Child sexual abuse

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In summary, child sexual abuse refers to a wide range of sexual acts in which children are used in various ways for sexual gratification. Children under the age of 14 are considered children. The age of consent - culturally very different and regulated differently around the world - can be above this age limit under defined conditions and is then referred to in this country as sexual abuse of adolescents , wards or persons incapable of resistance .

The sexual acts can take place with, on, in front of or with the involvement of children and include physical contact (so-called hands-on acts ) or exclude it, as is the case with so-called hands-off acts . This includes, for example, possession and consumption of child pornography or inciting a child to consume pornography together. The perpetrators are adults, but also older and significantly more developed children and adolescents, not always, but predominantly male and often from the child's immediate social area. As a rule, there is a power imbalance between the child and the perpetrator, often a relationship of dependency and not infrequently a relationship of trust.

The spectrum of acts ranges from “voyeuristic appraisal of the child's body” and fleeting touches to manipulation of the child or by the child to its own genitals to oral, vaginal or anal penetration (“extremely rare”). Photographing or filming acts of abuse is also subsumed under the term sexual abuse.

The sexual abuse of children is punishable, in Germany according to § 176 StGB (sexual abuse of children), according to § 176a StGB (serious sexual abuse of children) and according to § 176b StGB (sexual abuse of children resulting in death), in Austria according to § 206 ÖStGB (serious abuse) and according to § 207 ÖStGB (abuse) and in Switzerland according to sStGB Article 187 .

Definition

In their terminological digression , the sexologists Ahlers, Schaefer and Beier point out that neither in the scientific literature nor in societal dealings with the subject of sexual assault on children is there a “uniform use of terms” and therefore “not applicable between the different ones” in public discussion associated terms ”.

In the final report of its pilot study, the research association “Violence against Men” mentions various “definition types”: narrow, broad, social, feminist, developmental and clinical definitions, but these authors are unable to identify a “generally applicable” one. However, they recommend formulations that do not necessarily imply that perpetrators are always male and victims are always female. You quote Dirk Bange , for whom there cannot be a “generally accepted definition that is valid for all times”.

Bange and Deegener define child sexual abuse as “any sexual act that is carried out on or in front of a child either against the child's will or that the child cannot knowingly consent to due to physical, psychological, cognitive or linguistic inferiority. The perpetrator uses his position of power and authority to satisfy his own needs at the expense of the child ”.

The designation of child sexual abuse is often criticized because, according to today's understanding of language, it seems to imply that there could be sexual use of children; alternatively, there is talk of sexualised or sexual violence against children . This term is also viewed extremely critically, since - apart from physical violence - the exercise of psychological power is a central and legitimate part of dealing with those under protection (authority), and therefore the legal classification of violence is critical. For example, Swiss criminal law speaks of “sexual acts” in general terms and only specifies the aspect of abusive sexuality.

When it comes to the sexual abuse of children, the word " abuse " is of central importance: Sexual abuse of a child always means a violation of his or her right to sexual self-determination , be it through a sexual act against the will of the child or by exploiting himself or herself in the developmental stage sexual self-determination. The age at which such self-determination is surely assumed or assumed depends heavily on culture. For example, in most cultures marriageable age is associated with some sexual (not necessarily social) autonomy . In German law, the ability of a child to give consent to sexual acts, i.e. their sexual autonomy, is generally denied, so that here the legal interest of sexual self-determination in childhood is reflected as the right to an overall development free from premature sexual experiences.

In the sexual ethics is in this context a distinction between simple consent (Engl. Simple consent and informed consent) (Engl. Informed consent ). The point here is whether a person is able to foresee the consequences of the consent or action in question to such an extent that one can even speak of consent: this presupposes a comprehensive understanding of the event and its foreseeable consequences.

The legally relevant age and maturity level is expressed in the term of the age of consent. From the point of view of Bretz et al. (1994) the participation of not yet mature children and adolescents in sexual activities is defined as the sexual abuse of children to which they cannot responsibly consent because they are not yet in a position to grasp its scope.

Although in the literature (and in the criminal law of many countries) the term sexual abuse of children mostly refers to all sexual acts with children (some studies only examine cases in which the perpetrator is an adult or a certain age difference is present, but then usually calculate violent acts sexual assault among peers), this use of the term (adopted from criminal law) is problematic because it is not in line with the definition of anxiety and deegener given here, because older children also lack sexual self-determination and therefore abuse (in the sense of this definition) there is at least no evidence of mutually intended sexual acts with older children. The criminal law definition also deviates from the psychological definition in that, according to police investigation results in Germany, more than half of the reported sexual contacts with children are not associated with overt violence, threats or abuse of power and thus, in some of the abuse cases, the perpetrator exploits a position of power and authority how Bange and Deegener call them in their definition for the existence of child sexual abuse is questionable. In addition, the criminal law provisions of different countries differ and contribute to the inconsistent use of the term in the literature.

The fact that the age at which the ability for sexual self-determination is assumed is culturally dependent is often cited by pedosexuals in order to relativize the problem of pedosexual contacts and to present them as acceptable. Regardless of cultural variations, such a view is based on positive assumptions (“we both want it and love each other”) and ignores the specific, easier trauma of children or fundamentally questions their trauma through non-violent sexual contacts.

Forms of sexual abuse

A large part of sexual abuse is probably committed worldwide in the family or close environment of the victims. The other point is violent crimes committed by perpetrators against previously unknown victims. The subject of child prostitution occupies an intermediate position.

From the point of view of psychology, a distinction can be made between different forms of abuse. These include abuse:

A growing problem is child pornography as an apparent hands-off variant of child sexual abuse, which has spread considerably in the so-called Darknet . As early as 2005, Ahlers and colleagues pointed out the growing problem that was associated with the production, use and distribution of child pornography products and that had "increased significantly" with the further development of technical possibilities on the one hand and the anonymity of the Internet on the other. “The production of child pornography,” the authors unequivocally say, “is documentation of child sexual abuse”, the consumption of “indirect child sexual abuse” and the sale and distribution of “sexual exploitation of children for commercial purposes”.

Evidence of sexual abuse

General information can be:

  • Actions that hurt yourself or others, withdrawal, fear of contact, lack of distance, strongly sexualised language, conspicuous playing with your own genitals . Symptoms such as unexplained behavioral problems, significant drop in performance, secondary wetting and fecalization , abdominal pain, anorexia and dissociative disorders , which are manifested, for example, in neurogenic symptoms such as paralysis or movement disorders without neurological findings, can point to a sexual abuse situation, but can also be a misinterpretation of such indicators.

The individual situations of families and personalities and reactions of the children must be taken into account.

  • As part of a medical anamnesis and examination, the synopsis of statements by the child, injuries to the genital and anal region, the detection of sperm , the finding of foreign bodies in the vagina or anus , the detection of sexually transmitted diseases and sexually conspicuous behavior of the child provide clues sexual abuse. Traces of injuries with simultaneous physical violence and sexual abuse are also indicative. These include injuries that are not typical for falls, injuries of different ages and sometimes untreated, delayed visits to a doctor and frequent changes of doctor as well as signs of neglect (reduced general and nutritional status, underweight and developmental disorders). When talking to the parents, protective claims are often found that cannot explain the existing injury pattern.

When examining to determine sexual abuse, the knowledge of the examining physician or forensic doctor about examination techniques, norm variants of children's anogenital structures with a distinction from abuse-related findings and healing processes is crucial. The result is often uncertain.

Forensic analysis methods must meet scientific standards. Repeatedly, urgent jobs from leading questions of potentially affected children can lead to misuse is suggested incorrectly (see. Wormser processes ).

Cases of abuse in schools often go undetected for years. The reasons for this include, for example, dependencies among colleagues, good collegial contacts between the perpetrators, excessive demands on other teachers and the perpetrators' claim to data protection from their colleagues.

Regarding the question of evidence of sexual abuse, Volbert and Galow point out possible risks. It would

“... experience is available that some efforts to uncover sexual abuse can also have pronounced undesirable effects. This applies in particular with regard to the interpretation of behavioral problems as an indication of sexual abuse (so-called 'detection work'). Since there is no sexual abuse syndrome and no symptoms or disorders specific to abuse, such approaches are not effective. They can even have negative effects: The interpretation of unspecific behavioral abnormalities as an indication of sexual abuse can lead to interviewer defaults and one-sided, suggestive questioning of children, which in turn can induce statements that do not correspond to the experience or even pseudo memories of corresponding experiences ]. "

- Renate Volbert, Anett Galow

Scientific evaluation to assert consensus

Sexual acts between children and adults that are supposedly consensual are also punishable in most countries. The criminal liability was originally based on ethical and moral ideas, but is also supported by modern sexology , based on the following main reasons:

  • According to the model of “disparity of desires” or “non-simultaneity”, children and adults have different starting conditions that make a relationship with the same conditions impossible. In developmental psychology, the adult's sexual needs do not correlate with the wishes of the child. Although children are capable of sexual feelings, these are fundamentally different from the sexuality of an adult whose sexual development has already been completed. Since the child does not know the adult's sexuality, he cannot take his perspective either. It cannot understand the motives for which a sexually motivated adult seeks its closeness. Children can therefore "willingly" (technically simple consent ), but not "knowingly" (technically informed consent ) consent to sexual acts.
  • The child's sexual self-determination should not only be protected from violent attacks, but also from subtle manipulations. There is a natural power imbalance between adults and children with regard to factors such as life experience, mental and emotional maturity or the ability to verbalize one's own point of view. In addition, children are in a state of emotional dependency on their close caregivers, as they are existentially dependent on their attention. These complex relationships of dependency harbor the risk that the adult consciously or unconsciously exploits his superiority to induce the child to engage in sexual acts that do not correspond to the child's real will.
  • Even if it cannot be assumed that sexual contacts between children and adults inevitably lead to psychotraumatic damage, the potential risk for the child is so great that legalizing such contacts is regarded as fundamentally irresponsible.

Problems of sexuality among young people

This article or paragraph describes the situation in Germany , Austria and Switzerland . Help me to describe the situation in other countries.

It is only in the last few years that the assessment of the abuse of sexual relations between young people and children has become a problem in ethics, child psychology and criminal law. Apart from the basic classification of an age limit for the term child to adolescent and for criminality, this requires a sensitive assessment of an unnatural or natural development of sexuality, as it occurs with people of the same age. This has to do with the successive lowering of the age limits for the term adult (from mostly 18-21 years in the middle of the 20th century) as well as with puberty, which in principle begins earlier in the western world, and a scientific discourse on the sexuality of children themselves.

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For Germany (1) there is no evidence of the "minor" sentences (apparently the range of sentences in juvenile criminal law is 6 months to 5 years imprisonment!) (2) a criminal law comment or the like that the sentences are low because of the age difference and not because of Special features in juvenile criminal law in general. Incidentally, a relapse of the perpetrator with his victim friend would be a crime as serious sexual abuse! (3) The state can also use the KJHG to exert coercion on child or juvenile suspects. Perhaps, because of the risk of repetition, he may even have to do it in mutually agreed cases.

Here too, the legislature reacts by setting age groups and age differences. This also has the effect that a consensual sexual relationship between minors does not suddenly become punishable by a birthday (Austria, Switzerland) or is threatened with a lesser penalty (Germany). In Austria, for example, a sexual act between a 17-year-old and a 13-year-old person is not punishable, i.e. abusive, provided that the younger one did not suffer from it, but a 15-year-old with an 11-year-old person (general age limit of 12 years ; Section typically Paragraph 4 of the Austrian Criminal Code), while Swiss law, for example, stipulates an age difference of 3 years: This is a crime unless there are special circumstances (Art. 187 Paragraph 3 of the Austrian Tax Code, e.g. sincere love on both sides) ).

Cases in which both parties are under the age of criminal responsibility , i.e. younger than 14 years old, are completely outside the legal norm in the German-speaking area (including cases in which, for example, a 13-year-old perpetrator commits sexual acts of violence against another child).

When it comes to forced sexuality, however, young people make up a high proportion of the perpetrators. According to a Swiss study, among the minors concerned, over 50% of the girls are victims of juvenile perpetrators and over 70% of the boys.

In 2002, the board of the German Society for Sexual Research (DGfS) - represented by Hertha Richter-Appelt and Lorenz Böllinger  - raised objections to the Council of the European Communities - represented by Romano Prodi at the time - as part of a sexual policy statement  and responded with them to the "Proposal for a Council Framework Decision on Combating the Sexual Exploitation of Children and Child Pornography". The statement was published in the same year in the magazine for sex research , the official organ of the professional society. She expressed concern about a significant and Europe-wide “criminalization of the sexuality of young people”.

See also: Sexual abuse of adolescents - primarily on the problem between adults and those who have outgrown their childhood

Typology of sex offenders

According to experts, convicted sex offenders who commit sexual abuse of children can in most (but not in all ) cases be assigned to certain perpetrator typologies . According to conservative estimates, around 90% of cases of sexual abuse can be traced back to perpetrators whose primary sexual preference is directed towards adults. Not only, but also because of the easy availability of children, they resort to children for sexual gratification. Overall, the perpetrators mostly come from the children's immediate vicinity.

Eberhard Schorsch (1971) classified the typical groups of perpetrators according to the following areas:

  • Adolescents with little contact and retarded, socially marginalized adolescents, socially disintegrated people in middle life as well as erotic pedagogical relationships and age-related pedophilia.

Building on this, Klaus Michael Beier (1995) differentiated the typical groups of perpetrators into:

  • juvenile sexually inexperienced offenders, antisocial ( dissexual ) offenders, offenders with a pedophile mainstream (core pedophilia), offenders with a pedophile sidestream, as well as imbecile offenders.

Rehder (1996) differentiated between imprisoned offenders who are depressive ( neurotic ), those seeking autonomy, socially marginalized and socially adapted offenders.

Women as perpetrators

Most studies come to the conclusion that perpetrators of sexual abuse of children are predominantly male. The proportion of female perpetrators is usually estimated at 1 to 20%. Beyond studies or estimates, the Police Criminal Statistics (PKS) show a proportion of 4.5% female suspects in Germany for 2018.

It is assumed that perpetrators often “lack the awareness” that their behavior is sexual abuse. Women primarily abuse younger children.

The transition from tender contact to sexual assault happens slowly and imperceptibly, is built into games or accidental, tentative touches that turn into massive sexual assault. Sexualized caring behavior can be expressed in, for example

  • Rubbing the body and touching the genitals so that the child experiences relaxation,
  • Stimulating the child's genitals under the pretext of cleaning, e.g. B. when changing diapers,
  • (frequent) examinations of the vagina, penis or anus under all possible health pretexts,
  • (frequent or particularly thorough) washes of the genital area that go far beyond the hygienic requirements,
  • Washing, bathing and applying lotion well beyond the age at which children need this help,
  • Groundless, unreasonable presence in the child's washroom,
  • "Open-hearted sex education".

Victims report that mother-in-law sexual abuse was perceived to be the worst and caused the greatest psychological and social damage, despite having experienced more severe physical sexual abuse by men. It would have been the most humiliating and the most important in her life. The needs of those affected for security, closeness and security are suppressed, as these are not taken into account or are forbidden. this leads to emotional deficiencies and the rejection of feelings from consciousness. It is difficult to establish an appropriate demarcation from other people (lack of distance). Later relationships are characterized by ambivalences, because those affected are unsure of their feelings and for the most part do not know them. There is a desire and longing for real closeness, but those affected do not manage to implement them appropriately. The inability to enter into relationships properly is one of the most numerous consequences of those affected.

Adults are increasingly reporting on earlier experiences of abuse by women, although there seem to be a large number of unreported cases , whereby they touch a taboo and are often not taken seriously.

In the case of a discovery of sexual abuse by a mother, a separation of the mother-child relationship is “essential” in order to prevent further sexual abuse of her children.

Ursula Enders wrote in 1995: “Sexual violence by women is a topic whose processing shakes the supposed foundations of patriarchy. It questions the validity of a simplified "perpetrator-victim scheme", which always assumes male power versus female powerlessness. So it is not surprising that large parts of the (professional) public still try to deny the existence of the sexual exploitation of boys and girls by women and try to hold onto the image of the meek, all-indulgent, asexual woman and mother. Men in particular find it difficult to perceive their own younger peers as possible victims of sexual violence by women - that does not fit into the self-portrait of the strong man. "(In: Poisoned Childhood - Women as perpetrators )

In the feminist violence discussion since the 1980s, according to Carol Hagemann-White, it took a few years before the insight was integrated that boys are also sexually abused and that women can also be perpetrators.

Risk factors and protective factors in the emergence of child sexual abuse

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It can be assumed that sexual violence against children can only be explained by a multifactor model and the interaction of many different factors and conditions. For decades, researchers have therefore been discussing risk factors that can increase the likelihood of girls and boys becoming victims of sexual abuse, and protective factors that enable children to develop relatively healthy despite difficult conditions. However, protective factors are not to be understood as the opposite of risk factors.

Knowledge of the risk and protective factors is an important part of assessing hazardous situations and planning appropriate prevention strategies. Effective assessment and prevention can be achieved by reducing risk factors and strengthening protective factors.

A distinction is made between the following levels for risk and protective factors:

  • Influences at the child level
  • Influences at the family level
  • Influences of the family environment
  • Influences of the social and cultural context

Influences at the child level

By researching the factors at this level, under no circumstances should girls and boys who have been victims of sexual abuse be blamed. It is all about a better understanding of sexual violence against children.

Possible conditions increasing risk - risk factors

  • female gender
  • Deficits in emotional and physical affection
  • insecure attachment behavior
  • no / little contact with adult confidants
  • poor contact with siblings
  • low self esteem
  • little self-assertion skills
  • Child poorly informed about sexuality
  • Disability of the child
  • mental problems of the child
  • difficult behavior

Possible risk mitigating conditions - protective factors

  • positive temperament (flexible, robust, active, open, sociable)
  • above average intelligence
  • secure attachment behavior
  • long-term good relationships with at least one primary caregiver
  • good assertiveness
  • active coping behavior
  • Independence in stressful situations / ability to solve problems
  • Self-confidence
  • positive self-esteem and self-efficacy beliefs
  • social skills
  • Rejection of the attacks

Influences at the family level

Possible conditions increasing risk - risk factors

  • Children affected by other forms of violence
  • strained parent-child relationships
  • Children of Separation and Divorce families
  • problematic parenting relationships
  • patriarchal family climate
  • mental illness of the parents / one of the parents
  • Experiences of abuse of mothers
  • Parents / one parent's alcohol and drug addiction
  • Parental crime
  • early pregnancy of the mother, unwanted pregnancy

Possible risk mitigating conditions - protective factors

  • stable emotional relationships with a caregiver
  • positive parent-child relationship
  • good relationship with a sibling
  • Parental partner relationship with little conflict
  • open, supportive educational climate
  • family cohesion

Influences of the family environment

Possible conditions increasing risk - risk factors

Possible risk mitigating conditions - protective factors

  • positive social environment of a family
  • Presence of an adult confidant (kindergarten, school)

Influence of the social and cultural context

This level is particularly important for a comprehensive understanding of the causes of sexual violence.

Possible conditions increasing risk - risk factors

  • social approval of violence in education
  • state conditions that favor / advocate child abuse
  • Living in a community that tacitly accepts child abuse
  • Availability of child pornography
  • sexualizing representation of children in advertising and media
  • low legal sanctions against offenders
  • Image of masculinity characterized by dominance and control
  • Sticking to traditional roles
  • social lawlessness of children
  • lack of availability of sex education for children

Possible risk mitigating conditions - protective factors

  • high (socio) economic status
  • financial aid
  • good opportunities to use social help offers
  • social attention and condemnation of such acts
  • Strengthening children's rights

Sexual Abuse Reactions

Those affected often do not rate sexual experiences with persons more than five years older than sexual abuse: in a random sample of Danish schoolchildren, only 40% did this (including the statement “maybe”) and in a similar study among Norwegian schoolchildren only 16% (33 % were unsure, 51% expressly denied).

Among the Norwegian schoolgirls, 26% rated their experience as positive and 46% as negative. In contrast, the evaluation of the male classmates was predominantly positive (71% to 9%). In 13% of the cases the students report the use of violence and in 20% of the cases of intimidation and extortion. 6% of the cases were incest.

Because of the higher age of consent in Denmark and Norway (15 and 16 years respectively), abuse of young people was partly recorded in the studies. (In the Norwegian study, the median victims were 14 years old at the time of the crime.)

Due to the publications on sexual abuse in the Catholic Church that got into the media, the German Bishops' Conference (DBK) decided to convene an interdisciplinary consortium to deal with the sexual abuse by the clergy of the Catholic Church. Using qualitative and quantitative scientific research methods, 38,156 personnel files of clerics from the period from 1946 to 2014 were analyzed and epidemiologically evaluated.

In this study, 1670 clerics and 3677 victims could be identified, 62.8% of them were male and 66.7% were under 14 years old and were identified on the basis of personal files. In 80% of the cases, there were actions involving physical contact (“hands on” offenses). Genital or manual penetration occurred in at least 582 cases . The study concluded that the health and social consequences for those affected were significant, with anxiety, depression, suspicion, sexual problems and contact difficulties being the most common.

Consequences of sexual abuse

The effects of experiences of sexual abuse on the development of children depend on the circumstances surrounding the crime as well as the other risk factors in the development (e.g. neglect and physical abuse ); in addition, the stigmatization of the crime and the great attention paid to (for the Law enforcement) also play a role.

The immediate effects of sexual abuse on a child vary widely. Circumstances that can complicate the consequences of abuse can include abuse by close relatives or the duration of the abuse, as well as a lack of support in the child's family environment after abuse.

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There is evidence of possible neurological effects of child abuse in several brain regions. Abused children can develop anxiety disorders , depression , general development disorders , low self-esteem, and behavioral disorders . Mental abnormalities as a result of sexual abuse can include disinhibited, instinctual behavior in toddlers with unusually active interest in their own genitals or those of other children, social and intimate lack of distance towards strangers, inappropriate sexual activities with peers, excessive masturbation , playful imitation and understanding of the act , Exhibieren to be his and sexually provocative appearance, as well as an increased risk again victims of sexual abuse. These abnormalities can already occur in preschool age. In school children and adolescents, there is often an additional blockage and fear in sexual development, functional sexual disorders , promiscuity , sexually aggressive behavior towards other children, neglect of personal hygiene, pronounced fear of being homosexual and a disrupted gender role identity.

A study by the National Institute on Drug Abuse found that women sexually abused in childhood are almost twice as likely to develop depression or generalized anxiety disorder . Alcohol or drug addiction is around three times as common as the normal population.

After the immediate crisis has passed, many children continue to need professional help. Often a post-traumatic stress disorder or a complex post-traumatic stress disorder develops . Here the impairment of the victims often depends on the gravity of the crime.

Research has shown that sexual abuse occurred in childhood , especially in dissociative identity disorders , eating disorders and borderline personality disorders . This does not mean that people diagnosed with these disorders were necessarily sexually abused. Likewise, it does not mean that everyone who was sexually abused in childhood must develop one of these disorders. All that can be seen here is a statistical correlation that supports the assumption that severe trauma in childhood, such as sexual abuse, can cause one of these disorders. The following are also considered consequences of child sexual abuse:

  • Integration disorder: Everyone is dependent on what happens to them to categorize and process in their minds. A sexually immature child cannot understand the actions of an adult during sexual assault: In short, it no longer understands the world and cannot integrate what has happened into its world and its history.
  • Breach of trust: To a certain extent, a child lives from trusting its parents . This trust is the only source of security for the child in an otherwise unsafe and dangerous world. If this trust is betrayed by the parents through action or passive complicity, the basis of all security is broken for the child.
  • Inevitability: no matter how terrible the situation, an adult can at least distance himself emotionally (“that's not me”, “this is not my world”). A child cannot. It only knows one world, that of its family. In this world it has been betrayed and abused and has no alternative other than the worlds that are already the product of mental disorders.

As a consequence, the event is partially forgotten, but cannot be completely forgotten due to its decisive significance. The long-term consequences of the resulting trauma are therefore often amnesias and deep-seated, difficult-to-diagnose personality disorders (especially dissociative identity disorder and borderline personality disorder).

Sexual abuse often has consequences for partners and relatives up into the next generation. Victims often suffer from sexual disorders that endanger their partnership, or they are unable to enter into a partnership or open up emotionally to a person at all.

Victims who have not come to terms with their experience can in turn become perpetrators. Such perpetrator-victim-perpetrator cycles are known from therapy over several generations. However, even of the male victims (who were younger than 16 years old at the time of the abuse and including victims of sexual violence by their peers), only a minority of 5 percent are later convicted of a sexual offense (of any kind). However, this proportion is around 8 times higher than that of boys who have not been sexually abused. Of those boys who were at least 12 years old at the time of the abuse, 9 percent are later convicted of a sex offense.

Abused girls can get pregnant . Pregnancy can rush to give birth before the girl's body is organically capable of it. In the extreme case of Lina Medina with precocious puberty , a child was born by caesarean section after about 8 months of pregnancy at just under 5 years and 8 months of age .

Protection against sexual abuse

Victim

Since the 1990s there have been numerous campaigns by government agencies and private initiatives that aim to raise awareness and raise awareness of this issue in society. Other projects target children as potential victims of sexual assault. On the one hand, an attempt is made to convey behavior that is particularly intended to prevent violent attacks by strangers, and on the other hand, through early sexual education, children should be made aware of their sexual self-determination; in addition, the children's personality and self-confidence should be strengthened in general.

Perpetrator

Until a few years ago, there were no prevention projects specifically aimed at pedophiles as potential perpetrators. Existing therapy projects for pedophiles were primarily aimed at pedophiles who came from the bright field and who had already committed criminal offenses. The project “ Don't become a perpetrator ” has existed at the Berlin Charité since 2005, which enables therapy offers for a few hundred pedophiles as part of a study. In group and individual therapies, as well as in some cases supplementary drug treatment, pedophiles should be able to deal responsibly with their tendencies by strengthening impulse control and empathy.

Prevention

For prevention, Volbert and Galow from the Institute for Forensic Psychiatry in Berlin consider it necessary not only to further expand the existing knowledge, but to link it more closely to knowledge gained about child abuse and neglect , but also to established knowledge from general knowledge Take crime prevention into account.

In Germany in particular, the Federal Ministry for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth (BMFSFJ) dedicates a separate page to this topic in order, as it says there, to "continuously improve the protection of children and young people from sexual violence". Since 2015, a separate page has been provided for the prevention of sexual violence.

Aid and therapy for victims of sexual abuse

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Sexual abuse victims need care for all physical injuries and a feeling of safety. Some children have complete amnesia for the event of the assault . First of all, it is about taking the child seriously, but at the same time not dramatizing the act. If child abuse is suspected or if you are unsure how to proceed, doctors, specialists in the youth welfare office, parents and affected children and young people can contact the child protection clinics. There they can also be examined - independently of a criminal complaint - whereby injuries are documented and evidence and traces are secured.

Victims of sexual abuse often also need psychotherapeutic help or some form of psychological-psychotherapeutic counseling, on the one hand to cope with the hurtful experience and to cope with the present life, on the other hand in order to become open to future relationships or to regain the ability to do so. The children's caregivers should always be included in order to make it easier for them to cope with the child's experiences, which are often problematic. Treatment can only take place when the child is no longer in danger of being abused again. For this it is necessary to separate the perpetrator and the victim from one another. Psychotherapy should not be given if the child does not want to do one.

In the event of abuse within the family or in the immediate vicinity of the child, it is necessary for the perpetrator to leave the home or for the child to be housed in another, safe environment. Here, too, it is necessary to deny the perpetrator any access to the child.

In particular, victims of sexual abuse who develop post-traumatic stress disorder can be treated with forms of trauma therapy . For other secondary disorders described above, intensive psychotherapy is often necessary.

In the context of psychotherapy, women who were sexually abused as children are particularly at risk of experiencing renewed sexual trauma in the form of sexual assault on the part of the therapist. A major reason for this is seen in the client's socialization-related difficulty in distinguishing between intimacy and sexuality. The coupling of closeness and sexuality experienced in childhood is brought into the therapeutic relationship when, induced by therapy, the desire for closeness to the therapist arises. A sexual response to the fact that this is about content to be worked on, as well as the asymmetrical structure of the therapeutic setting with regard to the distribution of power and knowledge. The latter aspect led various authors to draw a comparison between the prohibition of incest and the prohibition of sexual contact in psychotherapy.

Enlightenment through the identification of everyday objects

In the Stop Child Abuse project , Europol asks the population on a website to identify everyday objects from child pornographic film and photo material. Europol hopes this will provide information on victims, crime scenes and perpetrators.

National: legal situation and data

Overview of the German-speaking legal system

country Age limit Age Difference (1) Legal provision Penalty limits Limitation period
Germany 14 years - Sexual abuse of children (Section 176 StGB; complicates Section 176a, resulting in death Section 176b ) 3 months - for life (in the event of death) 5–30 years ( depending on the amount of the threat of punishment)
. Section 78b (1) no. 1 StGB up to the victim's 30th birthday
Austria 14 years 4 years (12 years)
difficult (§ 206):
3 years (13 years)		 Sexual abuse of minors (Section 207 StGB; complicates Section 206, abuse of a relationship of authority Section 212; reduces moral hazard Section 208 ) 6 months - for life (in the event of death) 5 years - no statute of limitations ( depending on the severity of the act)
Switzerland 16 years 3 years Sexual acts with children (Art. 187 StGB) Fine or up to 5 years (difficulty falls under other general sexual offenses) 10 years, but at least until the 25th birthday of the victim - no statute of limitations ( depending on the age of the victim and the perpetrator)
(1) Decreasing age difference between perpetrator and victim: possibly in brackets: age of the victim under which the offense has in principle been committed

International and international law

The basis of the international regulations is the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child from 1989, whereby sexual acts as such were not discussed there. Sexual violence in the domestic environment falls under the fundamental right to a non-violent upbringing . In addition to the problem of child soldiers , two additional protocols outlawed child trafficking and, in particular, child prostitution and child pornography .

European law

With the framework decision 2004/68 / JHA, the European Union first devoted itself to the issue of the sexual exploitation of children.

The European Court of Human Rights ruled in court proceedings on January 9, 2003 (complaint no. 45330/99) that the sexual self-determination of people aged 14 and over must be observed.

Germany

The number of criminal charges for the sexual abuse of children and wards was over 30 per 100,000 inhabitants per year in 1950, and since 1990 it has been less than 20 per 100,000 inhabitants per year.This is the bright field of sexual abuse, the actual frequency is 15 to 20 times as much valued.

Austria

In Austria, child sexual abuse falls under the term sexual abuse of minors according to § 206 and § 207 StGB , that is, persons under the age of 14 ( incapacitation was abolished in 1984, such persons fall under § 205 StGB sexual abuse of a defenseless or mentally impaired Person or § 212 StGB abuse of a relationship of authority ). Abuse of people between 14 and 16 years of age is regulated in special circumstances by Section 207b of the StGB Sexual Abuse of Young People .

In Austria in 2004 an annual number of 10,000 to 25,000 cases of abuse was assumed. A total of 300,000 girls and around 172,000 boys (as of 2009) up to the age of 14 are sexually harassed and / or abused once or several times during their childhood and adolescence. Well over 90 percent of the perpetrators are men. You are usually in the closest or broader family circle.

Switzerland

According to the children's news agency Kinag, 40,000 to 50,000 children in Switzerland are sexually abused every year. There are no separate abuse statistics in Switzerland.

United States

In the United States, one in four women and 3 to 9% of men are believed to have experienced sexual violence in their childhood. The abuse occurs on average between the ages of seven and eleven and lasts on average three to five years.

The legal regulation - like all American criminal law - lies with the individual states and is therefore inconsistent within the United States. In New York z. B. Anyone who has sex with a child under the age of 14 is liable to prosecution; Anyone who brings up a partner who is younger than 17 years old is liable to prosecution for sex with penetration. All this also applies to offenders in adolescence and childhood, to behavior within romantic relationships and to sexual acts that are de facto consensual.

See also: Sexual Abuse of Teenagers in the United States

See also

literature

  • Explanation and call for action. Third World Congress against the Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents for the Prevention and Suppression of the Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents ( translation by the German Federal Government. PDF file; 93 kB ).
  • Tatjana Hörnle et al .: Sexual Abuse of Minors: Necessary Reforms in the Criminal Code . Expertise with a legal comparison between Germany, Austria, Switzerland and England . (PDF, 1.81 MB)
  • RD Currier, MM Currier: James Parkinson : On child abuse and other things. In: Archives of Neurology. Volume 48, 1991, pp. 95-97.
  • Friedrich Koch : Sexual abuse of children and young people. The importance of sex education in the context of prevention. In: Kurt Bach, Harald Stumpe and Konrad Weller (eds.): Childhood and sexuality. Braunschweig 1993, p. 101 ff.
  • Dirk Bange: The dark side of childhood. Sexual abuse of girls and boys. Extent, background, consequences. 2., revised. Ed., Volksblatt Verlag, Cologne 1994, ISBN 3-926949-04-X .
  • Beate Beste: Sexual abuse and how to protect children from it. Orig. Edition, 3rd, newly edited Ed., Beck Verlag, Munich 1995, ISBN 3-406-39333-0 (series: Beck'sche Reihe, 445).
  • Bessel A. van der Kolk (Ed.): Traumatic stress. Basics and treatment approaches. Theory, practice and research on post-traumatic stress and trauma therapy. Verlag Junfermann, Paderborn 2000, ISBN 3-87387-384-2 (series of publications: series Innovative Psychotherapie und Humanwissenschaft, 62).
  • German Youth Institute (Ed.), Edited by Monika Schröttle: Sexual Abuse of Children: Documentation of the National Follow-up Conference "Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children" from 14./15. March 2001 in Berlin. Leske & Budrich Verlag, Opladen 2001, ISBN 3-8100-3376-6 . (Congress Document)
  • Kristian Ditlev Jensen: I'll say it - story of an abused childhood . From the Danish by Walburg Wohlleben, Klett-Cotta Verlag, Stuttgart 2004, ISBN 3-608-93644-0 . (Original edition: Det bliver says . Gyldendal , Copenhagen 2001.)
  • Ursula Enders (Ed.): I was tender, it was bitter. Manual Against Sexual Abuse. 1st edition, completely revised. and exp. New edition, Verlag Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2001, ISBN 3-462-02984-3 .
  • Luise Hartwig, Gregor Hensen: Sexual abuse and youth welfare: possibilities and limits of socio-educational action in child protection. Juventa-Verlag, Weinheim et al. 2003, series of publications: Basic texts for social professions, ISBN 3-7799-0735-6 .
  • Maike Gerdtz: We can say NO too! Sexual abuse of children with an intellectual disability. A handout for prevention. Verlag Winter, Heidelberg 2003, ISBN 3-8253-8311-3 (series: Edition S ).
  • Egle, Hoffmann, Joraschky : Sexual abuse, mistreatment, neglect. Recognition, therapy and prevention of the consequences of early stressful experiences. 3. Fully updated & updated extended edition (50 illustrations and 81 tables), Schattauer Verlag 2005, ISBN 3-7945-2314-8 .
  • Gabriele Amann u. Rudolf Wipplinger (Ed.): Sexual Abuse: Overview of Research, Counseling and Therapy; a manual. 3rd, revised. and exp. Ed., Dgvt-Verlag, Tübingen 2005, ISBN 3-87159-044-4 .
  • Günther Deegener: Child abuse. Recognize, help, and prevent. 3rd, updated and exp. Edition, Beltz Verlag, Weinheim u. Basel 2005, ISBN 3-407-22884-8 ( Beltz-Taschenbuch, 884).
  • Alexander Markus Homes : Abused by the mother. Women and the sexual pleasure in children. Pabst Science Publ., Lengerich 2005, ISBN 3-89967-282-8 .
  • Martha Schalleck: Little Red Riding Hood's silence. The tricks of child abusers and their helpers. autorenverlag artep, Freiburg / Br. 2006, ISBN 978-3-936544-80-0 .
  • Kathryn A. Dale, Judith L. Alpert: Hiding Behind the Cloth: Child Sexual Abuse and the Catholic Church. In: Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 2007, Vol. 16, No. 3, pp. 59-75.
  • Guide for educators on preventive action against sexual violence against children and young people. Created on behalf of the Federal Ministry for Education, Art and Culture . September 2007 ( PDF file; 1.1 MB ).
  • Katrin Hawickhorst: Disclosure rights and obligations of the attending physician if they become aware of child abuse and child abuse. ZMGR 6/2012; P. 400 ff.
  • Mechthild founder, Magdalena Stemmer-Lück: Sexual abuse in families and institutions. Psychodynamics, Intervention and Prevention . Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2013, ISBN 978-3-17-023815-2 .
  • Max Welter and Bruce Rind The social construct of sexual self-determination in German law - empirical considerations In: Sexualität und Strafe, 11th supplement to the Kriminologische Journal , Ed. Klimke / Lautmann, ISBN 978-3-7799-3511-7 , 2016 Beltz Verlag , Pp. 207-222
    • Reactions to First Postpubertal Coitus and First Male Postpubertal Same-Sex Experience in the Kinsey Sample: Examining Assumptions in German Law Concerning Sexual Self-Determination and Age Cutoffs , International Journal of Sexual Health, Volume 28, Issue 2, 2016, doi: 10.1080 / 19317611.2016.1150379
  • Sophinette Becker , Julia König: sexuality that disturbs. A conversation . In: Free Association. Journal of Psychoanalytic Social Psychology . tape 19 , no. 1 , 2016, ISSN  1434-7849 , p. 113–127 ( psychoanalytischesozialpsychologie.de [PDF; 315 kB ; accessed on July 9, 2020]).
Fiction

Documentaries

Broadcast reports

Web links

Commons : Child Sexual Abuse  - Collection of Pictures, Videos and Audio Files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Jörg M. Fegert : What is sexual abuse, how often and in what contexts does sexual abuse occur? (PDF; 7.964 kB) In: Ulm University Hospital. January 29, 2016, accessed June 15, 2020 .
  2. ↑ Tatjana Hörnle , Stefan Klingbeil, Katja Rothbart: Sexual abuse of minors. Necessary reforms in the criminal code . Ed .: Chair for Criminal Law, Criminal Procedure Law, Comparative Law and Legal Philosophy at the Humboldt University in Berlin. Berlin, S. 21 ( hu-berlin.de [PDF; 1.9 MB ; accessed on June 15, 2020]).
  3. ↑ Christoph J. Ahlers, Gerard A. Schaefer, Klaus M. Beier : The spectrum of sexual disorders and their classifiability in the ICD-10 and DSM-IV . In: Sexology . tape 12 , no. 3/4 , 2006, p. 120–152 ( sexuologie-info.de [PDF; 2.0 MB ; accessed on June 14, 2020] citations p. 146).
  4. ↑ Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues: Definition of Sexual Abuse. Retrieved June 15, 2020 .
  5. ↑ Christoph J. Ahlers, Gerard A. Schaefer, Klaus M. Beier : The spectrum of sexual disorders and their classifiability in the ICD-10 and DSM-IV . In: Sexology . tape 12 , no. 3/4 , 2006, p. 120–152 ( sexuologie-info.de [PDF; 2.0 MB ; accessed on June 14, 2020] citations p. 145).
  6. ^ Research group "Violence against Men": Final report of the pilot study . On behalf of the Federal Ministry for Families, Seniors, Women and Youth. Berlin 2004, p. 83 ( bmfsfj.de [PDF; 7.3 MB ; accessed on June 15, 2020]).
  7. ↑ Adelheid Unterstaller: What is meant by sexual abuse? (PDF; 470 kB).
  8. ↑ Michael C. Baurmann: Sexuality, violence and the consequences for the victim. Summarized results from a longitudinal study of victims of reported sexual contacts. Reports by the Criminal Investigation Institute, Federal Criminal Police Office, Wiesbaden 1982, p. 18.
  9. ↑ Christoph J. Ahlers, Gerard A. Schaefer, Klaus M. Beier : The spectrum of sexual disorders and their classifiability in the ICD-10 and DSM-IV . In: Sexology . tape 12 , no. 3/4 , 2006, p. 120–152 ( sexuologie-info.de [PDF; 2.0 MB ; accessed on June 14, 2020] citations p. 149).
  10. ↑ a b Anja Bochtler: In: How do I strengthen the child? Badische Zeitung , Local, Breisgau- Hochschwarzwald district, January 3, 2012.
  11. ↑ Strasbourg, roof Eder, Kress: developmental disorders in children. Urban & Fischer, 2nd edition 2003, ISBN 3-437-22221-X , page 152 f.
  12. ↑ Strafakte.de: Misinterpretation of indicators of sexual abuse .
  13. ^ Burkhard Madea: Forensic Medicine. Findings - reconstruction - assessment. Springer, 2003. ISBN 3-540-43885-8 .
  14. ↑ This is how doctors recognize child sexual abuse. October 12, 2017, accessed February 9, 2020 .
  15. ↑ Patricia Wolf: Abuse. When teachers are silent. Tagesspiegel , March 21, 2010, accessed September 15, 2015 .
  16. ↑ Renate Volbert, Anett Galow: Sexual abuse: facts and open questions. ( Memento from June 25, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
  17. ^ David Finkelhor : Child Sexual Abuse: New Theory and Research. Free Press 1984, ISBN 978-0-02-910020-2 .
  18. ↑ Martin Dannecker in: Sexual disorders and their treatment. Volkmar Sigusch (ed.). Thieme 2007, ISBN 978-3-13-103944-6 .
  19. ↑ Ch. J. Ahlers, G.. Schaefer, KM Beier: The spectrum of sexual disorders and their classifiability in DSM-IV and ICD-10. In: Sexuologie 12 (3/4), 2005. Direct link: [1]
  20. ↑ Mohler-Kuo et al .: Child Sexual Abuse Revisited: A Population-Based Cross-Sectional Study Among Swiss Adolescents . 2013, doi : 10.1016 / j.jadohealth.2013.08.020 .
  21. ↑ Hertha Richter-Appelt , Lorenz Böllinger : Objections to the draft of the Council of the European Communities to combat the sexual exploitation of children . In: Journal for Sexual Research . tape 15 , 2002, ISSN  0932-8114 , p. 69–73 ( dgfs.info [PDF; 35 kB ; accessed on 7 December 2019]): “Contrary to its title and the strong words of Justice Commissioner Vitorino, this proposal is less about combating the sexual exploitation of children, the measures in this regard are very cautious. Rather, it would bring with it a Europe-wide, massive, far-reaching criminalization of the sexuality of young people up to the age of 18 (l), thus even potentially endangering the well-being of underage EU citizens. "
  22. ↑ Eberhard Schorsch: Sex offenders . Enke, Stuttgart 1971, ISBN 3-432-01708-1 .
  23. ↑ Norbert Nedopil : Forensic Psychiatry: Clinic, Assessment and Treatment Between Psychiatry and Law. 3. Edition. Georg Thieme Verlag 2007, p. 201 ( online here ).
  24. ↑ a b Jörg M. Fegert u. a .: Child sexual abuse - testimonials, messages, consequences. Results of the accompanying research for the contact point of the independent commissioner of the federal government for dealing with child sexual abuse, Dr. Christine Bergmann. Beltz Juventa 2013, ISBN 978-3-7799-2264-3 , p. 40.
  25. ↑ PKS Yearbook 2018 Volume 4 , Page 20 - Suspects - Gender (Table 20)
  26. ↑ a b c Mag. Regine Daniel: Survey of the knowledge of Viennese pedagogues about sexual abuse in children - A review of the necessity of prevention programs for pedagogues in Vienna - Dissertation at the Medical University of Vienna . Vienna 2015 ( full text [PDF]).
  27. ↑ a b c Sgroi, SM, Sargent, NM: Psychological consequences and treatment aspects for victims of sexual abuse by perpetrators. In: Michele Elliott (ed.): Women as perpetrators. Sexual abuse of girls and boys . Mebes & Noack , Cologne 1995, ISBN 978-3-927796-41-6 , pp. 57-85 .
  28. ^ A b Claudia Heyne: perpetrators. Open and hidden aggression from women . Droemer Knaur , 1996, ISBN 978-3-426-77212-6 , pp. 245-356 . and Claudia Heyne: perpetrators. Open and hidden aggression from women . 1st edition. Verlag Kreuz , Zurich 1993, ISBN 3-268-00145-9 , p. 245-356 .
  29. ↑ Jean-Baptiste Rossilhol: Sexual violence against boys. Dark fields. Tectum Verlag , 2002, ISBN 978-3-8288-8386-4 .
  30. ↑ a b p. Birch: Everything half as wild? Consequences of the sexual exploitation of girls by women, especially by mothers . In: Federal Association for the Prevention of Sexual Abuse of Girls and Boys eV (Ed.): Prevention . Volume 7 Issue 2, February 2004, ISSN  1436-0136 ( full text [PDF]).
  31. ↑ Brigitte Warenski: Girls abused by nuns. (No longer available online.) Tiroler Tageszeitung , October 27, 2011, archived from the original on October 28, 2011 ; accessed on October 27, 2011 : “So far, women as perpetrators have been kept silent in the home debate. A victim ... tells ... about the most serious sexual abuse by nuns. "
  32. ↑ Michelle Elliott: Women as perpetrators. Sexual abuse of girls and boys . Ed .: Michele Elliott. Mebes & Noack , Cologne 1995, ISBN 978-3-927796-41-6 .
  33. ↑ Caroline von Eichhorn and Joseph Röhmel: Sexual abuse by women - Inverted lust. Der Spiegel , September 28, 2011, accessed on October 27, 2011 : “They caress children, manipulate them, offend them. Sexual abuse by women is a taboo, the victims are often not taken seriously. "
  34. ↑ S. Richter-Unger: Therapeutic work with abusive adults in the context of a family-oriented approach. In: Kind im Zentrum, Evangelisches Jugend- und Fürsorgewerk (Ed.): Ways out of the labyrinth. Experiences with family-oriented work on sexual abuse . Berlin 1999, p. 147-151 .
  35. ↑ Ursula Enders: Poisoned Childhood - Women as perpetrators. In: Indians also know pain - sexual violence against boys. Kiepenheuer & Witsch , 1995, ISBN 3-462-02467-1 , p. 101-111 .
  36. ^ Carol Hagemann-White: Victims - perpetrators: on the development of the feminist discussion of violence. In: Kortendiek, Beate, Riegraf, Birgit, Sabisch, Katja (eds.): Handbook Interdisciplinary Gender Research, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2019, ISBN 978-3-658-12495-3 , p. 151
  37. ↑ Fegert, Jörg M., 1956- ,: Sexual abuse of children and adolescents: a handbook on prevention and intervention for professionals in the medical, psychotherapeutic and educational field; with ... 22 tables . Springer Medicine, 2015, ISBN 978-3-662-44244-9 .
  38. ↑ Child Abuse and Neglect: A Handbook . Hogrefe, 2005, ISBN 978-3-8017-1746-9 .
  39. ↑ Catalog of risk and protective factors in child abuse and abuse. (No longer available online.) Formerly in the original ; Retrieved June 17, 2017 .  ( Page no longer available , search in web archives )@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / www.psychologie.uni-freiburg.de
  40. ↑ Helweg-Larsen: The prevalence of unwanted and unlawful sexual experiences reported by Danish adolescents: Results from a national youth survey in 2002 . Acta Pædiatrica, 2006, doi : 10.1080 / 08035250600589033 .
  41. ↑ Lahtinen et al .: Children's disclosures of sexual abuse in a population-based sample . Child Abuse Negl., 2018, doi : 10.1016 / j.chiabu.2017.10.011 .
  42. ↑ H. Dreßing, D.Dölling, D. Hermann, A.Kruse, E. Schmitt, B. Bannenberg, A. Hoell, E. Voss, HJ Salize: Sexual abuse by Catholic clerics . In: Deutsches Ärzteblatt . tape 116 , no. 22 , 31 May 2019, p. 389-396 .
  43. ↑ Kühnle, 1998. Quoted from: Hautzinger (Ed.): Davison and Neale (2002): Klinische Psychologie. P. 501 f. Weinheim Belz PVU, ISBN 3-621-27458-8 .
  44. ↑ L. Blanco, LA Nydegger, G. Camarillo, DR Trinidad, E. Schramm, SL Ames: Neurological changes in brain structure and functions among individuals with a history of childhood sexual abuse: A review. In: Neuroscience and biobehavioral reviews. Volume 57, October 2015, pp. 63-69, doi: 10.1016 / j.neubiorev.2015.07.013 , PMID 26363666 (review), PDF .
  45. ↑ Patrick Zickler: Childhood Sex Abuse Increases Risk for Drug Dependence in Adult Women. (No longer available online.) In: Vol. 17, No. 1. National Institute on Drug Abuse, April 2002, archived from the original on January 16, 2011 ; Retrieved October 29, 2011 (English): "Women who experienced any type of sexual abuse in childhood were roughly three times more likely than unabused girls to report drug dependence as adults."
  46. ^ Resch et al .: Developmental Psychopathology of Childhood and Adolescence - A Textbook. PVU, Weinheim 1999.
  47. ↑ Hautzinger (ed.): Davison and Neale: Clinical Psychology. BelzPVU, Weinheim 2002, ISBN 3-621-27458-8 .
  48. ↑ Margaret C. Cutajar, James RP Ogloff, and Paul E. Mullen: Child Sexual Abuse and Subsequent Offending and Victimization: A 45-year Follow-up Study. Criminology Research Council, Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra 2011.
  49. ↑ Renate Volbert, Anett Galow: Sexual abuse: facts and open questions. ( Memento from June 25, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
  50. ↑ Protection of children and young people from sexual violence. In: Federal Ministry for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth. Retrieved June 13, 2020 .
  51. ↑ Child and youth protection. Initiatives to prevent sexualised violence. In: Federal Ministry for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth. January 19, 2015, accessed June 13, 2020 .
  52. ↑ Which signs in a child could indicate sexual abuse. October 10, 2017, accessed February 10, 2020 .
  53. ↑ Child protection clinic. A Bavaria-wide contact point for advice on suspected child abuse. Retrieved February 9, 2020 .
  54. ↑ Flyer Bayerische Kinderschutzambulanz Bavarian State Ministry for Family, Labor and Social Affairs at the Institute for Forensic Medicine LMU Munich.
  55. ↑ Ursula Wirtz: Soul murder - incest and therapy. Kreuz Publishing House. ISBN 978-3-7831-1963-3 , page 245 ff.
  56. ↑ Europol shows clues from child abuse images to track offenders. BBC , June 1, 2017, accessed June 3, 2017 .
  57. ↑ See Tatjana Hörnle, Stefan Klingbeil, Katja Rothbart: Sexual Abuse of Minors: Necessary Reforms in the Criminal Code. Expert opinion, undated (2013), Chapter B I. Inventory of the statute of limitations in criminal law , 2. The statute of limitations for crimes against sexual self-determination , p. 17 ff. (On Germany) and 3. Comparative legal look at the statute of limitations in criminal law in Austria, Switzerland and England , p. 29 ff. ( PDF , hu-berlin.de, there p. 25 and 37).
  58. ↑ for all crimes that were committed after January 27, 2015 or were not yet statute-barred at this point in time, for further details see overview of changes to the law regarding statute of limitations , publisher: Federal Coordination of Specialized Expert Advice Against Sexual Violence in Childhood and Adolescence
  59. ↑ European Court of Human Rights: Case of SL v. Austria ( Memento of March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) (English).
  60. ^ Official collection: ECHR 2003-I; cited in: ÖJZ 2003, p. 395 ff. (German).
  61. ↑ Renate Volbert, Anett Galow: Sexual abuse: facts and open questions. ( Memento from June 25, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
  62. ↑ Andreas Jud, Miriam Rassenhofer, Andreas Witt, Annika Münzer, Jörg M. Fegert: EXPERTISE - frequency information on sexual abuse. https://beauftragter-missusen.de/presse-service/literatur-und-medien/?L=0
  63. ↑ a b Ursula Wirtz: Soul murder - incest and therapy. Kreuz Publishing House. ISBN 978-3-7831-1963-3 , page 22 ff.
  64. ↑ VIOLENCE AND ABUSE AGAINST CHILDREN Österreichische Ärztezeitung No. 17 of September 10, 2004.
  65. ↑ Sabine Fisch: Sexual abuse - taboo and difficult to prove , Doctors Week 13/2009, springermedizin.at, focus: Forensic medicine ( Memento from May 14, 2014 in the Internet Archive )
  66. ↑ Article 130 - NY Penal Law (Sex offenses). Retrieved November 2, 2017 .