Hans-Jochen Vogel

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Hans-Jochen Vogel (2015)

Hans-Jochen Vogel (born February 3, 1926 in Göttingen ; † July 26, 2020 in Munich ) was a German politician ( SPD ).

Vogel was Lord Mayor of Munich from 1960 to 1972 . From 1972 to 1981 and again from 1983 to 1994 he was a member of the German Bundestag . From 1972 to 1974 he was Federal Minister for Regional Planning, Building and Urban Development , then Federal Minister of Justice until 1981 . In West Berlin he was governing mayor from January to June 1981 and a member of the House of Representatives until 1983 .

After the chancellorship of Helmut Schmidt , he was chancellor candidate of the SPD in the federal election in 1983 , but failed against the newly formed coalition of CDU / CSU and FDP . From 1983 to 1991 he was Herbert Wehner's successor as chairman of the SPD parliamentary group and from 1987 to 1991 as successor to Willy Brandt's party chairman of the SPD.

Origin and career

Hans-Jochen Vogel was the son of Hermann Vogel and his wife Caroline, b. Brinz. His grandfather was the veterinarian Leonhard Vogel (1863–1942). Hermann Vogel was initially a qualified farmer, completed his habilitation at the University of Göttingen and in the winter semester of 1934/35 became professor for animal breeding and dairy farming at the University of Giessen . Son Hans-Jochen first attended the Max-Planck-Gymnasium in Göttingen and from 1935 to 1943 the Landgraf-Ludwig-Gymnasium in Gießen . When he was at high school in Giessen, he was a squad leader of the Hitler Youth . At the Landgraf-Ludwig-Gymnasium he passed the Abitur exams in March 1943 and obtained the general university entrance qualification .

In the summer semester of 1943 he began to study law at the Ludwig Maximilians University in Munich and then volunteered for the Wehrmacht in July 1943 in order to avoid the intense recruitment of the Waffen SS . After being wounded twice on the Italian front , Vogel experienced the end of the war in May 1945 as a non-commissioned officer .

In the winter semester of 1946/47 he continued his law studies at the University of Marburg , which he finished in 1948 with the first state examination and the grade “good”. In 1950 he received his Magna-cum-laude doctorate at the University of Marburg as Dr. jur. The thesis was entitled "The perpetrator's error about the legality of the exercise of office in Section 113 of the Criminal Code and the authority of the authority in Section 156 of the Criminal Code".

In 1951 he passed the second state examination in law with the grade “very good”.

In 1952 he joined the Bavarian State Ministry of Justice as an assessor . In 1954 he was appointed to the District Court Council in Traunstein . From 1955 to 1958 he worked as a judicial officer in the Bavarian State Chancellery . From 1958 to 1991 (reaching retirement age) Hans-Jochen Vogel was on leave as a Bavarian judicial officer.

Political career

With the large number of top political positions he held, Hans-Jochen Vogel held a special position as a German social democrat in the second half of the 20th century. In addition to government functions in two state metropolises and two federal ministries, Vogel temporarily led the SPD as candidate for chancellor, as chairman of the Bundestag parliamentary group and as party chairman. For the 12 years as Mayor of Munich (OB) alone, Vogel estimated the SPD election events he contested at 500 and the speeches held at around 1,000.

Beginnings and advancement in the SPD

Hans-Jochen Vogel joined the SPD in 1950. His political career in the SPD began in 1958 when he was elected to the city ​​council as head of the legal department of the state capital of Munich. From 1970 he was a member of the SPD federal executive committee, from 1972 to 1977 state chairman of the SPD Bavaria and from 1972 to 1991 a member of the SPD presidium. Vogel ran as his party's top candidate at various levels . In the 1974 state election in Bavaria , he unsuccessfully challenged Prime Minister Alfons Goppel ( CSU ).

Lord Mayor of Munich

Vogel (right) as mayor of Munich with the Swedish Prime Minister Tage Erlander , 1964

On March 27, 1960, Hans-Jochen Vogel with just 34 years as a successor to the Social Democrats Thomas Wimmer for OB Munich selected. Within a few weeks of his election, he reorganized the management of the town hall business and, among other things, placed the town planning office directly under its own responsibility. The urban development plan adopted in July 1963, which envisaged the urban development and traffic regulations in Munich for the next 30 years, was underpinned by Vogel within four years by almost tripling the number of staff involved to 120 employees. Important achievements of this exemplary innovation for Vogel were, among other things, a long-term development prognosis for Munich that is open to alternatives, the trigger function for regional development planning and the creation of an extensive pedestrian area in the center of Munich; The planning of efficient local public transport through the creation of an S-Bahn and U-Bahn network can also be traced back to the urban development plan .

From 1964 to 1972 Vogel was President of the Bavarian Association of Cities and in 1971 President of the German Association of Cities . Towards the end of Vogel's first term of office as Mayor of Munich, the decision to apply for the 1972 Summer Olympics was made after Willi Daume, President of the National Olympic Committee for Germany (NOK), submitted this proposal to Vogel, who initially accepted the proposal from Prime Minister Goppel received an appropriate share in the financing and finally obtained federal funding commitments from Federal Chancellor Ludwig Erhard in November 1966 together with Daume . When he was re-elected as Munich mayor in March 1966, Vogel received 78 percent of the vote. During the decisive meeting of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in Rome in 1966, Daume and Vogel successfully advertised Munich as the venue for the 1972 Summer Games against the competition from Detroit , Madrid and Toronto . From 1966 to 1972 Vogel was Vice President of the Olympic Construction Company and the same Period Vice-President of the Organizing Committee for the 1972 Summer Olympics.

Parallel to the planning and financing of the Olympic Games, Mayor Vogel from Munich also dealt with local protests and demonstrations against the Vietnam War , against the shooting of Benno Ohnesorg at the demonstration on June 2, 1967 in West Berlin , against German emergency laws and the assassination attempt in his second term in office Rudi Dutschke , the most prominent head of the student movement . At the transition to the 1970s, those system-critical forces also increased in the Munich SPD, which the reform prospects of the Godesberg program of the SPD of 1959 were not sufficient. In dealing with these tendencies within the party, the Munich Mayor Vogel was also exposed to hostility, which made him unable to run for another term from 1972 to 1978. Vogel accused the Jusos of trying to “re-ideologize the party in the Marxist-Leninist style” and to speak the language of “communist agitators”. Vogel himself considered the further exercise of office as Munich mayor to be incompatible with the position of the state chairman of the Bavarian SPD that he was offered. When the Olympic Games took place in August and September 1972, Vogel was no longer Lord Mayor, but Georg Kronawitter ; Hans-Jochen Vogel followed the games as a spectator and vice-president of the organizing committee.

Federal Minister in the Brandt and Schmidt cabinets

Hans-Jochen Vogel at an SPD rally shortly before the federal election in November 1972

In view of the SPD quarrels in Munich, Vogel at times considered leaving politics entirely, but was persuaded by Willy Brandt to take on new responsibilities in the SPD: On May 6, 1972, he was elected Bavarian state chairman of the SPD; soon afterwards he moved up to the SPD presidium instead of Karl Schiller . In the 1972 federal election, which was very successful for the SPD , Vogel was elected to the Bundestag for the first time via the Bavarian state list . Then Federal Chancellor Brandt appointed him to his second cabinet on December 15, 1972 as Federal Minister for Regional Planning, Building and Urban Development . The balance of the year and a half that Vogel headed this department turned out to be ambivalent for himself: The results of the housing construction subsidies at the time were certainly impressive; and the funds of the Urban Development Act, which are mainly used for the restoration and maintenance of inner city areas, have been used successfully. In contrast, a land law reform aimed at curbing land speculation has essentially and consistently failed.

After Willy Brandt's resignation and Helmut Schmidt's election as Federal Chancellor, Hans-Jochen Vogel took over the post of Federal Minister of Justice on May 16, 1974. Two “hot irons” determined the reform agenda in the area of ​​law at the time: the question of abortion and divorce . The deadline regulation envisaged by the social-liberal coalition for abortion failed because of a constitutional action brought by the CDU / CSU parliamentary group and several Union-led countries, which the Federal Constitutional Court followed with the consequence that an indication model should apply for the time being, which, in addition to the medical and ethical, should apply contained a social indication for otherwise punishable abortions. In the reform of the divorce law, the model of housewife marriage was replaced by that of partnership marriage and the breakdown principle, which made it possible to dispense with individual guilty determination. The associated entitlement to pension compensation for divorced women earned the Federal Minister Vogel responsible for reform, as he writes in retrospect, very different gender-specific reactions: Male SPD comrades usually found on the reformist-progressive wing also reacted angrily when they themselves were about to divorce were affected.

In the federal election in 1976 , as in 1980, Vogel won the direct mandate in the constituency of Munich North . A challenge for the Federal Minister of Justice in particular was the terror of the Red Army Faction (RAF), directed against the state order and its representatives , which in 1976 led to the introduction of a new offense of the formation of terrorist groups by law and primary prosecution responsibility for the Federal Prosecutor General was created. A particular stress test for Vogel was the kidnapping of Hanns Martin Schleyer , the employer's president , with which RAF prisoners were to be freed for six weeks after the murder of three police officers accompanying them and the chauffeur . In the crisis committee of high-ranking politicians, which frequently met under the chairmanship of Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, Vogel represented the position, which had been taken for a long time, that the state could not give in to the RAF demands, also in order not to give the terrorists incentives to keep on doing new such actions and thus further victims to provoke the future. Vogel sees himself as contributing to the death of Schleyer, which was then brought about by the terrorists, "even if I believed, and still believe today, that I do not have to blame myself". At that time, Vogel himself was also one of those primarily threatened by the RAF terrorism and was under surveillance by security forces around the clock for 17 years.

Berlin Governing Mayor

After Dietrich Stobbe's resignation from the office of Governing Mayor of Berlin on January 15, 1981, who had resigned after a failed government reshuffle in the course of the Garski affair , Vogel resigned under the impression of a request for help from his Berlin party friends, whom the leaders of the federal party like also joined members of the federal government, on January 22, 1981 from the federal government. The day after, he was elected mayor of Berlin .

Vogel accommodated a referendum to dissolve the Berlin House of Representatives by running early elections for the Berlin House of Representatives . Meanwhile, as head of government, he was faced with the problem of heightened tensions over housing vacancies and squatting . While Vogel's campaign strategy tried to convey the impression that the change in Berlin politics had already taken place under his leadership, his conservative political opponents pointed to the police being too lax and to an alleged acceptance of legal violations.

In the election on May 10, 1981, Vogel's SPD was defeated by the CDU, led by the opposing candidate Richard von Weizsäcker . The Weizsäcker Senate acted as a minority government on June 11, 1981 . Vogel remained a member of the Berlin House of Representatives and chairman of the Berlin SPD parliamentary group until 1983. He was the only German politician who was head of the city in two megacities.

Chancellor candidate

Through his offices in the SPD party leadership, in the party executive committee and in the basic values ​​commission of the SPD , Vogel was involved in all important developments in German politics even after moving to Berlin. Resistance within the SPD in the retrofitting debate on the one hand, and tensions in the social-liberal coalition motivated by social and economic policy on the other hand weakened the government under Chancellor Helmut Schmidt in the early 1980s. In view of the ongoing erosion in the governing coalition, Vogel and others pleaded in late summer 1982 to end the government alliance on the part of the Social Democrats, so that reputation would not be unnecessarily lost and the SPD would at least retain an effective opposition role.

After the turn of the FDP leadership and the election of Helmut Kohl as Federal Chancellor, the latter sought confirmation of his government in new elections. Since Helmut Schmidt was no longer available as a candidate for Chancellor and Johannes Rau did not want to burden the SPD state government he led in North Rhine-Westphalia with a possible defeat at the federal level, the candidate for Chancellor for the SPD now ran up to Vogel, who took office also trusted his own testimony. With a 4.7 percentage point loss, however, the SPD fell in the federal election on March 6, 1983 to 38.2 percent of the vote and thus back to the level of 1965, while the Union parties achieved their second-best result since 1949 with 48.8 percent.

Chairman of the SPD parliamentary group

Visit of Honecker in the FRG , lunch with the Federal President on September 7, 1987, v. l. To the right: Bangemann , Honecker, Weizsäcker, Mittag , Vogel, Bridegroom , Genscher .

With the federal election in 1983 , Vogel moved into the Bundestag again, this time as a Berlin member of parliament, which he remained until 1994. "For long maneuver criticism and complicated personnel and organizational discussions - otherwise also a favorite social democratic occupation after losing elections -", ​​writes Vogel, "there was little time after March 6th. Just two days later the new Bundestag parliamentary group elected me as the successor to Herbert Wehner as its chairman in its constituent session. ” Hans-Jochen Vogel was in charge of the SPD Bundestag parliamentary group for a total of eight years until 1991.

After the SPD had lost government power, it was Vogel's primary goal to hold the SPD parliamentary group together and to make it a “center of integration and the renewal of the entire party”. The foundation stone was laid with the largely unanimous decision of the SPD party congress in November 1983 against the stationing of American Pershing II missiles in the Federal Republic. Vogel set bipartisan accents by supporting the election and re-election of Richard von Weizsäcker as Federal President.

Vogel records the scandal of corruption, mismanagement and liquidation at the housing association Neue Heimat , which was close to the trade unions and the SPD, as a severe break in social democratic initiatives for more employee participation : “The effects were devastating. For a long time they discredited the idea of co-determination. ”After the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in April 1986, Vogel supported the SPD's departure from nuclear energy at the Nuremberg party congress at the end of August and the plan to ensure a complete phase-out of it within ten years. In the run-up to the 1987 federal election, however, the SPD election campaign leadership did not present a coherent picture, which contributed to the fact that the chancellor candidate Johannes Rau with the SPD still lagged behind Vogel's result of 1983.

Party leader

Hans-Jochen Vogel at an SPD party conference, 1988
Hans-Jochen Vogel at an election rally of the GDR SPD, 1990

Two days after the Bundestag election was lost, the SPD parliamentary group confirmed Hans-Jochen Vogel as chairman of the parliamentary group. A few weeks later, after Willy Brandt's resignation on March 23, 1987, the office of party chairman had to be filled. Oskar Lafontaine , whom Brandt welcomed in the sense of a generational change, canceled , as did Johannes Rau, who was also eligible. “For the third time in seven years, after the Berlin candidacy and the candidacy for chancellor, I was faced with the situation that I was facing a task that no one else wanted to take on. That's why I said yes. ”As important party-specific issues and fields of action in the first phase after this additional assumption of office, Vogel names the completion of the joint paper of the SPD and SED , which has been prepared in various meetings since 1985 , the introduction of a women's quota and the completion of the work on a new one SPD basic program . The quotation key adopted by the SPD party convention in Münster in 1988 stipulated that women had to be represented in party functions from 1994 onwards and at least 40 percent in mandates from 1998 onwards - a requirement that, according to Vogel, was not fully met, but has some effect in this regard has, for example, the increase in the proportion of women in the SPD parliamentary group to more than a third.

According to Vogel's own admission, with a view to Gorbachev's reform policy and developments in Poland, at the turn of the year 1988/89 , Vogel first considered that the overcoming of the division of Germany could come before the 21st century . The founding of a social democratic party in the GDR (SDP) on October 7, 1989, the 40th anniversary of the founding of the GDR, welcomed the West German SPD under Vogel the very next day. In contrast to the block parties , and especially to the SED's successor party, the PDS of the SDP had initially neither arrived assets stood still a member inventory available: "Social democracy in today's eastern Germany has Schwante start from scratch." Upon notification of the East German border opening at 9 November 1989 , Vogel made a brief statement for the SPD parliamentary group, among other things: “ Christa Wolf 's moving appeal yesterday evening found a constructive answer. We also respect the choice of those who come to us. You make use of a documented basic right. But we ask them to consider whether the hope for the future in the GDR has not grown stronger now. ”The SPD presidium opposed the immigration restrictions for GDR citizens who were soon proposed by Oskar Lafontaine, who could now stay at home without danger almost closed with bird at the top. With regard to the German unification process, Vogel aimed on November 27, 1989 at a confederation of the Federal Republic and the GDR as a preliminary stage to the creation of a united Germany in a united Europe.

New disagreement with Lafontaine, who had meanwhile been chosen as SPD chancellor candidate for the upcoming federal election, arose when he demanded the unanimous rejection of the treaty on monetary, economic and social union with the GDR by the SPD parliamentary group. In the first all-German federal election after the state reunification of Germany , the SPD, which had also merged with Lafontaine, received 33.5 percent of the vote, a decrease of 3.5 percentage points compared to the previous federal election. Lafontaine rejected Vogel's proposal to take over the chairmanship of the party and parliamentary group after critical voices within the party about his act as candidate for chancellor, so that the generation change that Vogel had now forced led to Björn Engholm , who was elected at the Bremen party congress at the end of May 1991. After Hans-Jochen Vogel had declared that he would not be confirmed as chairman of the SPD parliamentary group on October 28, 1991, Hans-Ulrich Klose was elected as his successor on November 12 . Vogel in retrospect: "My maxim was that you had to leave as long as you could still believe your fellow human beings' expressions of regret." During these days he also made the decision not to run for the Bundestag in 1994.

Sociopolitical action

Analysis and location determination

Urban development problems

During the six and a half decades of his membership in the SPD, Hans-Jochen Vogel published a series of position assessments and perspective assessments that go beyond the political daily business. Summing up his tenure as mayor of Munich and generalizing recent urban development trends, in 1972 he expressed the view that the change in urban life, accelerated by the increase in scientific knowledge, represented “a human problem of the first order”. Air pollution, the depletion of soil, flora and fauna threatened the ecological balance in an irreparable way. “The crisis is the crisis of the economic system that is growing beyond its limits, it is the crisis of the economic city. It consists in the fact that the growth rate is the decisive criterion for decision-making in our cities too. Everything that increases the growth rate of the national product, consumption, profit is good and happens, everything that even flattens the growth rate is bad and does not occur. "

Social model

In the inner-party SPD wing battles, Vogel took a stand in favor of the Seeheimer Kreis because of his experience in Munich around the mid-1970s . Among the important positions represented by this group, Vogel counts on the one hand "the identification with the state of the Basic Law regardless of its shortcomings and inadequacies, the characterization of democratic socialism as a permanent task and not as a reified end state, overcoming the equation of socialism and socialization, the rejection a centralized administrative economy in favor of a 'controlled' market economy, the affirmation of the plurality of justifications for the basic values ​​and basic demands and the resolute rejection of ideological monopolies and absolute truth claims "- as well as, on the other hand, ideas of reform that prioritize the quality of life over ideas of pure growth, the approaches for a" realistic environmental policy "Contained, a humanization of the world of work, the expansion of employee co-determination and participation in productive assets as well as increased citizen participation.

Dealing with protest movements and rule violations

In a lecture for the Bergedorf Round Table on youth protest, change in values ​​and political culture, Vogel took the view in 1981 that the younger social protest movements did not react to a higher risk potential for no reason, such as in atomic energy or the emerging genetic engineering preprogramming of human beings show. When dealing with protest movements, Vogel urged to maintain the proportionality of the means. It is true that the state's monopoly on the use of force is an achievement that must be protected (and the alternative to this is the waging of political conflicts with stones and weapons on the street); In view of the large majority of demonstrators, not only in the peace movement , intent on avoiding violence, massive police operations are more likely to be the drivers of a spiral of violence.

“As far as non-violent rule violations are concerned, legal means must also be used against them. But it is important to maintain credibility in both directions and to keep an eye on proportionality. I myself am an addressee of intensive instructions on how much legal awareness is affected by trespassing, for example, and what dire consequences this has. I take such teachings seriously. But I sometimes wonder why these types of rule violations attract such sustained and emotional attention, while at the same time tax evasion, economic crimes and tax problems common to all democratic parties generate far less emotional sensitivity. According to the Criminal Code, the non-violent rule violation 'tax evasion' is to be rated much higher than the non-violent rule violation 'trespassing'. One should actually expect that the level of public excitement, especially in the media, would also be based on the severity of the rule violation. "

Democracy stabilizers

In Volume 3 of the series of publications of the Association against Forgetting - For Democracy , edited with Rita Süssmuth , Hans-Jochen Vogel, as chairman of the association, drew a positive summary of the success of the German post-war democracy , which was half a century old at the time. Compared to the Weimar Republic , several elements had a stabilizing effect on the constitution, including: that the Federal Chancellor, unlike the Reich Chancellor in Weimar times, does not depend on the support of the head of state in government practice; the introduction of the constructive vote of no confidence ; the strong position of the Federal Constitutional Court as guardian of the Basic Law (GG). The federal structure has also shown itself to be conducive to democracy, allowing political control closer to the locality than the centralized unitary state and also providing identification offers and political participation incentives in the federal states and municipalities. Vogel attaches particular importance to the value-relatedness of the constitutional order, as expressed in the basic rights and their guarantee through Article 79 of the Basic Law and groundbreaking in Article 1 of the Basic Law, which emphatically renounces the Nazi past and states for the future: " Human dignity is inviolable."

A strengthening of the direct citizen participation also at the federal level was missed from Vogel's point of view in the course of the restoration of German unity. For the continuation of European unification, Vogel believes, a nationwide referendum would have prevented the widespread impression of outside determination when the euro was introduced . Despite all justified criticism of grievances, Vogel assigned the parties a central role in the political system: “It is also true that the parties are indispensable for a functioning democracy, and that around one and a half million fellow citizens do in them what critics believe en The rule cannot make up their minds, namely to get involved there for the common good and the realization of concrete political issues, most of them without any material advantage for them. "

New political challenges

Hans-Jochen Vogel viewed with concern the tendencies "which are driving us towards a society in which the market - extremely useful and superior to other economic policy instruments - is shedding its role as an instrument and establishing itself as the competent and final authority for all social decisions." This is to be countered at national, European and global level.

In a newspaper interview on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Hans-Jochen Vogel affirmed that freedom, justice, solidarity and commitment to the weaker are the core values ​​of social democracy for him as they have been for 150 years. Income discrepancies between company directors and skilled workers, which recently amounted to two hundred and three hundred times as much, Vogel saw with concern and believes that in any case the community should be more involved in such income increases through taxation. In fact, however, the wage tax share of total revenue has risen from 12.2 percent to 26.1 percent since 1960, and the share of corporate taxes has fallen from 19.9 percent to 9.9 percent.

In coping with the influx of refugees, Vogel perceived a tension between what is humanly required and what is actually affordable: "If we don't succeed in reducing the number of those who seek admission with us every day, it will be very difficult." According to Vogel, the increasing number of problems that could only be dealt with at the world level complicates current political business compared to the time when he himself held political responsibility. "Globalization and digitization are two developments that make political work more difficult."

On the occasion of the introduction of a rent cap in Berlin, against which there are serious constitutional concerns from Vogel, Hans-Jochen Vogel presented his ideas for a long-term return to socially acceptable rents in metropolises in an interview with Die Zeit . He advocates a “new and fair land order” that is not tied to the market mechanisms and that evades land speculation. According to Vogel, it would be sufficient for cities and municipalities to expand their share of land that is relevant for residential construction to 20 to 40 percent and thus decisively influence the level of rents. Once acquired, the municipality may “never give up” and only make land available for a limited period within the framework of the heritable building right . In addition to the collection and purchase of, in some cases, considerable open spaces in the cities by the public sector, Vogel spoke out in favor of Deutsche Bahn and Bundeswehr ceding their land to the municipalities and that privately owned houses should also be bought. Vogel also advocated skimming off 100 percent of the profits from increases in land prices that result from reallocations to building land from private landowners. As an example of a land policy according to his ideas, Hans-Jochen Vogel referred to Vienna , where this has been done for about 100 years.

Public engagements

1970 to 2020 Member of the Board of Trustees of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation
1993 to 2000 Co-founder and chairman of the association "Against Forgetting - For Democracy"
1994 to 2013 Non-professional member of the Bavarian Constitutional Court
1995 to 2004 Member of the advisory board of the party financing commission appointed by the Federal President
1995 to 2008 Member of the Board of Trustees of the Foundation for the Restoration of the Frauenkirche Dresden
1996 to 2006 Member of the Board of Trustees of the Documentation Center Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg
1996 to 2020 Member of the Advisory Board of the White Rose Foundation
1999 to 2004 Member of the board of trustees of the Association for the Promotion of the War of Extermination Exhibition. Crimes of the Wehrmacht 1941–1944
1999 to 2008 Member of the board of trustees of the Ludwig Maximilians University in Munich
2000 to 2020 Member of the honorary council of AMCHA Germany in support of the Israeli center of the same name for psychosocial help for Holocaust survivors
2000 to 2001 Member and Deputy Chairman of the Independent Immigration Commission
2001 to 2005 Member of the National Ethics Council
2002 to 2020 Member of the Board of Trustees of the Eugen Biser Foundation
2005 to 2020 Member and deputy chairman of the NS Documentation Center in Munich
2006 to 2012 Member of the Board of Trustees of the Thomas Wimmer Foundation


International orders
November 23, 1962 France: Commander's Cross of the Order of the Legion of Honor
1964 to 1980 Several papal medals
January 22, 1965 Great Britain: Commander's Cross of the Order of the British Empire
January 10, 1968 Italy: Grand Officer's Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
2nd August 1972 Belgium: Commander's Cross of the Leopold Order
17th August 1989 Portugal: Commander's Cross of the Order "Infante Dom Henrique"
November 12, 1993 Austria: Large gold medal on ribbon for services to the Republic of Austria
July 22, 2010 Italy: Great Order of Merit of the Province of South Tyrol
German medals
1972 Federal Cross of Merit
1975 Great Cross of Merit
1977 Large cross of merit with star and shoulder ribbon
January 8, 1986 Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Bavarian orders and honors
June 22, 1967 Bavarian Order of Merit
no year Golden municipal decoration of the Free State of Bavaria
no year Constitutional Medal of the Bavarian State Parliament
Honors and awards
June 30, 1972 Honorary citizen of the state capital Munich
May 8, 1973 Ludwig Thoma Medal
1980 Marie Juchacz plaque
October 15, 1988 Waldemar von Knoeringen Prize of the Georg von Vollmar Academy
June 24, 1992 Honor ring of the German craft
September 23, 1996 Mannheim Medal
November 3, 1996 Wenzel Jaksch Prize
1996 Wilhelm Hoegner Prize
December 2, 1998 Heinz Galinski Prize
December 10, 2000 Theo Hespers plaque
October 30, 2001 Leo Baeck Prize
2003 Albert Schulz Prize
October 18, 2005 Max Friedlaender Prize
06.2006 Sign of friend of the Catholic Academy in Bavaria
September 12, 2007 Regine Hildebrandt Prize
November 27, 2007 Leibniz-Ring-Hannover , together with his brother
March 13, 2008 Heinrich Albertz Peace Prize
March 5, 2009 Oswald von Nell Breuning Prize of the City of Trier, together with his brother
December 1, 2009 Wilhelm Leuschner Medal
October 23, 2010 Bridge Prize of the City of Regensburg , together with his brother
October 18, 2012 Simon Snopkowski Prize , together with his brother
May 11th, 2013 German citizen award , together with his brother
June 29, 2014 Ohel-Jakob-Medal in gold of the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde Munich and Upper Bavaria

Hans-Jochen Vogel was an honorary member of the SPD Basic Values ​​Commission .

Private life

Hans-Jochen Vogel's marriage to his first wife Ilse was divorced in 1972 after 22 years. The marriage had three children. Since 1972 Vogel was married to Liselotte for the second time .

At the beginning of 2006, the Vogel couple moved from their Munich apartment to a residential building belonging to the Augustinum Group in Munich. The couple discussed this early decision to move of their own accord in interviews; Liselotte Vogel wrote a book about it. In 2015, Hans-Jochen Vogel made his Parkinson's disease public.

His younger brother Bernhard (* 1932) is a CDU member and was Prime Minister of Rhineland-Palatinate and Thuringia for many years .

Hans-Jochen Vogel was a committed Catholic . Benedikt Zenetti , abbot of the Benedictine abbey of St. Boniface in Munich from 1872–1904, was a great-grand-uncle of Hans-Jochen and Bernhard Vogel.

On July 26, 2020, Hans-Jochen Vogel died after a long period of Parkinson's disease at the age of 94 in Munich. He found his final resting place in the Bogenhausen cemetery in Munich.


  • Cities in Transition (1971)
  • The chain of office. My twelve years in Munich; an experience report. Süddeutscher Verlag, Munich 1972, ISBN 3-7991-5685-2 .
  • Real reforms. Contributions to a social policy of the new center. Piper, Munich 1973, ISBN 3-492-00360-5 .
  • Handbook of Constitutional Law of the Federal Republic of Germany. (Co-editor and author of the article The Federal Order of the Basic Law ), 2nd edition (1994)
  • Forbearance. My years in Bonn and Berlin . Piper, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-492-03828-X .
  • Hans-Jochen Vogel; Klaus Schönhoven (Ed.): Early warnings about National Socialism. A historical reader. With a foreword by Rita Süssmuth . Dietz Verlag, Bonn 1998, ISBN 3-8012-0262-3 .
  • Democracy also lives from contradiction. Pendo, Zurich / Munich 2001, ISBN 3-85842-393-9 .
  • Politics and decency - why we cannot live without values. Herder, Freiburg 2005, ISBN 3-451-28608-4 .
  • with Bernhard Vogel: Germany from a bird's eye view. A little history of the Federal Republic . Herder Verlag, Freiburg 2007, ISBN 3-451-29280-7 .
  • Maintain measure and balance. Speeches by the Mayor of Munich 1960–1972 . Herbert Utz Verlag, Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-8316-0979-6
  • with Sandra Maischberger : How do we want to live? What will hold our country together in the future . Siedler, Munich 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-991-2 .
  • with Erhard Eppler and Wolfgang Thierse: What belongs together. The SPD and German unity 1989/90 . Herder, Freiburg / Basel / Vienna 2014, ISBN 978-3-451-33381-1 .
  • Of raw morals and hollow heads. Curious royal Bavarian legislation. Rosenheimer Verlagshaus, Rosenheim 2016, ISBN 978-3-475-54517-7 .
  • The spoken word is valid. Speeches, basic values, appreciations . Herder, Freiburg im Breisgau 2016, ISBN 978-3-451-34895-2 .
  • More justice! We need a new zoning plan - only then will housing become affordable again. Herder, Freiburg / Basel / Vienna 2019, ISBN 978-3-451-07216-1 .


  • Werner Breunig, Andreas Herbst (ed.): Biographical handbook of the Berlin parliamentarians 1963–1995 and city councilors 1990/1991 (= series of publications of the Berlin State Archives. Volume 19). Landesarchiv Berlin, Berlin 2016, ISBN 978-3-9803303-5-0 , p. 377 f.
  • Max Reinhardt: V. Hans-Jochen Vogel . In: Max Reinhardt: Rise and Crisis of the SPD. Wings and representatives of a pluralistic people's party , Nomos, Baden-Baden, pp. 203–232, ISBN 978-3-8329-6575-4 .
  • Friedrich H. Hettler, Achim Sing (ed.): The Munich mayors. 200 years of lived city history. Volk Verlag, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-937200-42-2 .
  • Christoph Amend: Here we are the youth . In: Die Zeit , No. 13/2006; Conversation about the beginning of a new phase of life.

Web links

Commons : Hans-Jochen Vogel  - Collection of images, videos and audio files


Individual evidence

  1. Former SPD leader Hans-Jochen Vogel is dead. In: sueddeutsche.de . July 26, 2020, accessed July 26, 2020 .
  2. Daniel Friedrich Sturm: Hans-Jochen Vogel († 94) - He set the usual standards out of force. In: welt.de. July 26, 2020, accessed July 26, 2020 .
  3. Bernhard Vogel, Hans-Jochen Vogel: Germany from a bird's eye view . Freiburg 2007, pp. 14/15.
  4. Stefan Aust , Frank Schirrmacher : It makes a difference whether someone was a soldier . Interview with Hans-Jochen Vogel. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . No. 94 , April 23, 2005, p. 42 ( faz.net [accessed August 2, 2020]).
  5. Sit down, six! - School stories from Germany (1/3). Lost childhood . Documentary by Dora Heinze on behalf of SWR. German premiere on December 8, 2005.
  6. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, p. 211
  7. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, p. 265
  8. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, p. 24
  9. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, p. 34 ff.
  10. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, p. 41 f.
  11. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, pp. 95-99
  12. H.-J. Vogel, Amtskette 1972, pp. 213 and 299; ders., Forbearance 1996, p. 14 f.
  13. Power, so to speak . In: Der Spiegel . No. 7 , 1971, p. 21st ff . ( online ).
  14. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 217 f.
  15. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 16 f.
  16. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearances 1996, 32-36.
  17. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearances 1996, 49.
  18. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearance 1996, 51 f.
  19. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, pp. 61-80; Quote, p. 78.
  20. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearance 1996, p. 136.
  21. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearance 1996, p. 170.
  22. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 177 f.
  23. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 192
  24. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearance 1996, p. 212
  25. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 224
  26. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, pp. 230-233.
  27. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 283.
  28. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, p. 303.
  29. H.-J. Vogel, Nachsichten 1996, pp. 308/309.
  30. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearance 1996, p. 390.
  31. H.-J. Vogel, Chain of Office 1972, 305.
  32. H.-J. Vogel, Forbearance 1996, 56 f.
  33. Presentation by Hans-Jochen Vogel. In: 70th Bergedorf Round Table on November 28, 1981 in Bergedorf Castle: What remains of the basic civic consensus? Youth protest, change in values, crisis in political culture . Published by the Bergedorf Round Table, Hamburg 1981, p. 10 f.
  34. Presentation by Hans-Jochen Vogel. In: 70th Bergedorf Round Table on November 28, 1981 in Bergedorf Castle: What remains of the basic civic consensus? Youth protest, change in values, crisis in political culture . Published by the Bergedorf Round Table, Hamburg 1981, p. 15.
  35. Hans-Jochen Vogel, Rita Süssmuth (ed.): Commemoration and preservation in our democracy . Series of publications by the association “Against Forgetting - For Democracy”, Volume 3, p. 13 f.
  36. Hans-Jochen Vogel, Rita Süssmuth (ed.): Commemoration and preservation in our democracy . Series of publications by the association “Against Forgetting - For Democracy”, Volume 3, p. 15.
  37. Hans-Jochen Vogel, Rita Süssmuth (ed.): Commemoration and preservation in our democracy . Series of publications by the association “Against Forgetting - For Democracy”, Volume 3, p. 19.
  38. Hans-Jochen Vogel, Rita Süssmuth (ed.): Commemoration and preservation in our democracy . Series of publications by the association “Against Forgetting - For Democracy”, Volume 3, p. 20 f.
  39. ^ A b Marc Brost , Jochen Lange: Hans-Jochen Vogel - "I was never too late" . Interview. In: The time . No. 05/2016 , January 28, 2016 ( zeit.de (registration required) [accessed on August 6, 2020]).
  40. ^ Heinrich Wefing : Hans-Jochen Vogel - "Housing is a human right" . Interview. In: The time . No. 37/2019 , September 5, 2019, p. 5 ( zeit.de (registration required) [accessed on August 10, 2020]).
  41. "My wife contributes the vowels and I the consonants" . Berlin newspaper. December 24, 2009. Retrieved June 12, 2017.
  42. I continue to live independently !: For a courageous approach to one's own age . caritas. September 20, 2013. Archived from the original on October 28, 2017. Retrieved June 12, 2017.
  43. “SPD veteran Hans-Jochen Vogel died at the age of 94 years. A late valued "senior teacher" and admonisher , Domradio from July 26th, 2020
  44. ^ “Abbot Benedikt Zenetti - Third Abbot of St. Bonifaz” , on sankt-bonifaz.de , accessed on July 27, 2020
  45. Klaus Nerger: The grave of Hans-Jochen Vogel. In: knerger.de. Retrieved August 13, 2020 .
  46. A rescue of honor of the democrats of the Weimar Republic German days . Berlin newspaper. August 14, 1999. Retrieved June 12, 2017.
  47. South German
  48. deutschlandfunk culture