( Cabinet Eichel I and II )
1991-1995 Bremen SPD and FDP ( Senate Wedemeier III )
1994-1998 Saxony-Anhalt SPD ( Cabinet Höppner I ( tolerated by PDS ))
1995-2005 North Rhine-Westphalia SPD ( Cabinet Rau V , Cabinet Clement I and II , Cabinet Steinbrück )
1996-2005 Schleswig-Holstein SPD ( Cabinet Simonis II and III )
1997-2001 Hamburg SPD ( Senate Round )
1998-2005 Federal government SPD ( Cabinet Schröder I and II )
2001-2002 Berlin SPD ( Senate Wowereit I (tolerated by PDS))
2007-2019 Bremen SPD ( Senate Böhrnsen II and III , Senate Sieling )
2008-2010 Hamburg CDU ( Senate von Beust III and Senate Ahlhaus )
2009–2012 Saarland CDU and FDP ( Cabinet Müller III and Cabinet Kramp-Karrenbauer I )
2010-2017 North Rhine-Westphalia SPD ( Cabinet Kraft I (as a minority government) and II )
2011-2016 Baden-Württemberg SPD ( Cabinet Kretschmann I )
2011-2016 Rhineland-Palatinate SPD ( Cabinet Beck V and Cabinet Dreyer I )
2012-2017 Schleswig-Holstein SPD and SSW ( Albig Cabinet )
2013-2017 Lower Saxony SPD ( Cabinet Weil I )
2014-2020 Thuringia Die Linke and SPD ( Cabinet Ramelow I )
since 2014 Hesse CDU ( Cabinet Bouffier II and III )
since 2015 Hamburg SPD ( Senate Scholz II , Senate Tschentscher I and II )
since 2016 Saxony-Anhalt CDU and SPD ( Cabinet Haseloff II )
since 2016 Baden-Württemberg CDU ( Cabinet Kretschmann II )
since 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate SPD and FDP ( Dreyer II cabinet )
since 2016 Berlin SPD and Die Linke ( Senate Müller II )
since 2017 Schleswig-Holstein CDU and FDP ( Cabinet Günther )
since 2019 Bremen SPD and Die Linke ( Senate Bovenschulte )
since 2019 Brandenburg SPD and CDU ( Woidke III cabinet )
since 2019 Saxony CDU and SPD ( Cabinet Kretschmer II )
since 2020 Thuringia Die Linke and SPD ( Cabinet Ramelow II )

At the state political level, negotiations between the SPD and the Green Alternative List took place in Hamburg in 1982 , but these did not lead to political cooperation or a coalition government between the two parties. In Hesse, on the other hand, from June 1984 the Greens tolerated an SPD minority government . In September 1984, Oskar Lafontaine , the Prime Minister of Saarland, became the first top SPD politician to offer the Greens a coalition in the event that there would be an arithmetical majority after the state elections . Since the Greens clearly failed at the five percent hurdle and the SPD entered the state parliament with an absolute majority, this did not happen. Also in 1984 there were successes in the European elections and the first forms of cooperation with the SPD at local level.

On December 12, 1985, the first red-green coalition - not only in Germany - was sealed in Hesse . Joschka Fischer became Minister of the Environment . He became known as the so-called sneaker minister, as he appeared in sneakers when he was sworn in on December 12, 1985. After 452 days, on February 9, 1987, the coalition broke up over the dispute over the approval for the Hanau nuclear company Alkem .

In 1984 the Greens acquired the Wittgenstein house in Roisdorf near Bonn in order to set up a future workshop there as a center for a new political culture . During the necessary renovation, there were tax irregularities. At an extraordinary federal assembly in Karlsruhe in December 1988, the majority of the delegates spoke out in favor of the resignation of the federal executive board, which had not been able to dispel the allegations, because of the irregularities. Thereupon the three party spokesmen Jutta Ditfurth , Regina Michalik and Christian Schmidt resigned from their offices.

After the Berlin House of Representatives election on January 29, 1989, there was a second red-green coalition in Berlin. This broke apart on November 15, 1990, because the then Interior Senator Erich Pätzold (SPD) had cleared occupied houses in Mainzer Strasse . The Senate Momper was watched with special attention because the fall of the Berlin Wall fell during his term of office.

Second parliamentary group (1987–1990)

The wing battles did not prevent further national political success. Under a federal board ruled by Fundis with Jutta Ditfurth and Rainer Trampert, the Greens won a total of 44 seats in the federal election on January 25, 1987 with 8.3 percent of the second vote. In Hessen, too, the Greens continued to grow.

On April 25, 1987, the police searched the office in Bonn and confiscated leaflets boycotting the census and on April 30, because of the call for a boycott, also the offices in Munich and Trier .

On October 3, 1990 and the dissolution of the Volkskammer, seven nominated members of the Volkskammer faction Bündnis 90 / Grüne became members of the green parliamentary group.

Upheaval in the GDR and reunification

Citizens' movement in the GDR up to the first state elections (1989/1990)

The Alliance 90 had its roots in the peace and civil rights movement of the GDR . It was formed in 1990 as a list association of the citizens 'movements New Forum , Democracy Now , Initiative Peace and Human Rights for the first free election of the People's Chamber and was founded in 1991 as an independent party that united large parts of the three citizens' movements. There had been contacts between members of the Greens such as Petra Kelly and opposition groups in the GDR even before the fall of the Wall. After the fall of the Wall, these led to the collaboration of citizens' movements and the Greens. A few days after the fall of the Berlin Wall , on November 24, 1989, the Green Party was founded in the GDR .

In the Volkskammer election on March 18, 1990, in which there was no threshold clause , the Alliance 90 accounted for 2.9 percent, and the list of the Greens and the Independent Women's Association 2.0 percent. This result had to be disappointing, since Alliance 90 united most of the forces that had played a decisive role in the collapse of the SED regime. The desire of the population for the earliest possible and smooth union and the professional, substantially above the German media discharged election campaign of the western party apparatuses, which also, in part, to the acquired structures on the staff and on the assets of the former block parties were based, had the In the end, there is little to oppose Alliance 90 apart from the high reputation of its protagonists.

Eleven days after German unification, on October 14, 1990, the first state elections took place. List connections of civil rights groups and the Greens moved into the state parliaments in Saxony , Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia . In Brandenburg , Bündnis 90 entered the state parliament with 6.4% of the votes and formed a government coalition with the SPD and FDP. The Greens, who competed separately, failed to make it into parliament with 2.8. In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , the Greens, Neues Forum and Bündnis 90 achieved a total of 9.3%, but since they ran alone here in the expectation of higher votes, all three failed to pass the five percent hurdle.

West Greens surprised by the reunification

For the majority of the Greens there was no German question before the fall of the Berlin Wall . The dual state was not questioned until the 1990 Volkskammer election and on November 14, 1989, the federal executive called on the federal government to recognize the GDR under international law and thus to establish the dual state. People were still skeptical or even negative about reunification when it was clear that it would come. In March 1990, after a lengthy debate, the minimum consensus within the Bundestag parliamentary group was that the foundations for adhering to the two-state system had lapsed, but that a "nation state was not a desirable regulatory principle for the two German states". At the Federal Assembly at the end of March 1990, the party said goodbye to the two-state position. Instead, they wanted to get actively involved in the unification process and advocate demilitarization, ecological restructuring and a broad constitutional discussion about a new all-German constitution. The monetary, economic and social union was criticized by the Greens as "enforcement of the submission". At the Dortmund party congress in June 1990, the Greens reaffirmed this negative attitude. The monetary union is a "document of incorporation" and the "mere annexation of the GDR to the FRG". The Unification Treaty was also rejected. At the Bayreuth party conference in September 1990, Hans-Christian Ströbele described it as the “largest land grab by German industry since the colonial wars, apart from the Nazi era”.

Bundestag election 1990: West Greens fail, Alliance 90 becomes a Bundestag group

Joint press conference of the Greens from East and West 1990

In the federal election on December 2, 1990, the party advertised with the slogan “ Everyone is talking about Germany. We're talking about the weather ”and thus completely missed the public debate.

In the federal election, the West German Greens failed with 4.8 percent of the five percent hurdle. In the election, the votes were counted in separate electoral areas, once in the old federal states (including West Berlin ) and in the new federal states (including East Berlin ). This one-off special regulation was only enforced six weeks before the election following a complaint before the Federal Constitutional Court . The Greens had complained because, unlike the other parties, the Greens had not yet united with their political allies in East Germany, the newly formed citizens' movements. Since the Greens remained below five percent in the West German electoral area, they still failed to make it into the Bundestag. If West and East German groups had been united in good time, the Greens and Alliance 90 would have entered the Bundestag with an all-German share of the vote of 5.1 percent.

At least Bündnis 90 benefited from the fact that, due to the ruling in East Germany, list associations could also run for election and thus came to 6.0 percent. Since Bündnis 90 with eight members did not reach the minimum size of a parliamentary group , it received the status of a Bundestag group . This tried in the Bundestag to shape the union as a new beginning. In vain she applied for the establishment of a constitutional council and for the counting of the legislative periods of the Bundestag to start again in order to take account of the historical situation in Germany. According to Bündnis 90, a new constitution would have given constitutional status to, among other things, data protection , women's equality and prohibition of discrimination for homosexuals and the disabled. The civil rights activists of Bündnis 90 paid special attention to coming to terms with GDR history. The Stasi Records Act goes back to their 1991 draft law . Joachim Gauck became Federal Commissioner for the Records of the State Security Service of the former German Democratic Republic . In October 2000 Marianne Birthler became his successor. Both belonged to the Bundestag group of Alliance 90.

Association of Alliance 90 and the Greens

Reorganization of the Greens and departure of the left wing (1990–1993)

The election defeat came as a shock to the party and it was believed possible that it would mean the end of the Greens. The party left had prevailed in the election campaign strategy with their critical course towards reunification - now they were made responsible for the debacle. In addition, the conflict over the party's self-image, including the open question of power, still smoldered. The consequences were discussed at the federal party conference in Neumünster in April 1991 . For the first time, the Greens explicitly committed to parliamentary democracy and defined themselves as a reform party. The party structures were professionalized, so it was decided to pay the party spokesman in the future. Systemic oppositional slogans, such as that of the "anti-party party", have been removed from the program.

This realpolitical turnaround was followed by a wave of left Greens leaving. Jutta Ditfurth founded the ecological left party , but it remained meaningless. She edited the new magazine “Ökolinx” and dealt extremely critically in various publications with the further development of the Greens and parts of the new social movements. Among others, Jürgen Reents , Harald Wolf and those who later uncovered Dirk Schneider and Klaus Croissant as long-time unofficial employees of the Ministry for State Security switched to the PDS . Other left-wing protagonists such as Rainer Trampert , Thomas Ebermann , Christian Schmidt , Verena Krieger or Regula Schmidt-Bott left the Greens without joining any other party.

In 1990/91, various factors, some of which influenced one another, led to a clear programmatic, personnel and strategic shift in favor of the Realos, which has shaped the party since then: the lost federal election increased the pressure for professionalization, the collapse of the real socialist states had discredited left utopias With the departure of numerous eco-socialists and radical ecologists, this current was extremely weakened, and finally, with the PDS, competition arose for the first time to the left of the party. From 1993 onwards, the members of the East German partner Bündnis 90 also contributed to strengthening the Realos , which consisted mainly of pragmatists and whose Bundestag group was initially more in focus than the West German Greens who had been voted out. In the federal states, the new realpolitical course was reinforced in 1990/91 by three government participations in Lower Saxony, Hesse and Bremen.

Alliance 90 and Greens merged (1993)

The East German Greens, which took part in the Alliance 90 / Greens - Citizens Movement for the 1990 Bundestag election and were represented by two members in the Bundestag, united with their West German sister party on December 3, 1990, the day after the first all-German Bundestag election. It was not until September 21, 1991 that Bündnis 90 was formally founded as a party, with only about half of the members of the New Forum joining the new party. A week later, the citizens' movements and the Greens in Saxony united to form the Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen party in Saxony . This Saxon party saw itself as a pioneer of a nationwide association of citizens' movements and the Greens.

Two federal delegate conferences taking place in Berlin finally resolved in early and mid-May 1992 to start negotiations between the two parties for the purpose of merging; Negotiations began in June 1992. On November 23, 1992, the Association Agreement was finally signed, which was adopted on January 17, 1993 in Hanover at two federal assemblies held at the same time. After ballots in April 1993 resulted in clear majorities in favor of the association on both sides, the association agreement was put into effect on May 14, 1993 during the unification party conference in Leipzig. Some members of Bündnis 90 left the party because of criticism of the association, including Matthias Platzeck (went to the SPD ), Günter Nooke (went to the CDU ).

To demonstrate that the smaller partner from the East (around 2,600 members at the time of the unification) should not simply be incorporated into the numerically overpowering West Party (around 37,000 members), the name Bündnis 90 was put in front. Attempts have been made to take into account the right of Alliance 90 to have a say by creating quotas from the East for federal bodies - which in turn was understood as an affront from the very beginning by the East Greens. Although the East Germans were formally overrepresented in the party committees and Bündnis 90 was given particular weight by the Bundestag group, it soon became clear that the established politicians from the West had the say in the party. In addition, the mostly conservative East German civil rights activists were alienated by the culture of discussion and argument of the predominantly left-wing West German alternatives. Some prominent members left the party in the course of the following years and looked for a new political home or withdrew completely from politics.

As early as 1990, the then chairman of the ÖDP, Hans-Joachim Ritter, tried to join forces with the Greens and Bündnis 90, but this did not materialize. While parts of Bündnis 90 were open to the ÖDP, the three-party alliance failed due to resistance from the West German Greens.

Elections and participation in government 1990–1994

In the federal states it soon became apparent that the downfall of the Green Party after the federal election in 1990 had been prematurely predicted. In Lower Saxony, after the state elections in May 1990, a few months before the federal election, a red-green coalition under Gerhard Schröder replaced the previous black-yellow government, in which Jürgen Trittin became Minister for Federal and European Affairs and Waltraud Schoppe became Minister for Women. At the beginning of 1991 there was a new edition of the red-green coalition in Hesse, in which Joschka Fischer again became Environment Minister. In Bremen, the Greens came to 11.4 percent in September 1991 and formed the first traffic light coalition with the SPD and FDP . In Baden-Württemberg, Prime Minister Teufel was the first high-ranking Union politician to consider a black-green coalition , which, however, did not come about despite the mathematical possibility. Except for Schleswig-Holstein, Saarland, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Brandenburg, where Alliance 90 was involved in government, the Greens were represented in all state parliaments in the early 1990s. In Schleswig-Holstein the Greens failed in 1992 with 4.97 percent of only 398 votes.

The union of the Greens and Alliance 90 and, in particular, the departure of the left wing of the party brought significant gains in the subsequent state elections in the West. In Hamburg, the GAL improved in September 1993 by 6.3 percentage points to 13.5 percent. In Lower Saxony the Greens left the state government in March 1994, but only because the SPD achieved an absolute majority. You yourself gained 1.4 percentage points. The European elections in 1994 brought a double-digit election result at the federal level for the first time with 10.1 percent.

In East Germany, however, it became apparent that the union with the West Greens had brought about a major identity problem. Between June and October 1994 Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen was elected from four of the five East German state parliaments with severe losses. Only in Saxony-Anhalt did the party just manage to get into the state parliament with 5.1 percent and took part in a highly controversial red-green minority government tolerated by the PDS , the so-called Magdeburg model .

Return to the Bundestag

Bundestag parliamentary group 1994–1998

In the 1994 Bundestag election , the now all-German party Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen won a total of 49 seats with 7.3 percent in the Bundestag, which was enlarged due to reunification. Joschka Fischer gave up his Hessian ministerial office and together with Kerstin Müller became parliamentary spokesman. With Antje Vollmer , the Greens appointed a Bundestag Vice-President for the first time . Before the election, conditions were set for a possible coalition with the SPD.

As early as November 1994, an area of ​​conflict had emerged that was to determine the internal party debate in the years to come. As foreign policy spokesman for the new parliamentary group, Gerd Poppe called for military operations in Yugoslavia. The massacre in the UN protected zone of Srebrenica in July 1995 marked a turning point in this dispute, without the party having reached a unified position. In the vote on NATO's eastward expansion in March 1998, 14 Greens voted yes, six voted no and 25 abstained.

Elections and government participation at state level 1994–1998

In 1995 and 1996, the Greens achieved double-digit results in Hesse, Bremen, North Rhine-Westphalia, Berlin and Baden-Wuerttemberg, i.e. also in three large states. This was the first time that a red-green government was confirmed by voters in Hessen. In the previously green problem states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Schleswig-Holstein there were also coalitions with the SPD. In September 1997 they achieved in Hamburg with 13.9 percent their best result for a long time at state level. Here, too, there was a government with the SPD. At that time the Greens were involved in five state governments, but the one in Saxony-Anhalt was voted out in April 1998. At the end of the Bundestag legislative period, Alliance 90 / The Greens was represented in all West German, but not in any East German Landtag. The party had become a purely western party.

Establishment of the Green Youth and the Heinrich Böll Foundation (1994/1996)

Prehistory (until 1988)

Before the founding of the GAJB, the federal party maintained a federal youth contact point, which served as a coordination point for a loose network of young members and sympathizers of the party The Greens. Relatively independent of the Greens in the late 1980s then formed up a network g rüner, a lternativer, b underneath and a utonomer youth groups, located GA-BA-spectrum called. Green circles commented critically on the merger at the time. After two federal congresses in 1987, the network did not come to any noteworthy political initiatives.

GAJB and GREEN YOUTH

In 1994 the nationwide youth organization Green Youth was founded in Hanover , at that time still under the name Green-Alternatives Youth Alliance . The young democrats, who were still close to the Greens at the time, thus had competition. Regional associations existed since 1991. In 2001 the Green Youth became a sub-organization of the party.

Heinrich Böll Foundation

In 1996/97, the three independent party foundations Buntstift (Göttingen), Frauen-Anstiftung (Hamburg) and Heinrich Böll Foundation (Cologne) , which had previously been merged in the Rainbow Foundation, were merged to form today's Heinrich Böll Foundation . The various foundations of the green regional associations were organized in the colored pencil federation. In the 1980s, the Greens fiercely fought the foundations of other parties, but changed course after they failed with a lawsuit before the Federal Constitutional Court. The reasons for the criticism of the political foundations were and are the lack of transparency in their work as foundations that are not independent but party-affiliated and, above all, the problem of their funding, because - with less control and transparency - they receive much more state funding than the parties themselves. After the defeat in court, the Greens went the way of also sharing in the advantages of foundations instead of only leaving this advantage to the established parties.

Red-green federal government

First term of office (1998-2002)

Election campaign and government formation

In the camp election campaign for the 1998 Bundestag election , the alternatives were the continuation of the black-yellow coalition or the “generation project” of the red-green coalition . Due to the good election results in recent times and the noticeable change in mood in Germany after 16 years of Kohl's government, the Greens went into the election campaign with confidence. However, the Greens ' ability to govern was massively questioned after their federal delegates' conference on May 8, 1998 in Magdeburg . The media coverage focused on the so-called five-mark resolution, according to which the price of petrol should gradually be increased to DM 5 per liter through a significant increase in the mineral oil tax if the government was involved in the government . In addition, the BDK's clear rejection of a German intervention in Kosovo was received negatively. Even the chancellor candidate of the potential government partner, Gerhard Schröder , described the five-mark decision as "nonsense" and questioned the Greens' ability to govern. It went under that the Greens oriented their program strongly on compatibility with that of the possible coalition partner SPD. The Realos were able to prevent an even more devastating public response by not adopting the old green demands for Germany to leave NATO, for the Bundeswehr to be halved within one legislative period and for its long-term abolition. The fact that the five-mark demand was no longer included in the final election manifesto only partially appeased the public distrust that had been aroused.

6.7 percent on the evening of the election, September 27, 1998, was a rather modest result compared to the previous years in state elections. Compared to the last federal election, the Greens lost a slight 0.6 percentage points. Nevertheless, it was enough for a majority with the SPD, which improved to 40.9 percent . The coalition negotiations were concluded at the end of October and the result was approved by a federal delegates' conference. On October 27th Joschka Fischer was sworn in as Foreign Minister, Andrea Fischer as Minister of Health and Jürgen Trittin as Minister of the Environment. Fischer also became Vice Chancellor . The parliamentary group was led by Kerstin Müller and Rezzo Schlauch , the parliamentary state secretaries were Ludger Volmer (Foreign Ministry), Christa Nickels (Health), Simone Probst , Gila Altmann (both environment) and Uschi Eid (economic cooperation and development).

After the BSE scandal in January 2001, there was a reshuffle of the cabinet: Andrea Fischer resigned and was replaced by the SPD politician Ulla Schmidt , while Renate Künast , the former Green Board spokesperson , inherited Agriculture Minister Funke (SPD). Christa Nickels resigned from the cabinet as State Secretary, Matthias Berninger (consumer protection, food and agriculture) and Margareta Wolf (economy and technology) stood in for it.

Kosovo war, deployment in Afghanistan, Iraq war (1999, 2001, 2002)

Federal Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer in Banda Aceh (2005)

Only six months after taking office, on March 24, 1999, the war in Kosovo began . The red-green government not only supported this, but was directly involved with federal military units. The Green Foreign Minister Fischer assumed particular responsibility.

Another crucial test came from the war in Afghanistan from 2001 . Due to the ambiguous position of the green parliamentary group in the Bundestag, Chancellor Schröder felt compelled to ask the question of confidence and to combine this with the vote on the participation of the Bundeswehr in the war in Afghanistan. Eight Greens, who originally wanted to vote against the use of the Bundeswehr, split their votes into four yes and four no so as not to let the coalition fail. About the admissibility and the honesty of such a motion of confidence connected with a factual question developed within the alliance Green party, as well as in the public a heated discussion.

For the third time, before the outbreak of the Iraq war , the red-green coalition had to decide whether the Bundeswehr would be deployed in combat. In this case, the federal government refused to participate in the war on the side of the US as part of the so-called coalition of the willing . The unconditional rejection of the Iraq war was largely due to the Green coalition partner and contributed significantly to the long-not expected victory in the 2002 Bundestag election .

Green accents in the federal government

Renate Künast, Federal Minister for Consumer Protection, Food and Agriculture 2001–2005.

In the 1998-2002 legislative period, among other things, the eco-tax (but in a reduced form compared to green ideas), the reform of citizenship law , the possibility of registered civil partnerships , the long-term exit from nuclear energy , the 100,000 roofs program ( solar electricity subsidy ) and the Renewable Energy Sources Act (EEG; economic and scientific promotion of wind and solar energy , biomass and geothermal energy ) passed.

At the suggestion of Renate Künast, the former Ministry of Agriculture was expanded to include consumer protection and renamed the Federal Ministry for Consumer Protection, Food and Agriculture . Künast initiated the so-called agricultural turnaround , which aimed, among other things, at a strong focus on consumer protection, the promotion of ecological agriculture and animal welfare in agriculture. One of the measures was the introduction of the German organic label in September 2001.

Criticism of green governance

Party resignations of prominent Greens
1981 Herbert Gruhl , Baldur Springmann
1985 Rudolf Bahro
1986 Udo Tischer
1987 Thomas Wüppesahl
1989 Otto Schily , Thea Bock
1990 Rainer Trampert , Thomas Ebermann , Christian Schmidt ,
Verena Krieger , Harald Wolf , Heidi Bischoff-Pflanz ,
Regula Schmidt-Bott , Dirk Schneider , Klaus Croissant ,
Ulrich Briefs , Ulla Jelpke
1991 Jutta Ditfurth , Jürgen Reents , Eberhard Walde
1992 Walter sour milk
1993 Günter Nooke
1994 Christian Schenk , Jutta Oesterle-Schwerin , Gerhard Ruden
1996 Vera Lengsfeld
1997 Norbert Mann
1998 Heidi Lippmann
1999 Dieter Burgmann , Eckhard Stratmann-Mertens , Halo Saibold ,
Christian Schwarzenholz , Heike Sudmann , Susanne Uhl ,
Lutz Jobs , Julia Koppke , Norbert Hackbusch ,
Andreas Bachmann , Ida Schillen
2000 Ozan Ceyhun , Wolfgang Kreissl-Dörfler
2001 Willi Hoss , Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever , Herbert Rusche , Ilka Schröder
2002 Wilfried Telkämper , Jamal Karsli
2005 Wolfgang Nešković , Monika Knoche
2007 Oswald Metzger , Barbara Spaniol , Rüdiger Sagel
2008 Margareta Wolf
2009 Angelika Beer , Bilkay Öney , Barbara Rütting
2015 Antje Hermenau

The Kosovo war led to internal disunity in the hitherto strictly pacifist party. At a party congress in Bielefeld in May 1999, the request to end the fighting immediately was rejected, but the previous debate was bitter and sometimes hateful. Joschka Fischer was insulted with chants as a "warmonger" and thrown a paint bag at his ear, which hit his ear in such a way that his eardrum ruptured. With the Bielefeld party conference resolution on the Kosovo war, the threatened premature end of the red-green coalition was prevented, but a deep rift went through the party. Many members resigned, in Hamburg some members of parliament left the GAL and formed their own rainbow parliamentary group . The inner-party opposition formed a movement called “Basisgrün”, which even called for people not to vote for the Greens in the 1999 European elections. In this context, Willi Hoss , Monika Knoche , Herbert Rusche and Christian Schwarzenholz left the party. The number of members fell between 1998 and 2002 from almost 52,000 to under 44,000, but then slowly increased again and in 2005 was a good 45,000. In their opinion, some members, such as the former Green MP Christian Simmert , criticized undemocratic methods of persuading people to get those who deviate from the government's course back on track.

In this situation, 40 young party members under the age of 30 - including Cem Özdemir , Katrin Göring-Eckardt , Tarek Al-Wazir , Matthias Berninger and Ekin Deligöz - published a strategy paper in 1999 in which they were annoyed by the “mistakes of life” of the 68 generation . Instead, they advocated a fundamental repositioning of the party on the basis of responsible liberalism, for pragmatic politics and for reconciliation with the social market economy .

With regard to the first term of office, political science criticized the party structures 'lack of ability to govern, in particular the Greens' lack of strategic and conceptual skills. All in all, Alliance 90 / Greens were accused of being “frozen in the government”, of having become solid but boring, of having survived as a party and having lost its profile. The party researcher Joachim Raschke , who has dealt intensively with the Greens in several extensive books, issued a devastating verdict on government work after two years. The party lacks a government concept, it vacillates between radicalism and subdued realism, the outdated party program and the party structures are unsuitable for government, they lack a strategic center. As early as 2004, however, Raschke found that the party had used its crisis productively and corrected or alleviated many of the structural problems after Fritz Kuhn and Renate Künast had become party leaders and the party had reformed its structures. The Greens, according to another criticism during the red-green years, found themselves in "a kind of Babylonian captivity " due to a dependency on Joschka Fischer . For years Fischer was the most popular German politician and had significantly influenced the direction of the Green Party. Another shortcoming that has often been cited is that the Greens have a programmatic deficit in economic and social policy.

Series of defeats in state elections 1998–2002

Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen lost in all 14 state elections as well as the European elections that took place in the first four years of government, after having suffered losses in all four state elections and also in the federal election itself in the 1998 election year (see list of election results and government participation of Alliance 90 / The Greens ). The loss of votes was particularly strong in the green strongholds of Hamburg, Bremen, Berlin, Baden-Württemberg and Hesse.

New basic program and structural changes within the party

All in all, the Greens experienced a practical shock after 1998 that made it clear to them how far their program and internal party structures were from the reality of government. The party reacted to the harsh public criticism before the federal election in 2002 with considerable course corrections. The first steps in this direction were taken at the Federal Delegates' Conference in Münster in June 2000. The party council became the strategic center after the separation of office and mandate was abolished so that the most important actors of the federal government, the parliamentary group, the federal executive board and the states now had a joint body. With Renate Künast and Fritz Kuhn , new party spokesmen were elected. After Künast joined the federal cabinet, Claudia Roth took over her position.

In March 2002, after a three-year debate, the new basic program “The future is green” was adopted, which replaced the federal program from 1980. The basic program of 2002 is more homogeneous, argumentatively more sophisticated and significantly less critical of the system than the anti - capitalist one from 1980. In addition, the basic program, which was passed with 90 percent approval, had a high degree of integration within the party. With this program, the Greens adapted their program to the reality of government by, among other things, saying goodbye to the strict pacifism of earlier years and no longer categorically ruling out violence against genocide and terrorism legitimized under international law . Also socialist demands in economic policy can no longer be found.

The most important change in the party structures was that the strict separation of party offices and mandate was partially abolished, so that the federal executive could be more closely dovetailed with the parliamentary group. The election campaign strategy was also changed, which was based on a fully professional campaign team for the first time in 2002 and, also for the first time, was personalized to a top candidate Joschka Fischer.

Second term of the red-green coalition (2002-2005)

Federal Parliament election 2002

In the federal election in September 2002, the Greens received 8.6 percent of the vote and were able to reverse the negative trend with a gain of 1.9 percentage points. This was enough again to form a government with the weakened SPD, from which many second votes had migrated to the Greens. Christian Ströbele , one of the remaining left-wing Greens in the Bundestag parliamentary group, won the first direct mandate for Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen at federal level in Berlin-Kreuzberg.

However, the strengthened position of the Greens within the coalition was repealed by the fact that the red-green federal government had to rule against the absolute majority of Union-led countries in the Bundesrat since May 2002 . From this time on, many laws were negotiated in the mediation committee between the SPD and CDU / CSU, while the influence of the Greens was minimized.

In place of Ludger Volmer, Kerstin Müller became State Secretary in the Foreign Ministry, Rezzo Schlauch inherited Margareta Wolf, who moved to the Ministry of the Environment, and Marieluise Beck became State Secretary in the Federal Ministry for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth. Krista Sager and Katrin Göring-Eckardt took over the chairmanship of the parliamentary group .

Economic and social policy

Against the background of a budget gap of around 10 billion euros and a subsequent committee of inquiry, the so-called Committee of Lies , Gerhard Schröder announced Agenda 2010 in a government statement on March 14, 2003 . In the declaration, which began with the words "We will cut benefits from the state", the Chancellor announced the restructuring of the welfare state and its renewal. Agenda 2010 was supported by the Greens. A corresponding key proposal was adopted at a special party congress in June 2003 after a controversial discussion with a large majority, but under pressure to otherwise collapse the coalition.

It turned out that the highly unpopular reforms conceived in the Chancellery primarily burdened the SPD and much less Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen. The Greens remained little visible in economic and social policy, although the basic program of 2002 had definitely set accents in this area. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen introduced citizens' insurance into the discussion, but this was now perceived as a concept of the SPD. In fact, the Greens did not play a major role in the implementation of the Hartz laws , as these were negotiated and passed in the committees by a de facto grand coalition of the SPD and CDU and no department headed by a Green Minister was involved.

Further conflict topics 2002–2005

Conflicts between the SPD and the Greens were caused orally by Gerhard Schröder to extend the service life of the Obrigheim nuclear power plant and the planned sale of the Hanau fuel element factory to China, which was also supported by the Federal Chancellor . The Obrigheim conflict ended with a compromise that largely suited the Greens; the sale to China did not materialize.

After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 , the Madrid train attacks in March 2004 and the terrorist attacks in London in July 2005 , the domestic and legal policy focus shifted to the issues of terrorism and internal security . Various encroachments on civil rights such as the law to implement the judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court on acoustic monitoring of living spaces or the law to expand genome analysis were very controversial. In contrast, the expansion of civil rights was only carried out selectively in the second period of government, for example through the Freedom of Information Act and an amendment to the Civil Partnership Act . For the Greens, who are strongly influenced by civil rights traditions, the change of course from expanding civil rights to more restricting them was an unreasonable expectation. In view of the Union majority in the Federal Council, however, they had little influence on agreements between the SPD and CDU / CSU, for example in the revisions of the Immigration Act , which instead of the originally intended opening for immigrants was now aimed more at limiting immigration. There was also repeated friction between the Greens and their former figurehead and now SPD Interior Minister Otto Schily , which had both substantive and personal causes.

There was also a slowdown in environmental policy during the second red-green term in office. Neither the reform of the European chemicals legislation , nor the implementation of emissions trading or a further increase in the ecological tax, resulted in satisfactory results for the Greens.

The visa affair about cases of abuse in the issuing of visas in various German embassies and consulates due to the Volmer Decree developed into a major problem for the Greens . A few months before the federal elections, the opposition successfully used the investigative committee that had been set up , which was the first time a meeting was broadcast live on television with the interviews with Joschka Fischer and Ludger Volmer, to damage the foreign minister's high reputation.

Public image of the Greens in the second government period

While the first legislative period of the red-green government was shaken by the German war missions, which for the Greens in particular resulted in the worst conflicts in their history, the second legislative period for Alliance 90 / The Greens was relatively calm. Now the restructuring of the welfare state was the most controversial field of action of the federal government and this was much more closely linked to the social democrats. Alliance 90 / The Greens had secured the continuation of the coalition with their gains in the election, Joschka Fischer became the most popular politician in the Federal Republic for years, the Greens were now considered a solid ruling party and swam on a wave of success in all state elections of this government period. In opinion polls, the Greens were constantly around 10 percent and only fell behind when the SPD caught up a lot in a final spurt before the 2005 Bundestag elections.

The fact that the party had no profile in the heavily controversial economic and social policy on the one hand contributed to calming down in and around the party, but on the other hand also ensured that it was viewed as increasingly insignificant. The party was now seen by some as frozen in government and its debates as boring.

State and European elections 2002–2005

Alliance 90 / The Greens lost votes in all elections during the 1998 to 2002 legislative period, but after the Bundestag elections they won in all ten subsequent elections up to 2005. In the 2004 European elections , the party celebrated the greatest electoral success in its history, with 11.9 percent and a gain of 5.5 percent. It became the strongest party in the Berlin districts of Mitte , Pankow and Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg . In some districts of large cities such as St. Pauli in Hamburg or Berlin-Kreuzberg , they achieved an absolute majority with 57.8 percent and 52 percent, respectively . In Hamburg they were well above the 20 percent mark nationwide.

In the state elections on September 19, 2004 in Saxony , the Greens achieved 5.1 percent and thus moved back into a state parliament in the area of ​​the former GDR for the first time since 1998. In the simultaneous elections in Brandenburg , the party failed to return to the state parliament despite the increase in votes. In 1998, the Greens also failed in Saxony-Anhalt at the five percent hurdle after they had already fallen out of the other East German state parliaments.

It was not until the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein in February 2005 that the Greens stagnated and left the government after Heide Simonis was not confirmed as Prime Minister . In the state elections on May 22, 2005 in North Rhine-Westphalia , the Greens lost 0.9 percentage points. Since the SPD had to accept a loss of votes, this leads to the end of the last red-green state government for the time being.

New elections and opposition party in the Bundestag (since 2005)

Party logo since 2008

First electoral term in the opposition (2005–2009)

Gerhard Schröder took the lost state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia as an opportunity to seek new elections one year early and to put the vote of confidence in the Bundestag. According to press reports, the decision to seek new elections was made through an agreement between Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and SPD party and parliamentary group leader Franz Müntefering , in which the Greens were not directly involved beforehand. Joschka Fischer reported in his memoir that Schröder had only indicated to him once in April that he would consider new elections in the event of a defeat in North Rhine-Westphalia, and then informed him by telephone immediately before they were announced by Müntefering.

In the election campaign for the 2005 federal election , Bündnis 90 and SPD kept their distance from one another. A continuation of the red-green coalition appeared unlikely on the basis of the polls. In addition, there were increasing content-related, strategic and personal conflicts on both sides. In the federal election, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen lost slightly to the last federal election, also because of the lack of power option. Even if the SPD had to cope with fewer votes lost than expected and the CDU / CSU fell well short of their expectations, the red-green federal government was unable to continue to govern as expected. After leaving the federal government, the Greens were not represented in either the federal or state government until the general election in Bremen in May 2007, which resulted in the formation of a red-green coalition (the first new edition of red-green at state level) .

The result of the Bundestag election gave the debate on coalitions between Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen and the Union parties at state or federal level a new impetus. There were and are around a dozen black-green coalitions at local level, including in Cologne and Kiel, but both of them failed.

In 2008, the party entered into the first black-green alliance at state level in Hamburg, but this failed in 2010 after Ole von Beust (CDU) resigned .

In the run-up to the 2009 Bundestag election, Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved several electoral successes, which meant that she was able to return to the state parliament in Thuringia and Brandenburg. In the same year, the Greens in Saarland formed the first nationwide Jamaican coalition.

Second electoral term in the opposition (2009-2013)

Although the party won 10.7 percent of the vote in the 2009 Bundestag election, it remained in the opposition due to the poor performance of the SPD and the majority for the CDU / CSU and FDP.

In 2011 she returned to the state parliaments of Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate. When she was able to move into the state parliament of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania for the first time in the same year, the Greens were represented for the first time in all 16 state parliaments at the same time.

Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen achieved their greatest success in the state elections in Baden-Württemberg on March 27, 2011. The Greens landed in second place. Together with the SPD, they managed to replace the CDU-FDP coalition under Stefan Mappus . With Winfried Kretschmann , a Green politician became Prime Minister of a German federal state for the first time .

Since 2013

Before the 2013 federal election , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen was the first party to determine its top candidates through a primary election . In the election of the quoted top duo in October 2012, Jürgen Trittin and Katrin Göring-Eckardt prevailed against Renate Künast , Claudia Roth and eleven basic representatives. The turnout was 61.7 percent. While observers assumed a possible opening to the Union after the primary election, with the adoption of the election manifesto in April 2013 a clear shift to the left of the party and a position clearly to the left of the SPD was noted. In June 2013, a further member's decision voted on which ten topics should be placed at the center of the election campaign in the Bundestag election (for the result, see election program ).

The election campaign was strongly negatively influenced by a debate that began in May 2013 on the role of pedophile groups in the party and a controversy about the Veggie Day mentioned in the Greens election manifesto . The party executive responded to the public discussion by commissioning the political scientist Franz Walter to conduct a study on the pedophile movement in June 2013. This study was published in November 2014. In 2015, the party's federal executive board decided to make “a payment in recognition of the grave suffering inflicted on them” as compensation to three victims of abuse.

In the election to the German Bundestag on September 22, 2013, the party lost 2.3 percentage points compared to the 2009 Bundestag election and gained 8.4 percent of the vote. Thus the goal of forming a government with the SPD was missed. Then there was a change in personnel at the party leadership. Simone Peter became the new party leader alongside Cem Özdemir, the parliamentary group was chaired by Katrin Göring-Eckardt and Anton Hofreiter , and Michael Kellner became the new political director . The party also realigned itself strategically and no longer defined itself as a natural coalition partner of the SPD in a left-wing camp, but rather as a "hinge party" that is fundamentally open to both red-green-red and black-green coalitions . The yardstick for coalition decisions should be the enforcement of one's own environmental and energy policy content.

At the same time as the federal election, the state election in Hesse took place, after which the second coalition between the CDU and the Greens was formed ( Bouffier II cabinet ). In the European elections on May 25, 2014 , Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen received 10.7 percent of the vote and thus eleven seats in the European Parliament . With this result, the party had to accept slight losses of 1.4 percentage points compared to the 2009 election.

The state elections on March 13, 2016 in Baden-Württemberg, Rhineland-Palatinate and Saxony-Anhalt showed a differentiated picture: In Baden-Württemberg, the party became the strongest force in a state election for the first time and reached the level of a people 's party while in Rhineland -Pfalz and Saxony-Anhalt suffered losses. Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen is still represented in the government in Rhineland-Palatinate and has recently entered the state government in Saxony-Anhalt.

See also

literature

  • Christoph Egle, Reimut Zohlnhöfer (Ed.): End of the red-green project. A balance sheet by the Schröder government 2002–2005. VS, Wiesbaden 2007, therein:
    • Reimut Zohlnhöfer, Christoph Egle: The episode second part - an overview of the 15th legislative period , pp. 11–28.
    • Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government? The development of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen from 2002 to 2005 , pp. 98–123.
  • Matthias Geyer, Dirk Kurbjuweit , Cordt Schnibben : Operation Red-Green - History of a Political Adventure. 3. Edition. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Munich 2005, ISBN 3-421-05782-6 .
  • Christoph Egle: The red-green project. A balance sheet by the Schröder government 1998–2002. Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2003, ISBN 3-531-13791-3 .
  • Hans Jörg Hennecke : The third republic. Departure and disillusionment. Propylaea, Berlin 2003, ISBN 3-549-07194-9 .
  • Jürgen Hoffmann : The double union. Prehistory, course and effects of the merger of the Greens and Alliance 90. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-2132-6 .
  • Simon Japs: Establishing through adaptation. Programmatic and substantive change of the Greens. VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, Saarbrücken 2008, ISBN 3-8364-9635-6 .
  • Markus Klein, Jürgen W. Falter : The long way of the Greens. Beck, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-406-49417-X .
  • Hubert Kleinert : Rise and Fall of the Greens - Analysis of an Alternative Party. Dietz, Bonn 1992, ISBN 3-8012-0180-5 (at the same time: University of Hamburg, dissertation, 1992 under the title: Crises and conditions for success in the politics of the Green Party with special consideration of the 1990 Bundestag election ).
  • Silke Mende: "Not right, not left, but in front". A history of the founding Greens (= systems of order. Studies on the history of ideas in the modern age. Volume 33). Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-486-59811-7 .
  • Makoto Nishida: Currents in the Greens (1980–2003). An analysis of informally organized groups within the Greens. Lit, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8258-9174-7 .
  • Lothar Probst : Alliance 90 / The Greens (Greens). In: Frank Decker , Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties. VS, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-531-15189-2 , pp. 173-188.
  • Joachim Raschke , Gudrun Heinrich: The Greens. How they became what they are. Bund, Cologne 1993, ISBN 3-7663-2474-8 .
  • Joachim Raschke: The future of the Greens. You can't rule like that. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-593-36705-X .
  • Frank Schnieder: From social movement to institution? The emergence of the party Die Grünen from 1978 to 1980. Arguments, developments and strategies using the example of Bonn / Hanover / Osnabrück (= political parties in Europe. Volume 2). Lit, Münster 1998, ISBN 3-8258-3695-9 .
  • Werner Schulz , Heinrich Böll Foundation (ed.): The alliance case. Political Perspectives 10 years after the founding of the Alliance 90th Edition Temmen, Bremen 2001, ISBN 3-86108-796-0 .

Party programs

novel

  • Grethe Thomas: The Greens are coming. Political novel. Ottersberg 1982, ISBN 3-922843-08-5 .

Web links

Commons : Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen  - Album with pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ A b Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 60.
  2. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 46 ff.
  3. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 56.
  4. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 52.
  5. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 53.
  6. ^ A b Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, pp. 54 f., 60.
  7. 30 years of Green Baden-Württemberg.
  8. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens. Munich 2003, p. 39.
  9. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 41.
  10. ^ Robert Camp: To the files of the North Rhine-Westphalian Greens. In: Heinrich Böll Foundation (ed.): Grünes Gedächtnis 2011. Berlin 2011, pp. 75–79, here p. 75 boell.de (PDF).
  11. ^ Lothar Probst : Alliance 90 / The Greens. In: Frank Decker , Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties. Wiesbaden 2007, p. 184.
  12. The Greens. The federal program. (1980; PDF; 496 kB), p. 4.
  13. ^ A b Ruth A. Bevan: Petra Kelly: The other green. In: Heinrich Böll Foundation (Hrsg.): Grünes Gedächtnis 2008. Berlin 2007, p. 20 u. ö. (PDF 1.14 MB) .
  14. See on this campaign Frank Schnieder: From the social movement to the institution: The emergence of the party The Greens. Münster 1998, p. 116 f. ( limited preview in Google Book search).
  15. The procedure, resignation and replacing another leading AUD member, had been initiated in the Federal Main Committee meeting. See: Grete Thomas: The Greens are coming. Political novel, Ottersberg 1982, p. 191 ff.
  16. Makoto Nishida: Currents in the Greens (1980-2003): An analysis of informally organized groups within the Greens. Münster 2005, pp. 44 ff. And 377; Joachim Raschke : The Greens. What they became, what they are. Cologne 1993.
  17. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 57.
  18. Numbers according to Klein / Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 22.
  19. ^ Ilko-Sascha Kowalczuk: Endgame: The 1989 revolution in the GDR. 2nd revised edition. CH Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-58357-5 , ( limited preview in Google book search); Heinrich Böll Foundation: The Petra Kelly Archive
  20. boell.de: The Greens. The federal program. , Bonn (1980), p. 4. (PDF, 485 kB)
  21. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 63.
  22. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 92.
  23. ^ A b Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 69.
  24. Klein / Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 95.
  25. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 72.
  26. Bettina-Johanna Krings: Strategies of Individualization: New Concepts and Findings on the Sociological Individualization Thesis. Transcript, Bielefeld 2016, p. 162 .
  27. ^ Sebastian Bukow: The professionalized member party: Political parties between institutional expectations and organizational reality. Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2013 (also dissertation, Humboldt University Berlin, 2010), p. 109 ; Mandate holder contributions: Green MPs transfer 200,000 euros to the party. In: Rundblick. Political journal for Lower Saxony. Issue 235, December 22, 2016.
  28. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 94.
  29. Women's Statute. ( Memento of the original from September 9, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. In: Gruene.de , (PDF; 55 kB). @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.gruene.de
  30. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 68.
  31. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 56.
  32. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, pp. 85-86.
  33. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 53.
  34. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 60.
  35. Jürgen Hoffmann: The double union. Opladen 1998, p. 82.
  36. All crazy . In: Der Spiegel . No. 43 , 1988 ( online - 24 October 1988 ).
  37. gruene.de: party chronicle
  38. BVerfGE 82, 322 , judgment of September 29, 1990 - “All-German election”.
  39. Klein / Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 47.
  40. Lothar Probst: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen (Greens), p. 175.
  41. ^ A b Gudrun Heinrich: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, in: Parties and party system in Germany. edited by Wichard Woyke, Schwalbach / Ts. 2003, p. 26.
  42. On the many problems and disappointments in the merger process, cf. the anthology: Werner Schulz, Heinrich Böll Foundation (ed.): The alliance case. Political perspectives 10 years after the founding of Bündnis 90.Bremen 2001.
  43. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 49.
  44. Wahlrecht.de
  45. ^ Knut Bergmann: The Bundestag election campaign 1998. Prehistory, strategies, result. Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2002, p. 185 f. ( books.google.de ).
  46. On the palm . In: Der Spiegel . No. 31 , 1989 ( online - 31 July 1989 ).
  47. a b Klein / Falter: The long way of the green . Munich 2003, p. 50.
  48. Klein / Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 51.
  49. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 111; Reimut Zohlhöfer, Christoph Egle: The episode second part, p. 11.
  50. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 63.
  51. ^ Lothar Probst: Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen (Greens), p. 186.
  52. Alliance 90 / THE GREENS DESERVE a second chance! 1999, accessed July 18, 2012 .
  53. Especially Joachim Raschke: The future of the Greens. You can't rule like that . Frankfurt am Main 2001.
  54. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government? The development of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen from 2002 to 2005. In: Christoph Egle, Reimut Zohlnhöfer (Hrsg.): End of the red-green project. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 98.
  55. Joachim Raschke: The future of the Greens. One cannot rule like this , Campus Verlag, Frankfurt / New York 2001.
  56. Joachim Raschke: Red-green interim balance . In: From Politics and Contemporary History (40/2004)
  57. Klein, Falter: The long way of the Greens , Munich 2003, p. 221.
  58. Lothar Probst: Alliance 90 / The Greens on the way to becoming a People's Party? An analysis of the development of the Greens since the Bundestag election 2005. In: Oskar Niedermayer (Ed.): The parties after the Bundestag election 2009. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 136.
  59. So Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government? The development of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen from 2002 to 2005. In: Christoph Egle, Reimut Zohlnhöfer (Hrsg.): End of the red-green project. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 119.
  60. a b c Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 99.
  61. U. a. Joachim Raschke: The future of the Greens. You can't rule like that . Campus, Frankfurt am Main 2001.
  62. The future is green, ( Memento from January 28, 2013 on WebCite ) (PDF; 617 kB) published by Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, Berlin 2002. (Basic program 2002)
  63. The Greens. The federal program. (PDF; 496 kB) (basic program from 1980)
  64. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, pp. 72 f., 85.
  65. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 85 f .; Policy Program 2002, p. 15.
  66. Klein / Falter: The long way of the greens . Munich 2003, p. 82.
  67. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 100.
  68. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 113.
  69. Simon Hegelich, David Knollmann, Johanna Kuhlmann: Agenda 2010: Strategies - Decisions - Consequences. VS, Wiesbaden 2011, p. 25 ; Government declaration by Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder on March 14, 2003  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. .@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / archiv.bundesregierung.de  
  70. Reimut Zohlhöfer, Christoph Egle: The Episode second part, S. 14; Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 107.
  71. a b Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 101.
  72. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 106.
  73. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 108.
  74. Andreas Busch: From reform policy to restriction policy ?, in: End of the red-green project. A balance sheet of the Schröder government 2002-2005, edited by Christoph Egle and Reimut Zohlnhöfer, VS-Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 429.
  75. a b Kalus Jacob and Axel Volkery: Nothing new under the sun ?, in: End of the red-green project. A balance sheet of the Schröder government 2002-2005, edited by Christoph Egle and Reimut Zohlnhöfer, VS-Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 432.
  76. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 115.
  77. a b c Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 98.
  78. Reimut Zohlhöfer, Christoph Egle: The Episode Part Two, p 22; Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 116.
  79. Christoph Egle: Frozen in the government ?, p. 116.
  80. The primary election in numbers. (No longer available online.) Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen, November 10, 2012, archived from the original on December 28, 2012 ; Retrieved November 10, 2012 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.gruene.de
  81. ^ So Greens move to the left , Frankfurter Rundschau, April 28, 2013; Der Grüne Graben ( Memento from June 30, 2013 in the web archive archive.today ), heute.de, April 28, 2013; Green Party Congress cuddling up to the election victory , Süddeutsche Zeitung, April 27, 2013; Jasper von Altenbockum : Left than Left , Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 1, 2013; Thomas Schmid : The Greens are a pious state party , Die Welt, May 4, 2013
  82. gruene.de: Green members determine priorities ( Memento of the original from May 29, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , accessed September 19, 2012 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.gruene.de
  83. Research Results : The Greens and Pedosexuality ( Memento from February 10, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  84. TAZ: Greens Take Responsibility , September 22, 2015; ( online )
  85. ^ A b Oskar Niedermayer: The German party system after the federal election 2013 , in: The parties after the federal election 2013, ed. v. Oskar Niedermayer, Wiesbaden 2015, p. 22.
  86. ↑ The official final result of the state elections in 2016 is available: No changes in the number of seats and those elected, the percentage of postal votes increased to 21 percent. (PDF; 80.1 kB) State Returning Officer, Ministry of the Interior Baden-Württembuerg, April 1, 2016, accessed on April 30, 2016 .
  87. ↑ The final result of the state elections in 2016 is certain ( Memento from March 28, 2016 in the Internet Archive )
  88. State Statistical Office Saxony-Anhalt: Election of the 7th State Parliament of Saxony-Anhalt on March 13, 2016, Saxony-Anhalt as a whole
  89. ^ State elections on March 13, 2016, final result of the state elections. (PDF; 92.2 kB) State Returning Officer Saxony-Anhalt, March 24, 2016, accessed on April 30, 2016 .