Anti-nuclear movement in Germany

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The laughing sun - logo of the anti-nuclear movement

The anti-nuclear power movement in Germany is a social movement that emerged in the 1970s and is opposed to the civil use of nuclear energy . In a European comparison, the German anti-nuclear power movement is characterized by its strength and, in particular, by its continuity. Joachim Radkau sees the German anti-nuclear power movement as the “largest and most thoughtful public discourse in the Federal Republic” due to its persistence.

Demarcation

The anti-nuclear movement is made up of individuals, organizations and groups who actively oppose the civil use of nuclear power in the context of a larger, network-like context. Typical means of expression of the movement are collective and public forms of protest. The rejection of nuclear energy generally does not refer to a specific facility or a specific country, but is principally against the use of nuclear energy. Since the internal exchange processes are much more pronounced than the inter-state ones, the organizational basis of the movements is predominantly anchored nationally and subnationally, and the criticism is focused on national governments, parliaments, courts and plant operators, it makes sense to speak of national movements.

The majority of the opponents of the civil use of nuclear energy also oppose the military use ( nuclear weapons ). Nevertheless, there are different organizational cores and largely separate movements. Resistance to the military use of nuclear energy is concentrated in the peace movement , not in the anti-nuclear movement.

There is also overlap with the environmental movement . All well-known and well-known environmental organizations in Germany (for example Greenpeace , Robin Wood or the BUND ) have explicitly rejected nuclear power since it was founded.

history

In the post-war period , many people in Germany suffered from hunger and lack of fuel. When prosperity increased noticeably in the early 1950s, a phase of almost euphoric belief in progress and technology began. Concept vehicles of nuclear powered cars were presented. The Geneva Atomic Conference (1955), the Federal Ministry for Atomic Affairs (from October 1955; first minister: Franz Josef Strauss ) and the German Atomic Energy Commission (1956) brought about the political breakthrough for nuclear energy in West Germany . Protests were rare in the 1950s and 1960s. If so, they always stayed within the local framework. Mostly it was about resistance to plans to build a nuclear power plant (NPP) or a nuclear waste dump . For example, the protest by the city of Nuremberg led to a planned nuclear power plant not being built in Bertoldsheim , but in Gundremmingen . Similarly, the planned reactor block in Wyhl in southern Baden was prevented, the large components of which were then used as the Philippsburg II nuclear power plant with great local approval.

According to Radkau, this regional approach of the anti-nuclear movement was a German peculiarity, since regional successes were much easier to achieve in Germany than in centralized France, for example . The dynamism of the German and US environmental movement emerged around 1970 from the interplay between administrative elites, scientific and media initiatives. It was based on a broad base of strengthening citizens, parliaments and institutions and an elite that was relatively open to newcomers.

Objections from citizens, which were increasingly organized on a broader basis, made themselves felt in 1970 and 1971 with regard to the planned NPPs in Breisach , Esenshamm , Neckarwestheim and Bonn . In Breisach there were rallies , protest marches and 65,000 objections , which led to the project being moved to Wyhl , but met with even greater resistance there . Important support came from the French side, where protests against the Fessenheim nuclear power plant had been taking place since 1971 (start of construction of reactor I: September 1, 1971; reactor II 1-2-72). The clumsy policy of the Baden-Württemberg state government (1966–1978 under Hans Filbinger ; 1978–1991 under Lothar Späth ; see Baden-Württemberg's politics ) further strengthened the citizens' initiatives. The largest protest action was the several months long occupation of the Wyhl construction site by approx. 28,000 demonstrators from February 1975. It had a signal effect on the entire movement in the Federal Republic.

The first oil crisis (1973/74) accelerated the planning of nuclear power plants. France decided on a very extensive construction program, which it actually implemented by around 1990 (see nuclear energy in France ).

From the mid-1970s the resistance became increasingly networked. The slogan of the local initiatives was now “No nuclear power plant in X and elsewhere”. Some groups joined the Federal Association of Citizens' Initiatives Environmental Protection , others participated in informal state or federal conferences of the opponents of nuclear power. The range of activities broadened and now included awareness-raising events, procedural appeals, constitutional complaints , protest rallies and blockade actions. Wyhl's occupation inspired similar actions at other locations. At the beginning of the anti-nuclear resistance, it was mainly conservative local political groups (mainly from the CDU / CSU and Free Voters) who organized the protest. Initially, the concern was not directed against nuclear power, but in southern Baden against the future plumes of steam from the cooling towers , whose negative effects ( shading , more humid microclimate and mesoclimate ) on local viticulture were feared. Lower Saxony's dairy farmers feared for their image and the selling prices of milk.

They were later joined by increasingly radical political groups from the cities; After initial reluctance and criticism of the “bourgeois” initiatives, they joined the movement. As a result, the differences between the initially mostly peaceful demonstrators and the state authorities intensified. Supraregional institutions, such as the World Association for the Protection of Life , participated in the organization of a broad resistance, which was also supported by some scientists. The most prominent opponent of atomic energy was the physicist Karl Bechert (1901–1981), who was a member of the German Bundestag from 1957 to 1972.

The other side reacted differently, for example with minor institutional corrections and information campaigns on the part of the government and the operators. Contract studies on the acceptance problem were carried out, and in 1976 the Citizens' Dialogue on Nuclear Energy was set up to give opponents and supporters alike a chance to have their say. Some of the unions argued in favor of nuclear energy with workplace arguments; z. In this sense , for example, around 30,000–40,000 people came together in Dortmund in November 1977. In December 1977 a 50% reduction in the nuclear program for 1985 was announced, and more emphasis was placed on energy-saving measures and the development of non-nuclear energy technologies. The conflict did not defuse itself, however, also because the police, for example in the case of the Brokdorf nuclear power plant and the protests against the construction of the Grohnde nuclear power plant, cracked down on them much more severely than in Wyhl. During this phase the conflict became so polarized that there was talk of a “relapse into the Stone Age” on the one hand and a “totalitarian nuclear state” on the other. Some observers feared an "ecological civil war ".

Passport of the Republic of Free Wendland
Anti-nuclear demonstration in Bonn's Hofgarten on October 14, 1979

In the 1970s, numerous books were published that promoted the discourse critical of the atom. The Limits of Growth (1972, created on behalf of the Club of Rome ), The Atomic State (1977, Robert Jungk (1913–1994)), Soft Energy (1978, Amory Lovins (* 1947)), Do we have to switch? (1978, Klaus Traube ), Der Atomkonflikt (1979, Ed. Lutz Mez ) and Friedlich in die Katastrophe (1971, Holger Strohm ; published in 1981 at Two Thousand One).

When it became clear that the nuclear program could not be stopped directly, alternative routes were taken. Some activists dedicated themselves to the propagation of energy saving measures and regenerative energies , others relied on strict procedural resistance, others on the establishment of powerful environmental protection organizations or political parties. Within the population, the number of opponents approached that of supporters. When SPD and FDP is considerable minority spoke out against nuclear power.

From the late 1970s, the dispute over reprocessing and final disposal came into focus, with the Gorleben nuclear waste storage facility at the center . This also gave the impetus to founding Green Lists , which later led to the formation of the Green Party . At the height of the dispute, the accident at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant in the USA took place , which fueled the anti-nuclear protest. In the spring of 1979, around 100,000 people demonstrated in Hanover when the Gorleben trek arrived . One of the largest demonstrations in Germany with around 100,000 participants in Bonn in autumn 1979 also fell into this phase. In 1980, the Free Wendland Republic was symbolically proclaimed in Gorleben . The Gorleben prayer has been held every Sunday since 1989 . After a four-year construction freeze, it became known at the end of 1980 that construction of the Brokdorf NPP would probably be continued. Against this, around 100,000 people demonstrated on February 28, 1981 (the largest demonstration against nuclear power in Germany to date). In January 1982 around 30,000 people demonstrated in Wyhl.

At the same time as the demonstrations, there were numerous lawsuits in administrative courts against the licensing procedures, some in the form of class actions . In the discussion about the NATO double decision , the peace movement was more widely noticed; their rallies mixed with those of opponents of nuclear power.

The search for alternative repository locations led to storms of protest at every new location. There were over 880,000 procedural objections against the Wackersdorf reprocessing plant in Bavaria . The Chernobyl nuclear disaster in April 1986 revitalized the German anti-nuclear movement.

Entry into the exit

After the change to the black and yellow government in October 1982 and the "turnaround" announced by Helmut Kohl, the political mood initially seemed more favorable for nuclear energy. Soon the opponents of nuclear power gained the upper hand in the - now opposition - SPD. The entry of the Greens into the Bundestag (5.6% in the Bundestag election on March 6, 1983) strengthened the movement considerably. The consensus talks in 1992/93 marked the beginning of the phase-out. This phase also saw a significant decline in the movement's activities, recognizable by the almost complete absence of demonstrations, falling numbers of participants at the annual autumn conferences and the discontinuation of atom magazine . Only the protests against the Konrad repository with 250,000 objections stood out. In the 1990s there were also numerous protests against the Castor transports . In 1998 the "Kohl era" ended after 18 years; a red-green coalition under Gerhard Schröder ( cabinet Schröder I ) took over the government. An agreement with the nuclear industry in 2000 to phase out took the wind out of the sails of the dispute.

Term extension

The news magazine Der Spiegel reported in July 2008 with the title topic “Nuclear power? The uncanny comeback ”in detail about expansion plans for nuclear power in Russia, China and various other countries. In the 2009 federal election campaign , the CDU / CSU and FDP announced that they would terminate the nuclear consensus and want to extend the service life of nuclear power plants in Germany. In October 2010 the Bundestag decided to extend the term by 8 or 14 years . A certain resurgence of the protests against nuclear power did not prevent the new black-yellow coalition ( Merkel I cabinet ) from doing so. In addition to the "classic" actors in the environmental movement, members of industry associations such as the Federal Association for Renewable Energy and the Federal Association for the Solar Industry also took part in the protests and campaigned for renewable energies . More bourgeois protest movements like Stuttgart 21 also took part , whose concerns are more direct democracy and citizen participation . After the service life of German nuclear power plants was extended in 2009, some organizations and individuals called for gravel . In protest in groups as large as possible, the gravel on the railway tracks was cleared over a long distance either by hand or while sitting on the rails with the feet.

Nuclear phase-out in 2011

After the start of the nuclear disaster in Fukushima (March 2011), there were strong protests against nuclear power and for the nuclear phase-out in many German cities. The protests culminated on March 26, 2011 in nationwide mass demonstrations with around 250,000 participants. In June 2011, the Bundestag then decided to phase out nuclear power again with fixed dates (not with residual electricity as before). Sections of the anti-nuclear movement continue to push for a faster exit.

Ideology and goals

The immediate objective is the complete abandonment of the civil use of nuclear energy. The main arguments put forward are radiation risks, firstly in connection with accidents due to technical or human failure, secondly through emissions during normal operation, and thirdly through interim and final storage. In addition, there is a risk of external influences such as plane crashes , earthquakes , wars and terrorism . Conservative and right-wing extremist circles also fear that radiation could damage the genome and thus the life force of the people. Individual Christian groups see in nuclear energy a mania for feasibility and hubris , with which man wants to rise above divine creation.

There are also economic objections. If all hidden costs (especially government research funding and disposal) are taken into account, nuclear energy is far more expensive than other energy sources. In addition, energy is wasted due to the large amount of heat released. Another line of criticism emphasizes that economic damage would occur at NPP sites, for example the value of real estate would fall or tourism would suffer . The non-acceptance of agricultural products by consumers and changes in the microclimate are also used as economic arguments.

The overwhelming majority of the movement's ideological profile is left-wing , even though conservative circles were and are also involved in active resistance in rural areas. Even right-wing groups oppose nuclear energy, but were held by the Movement to distance. The priority of the pursuit of profit over viewpoints oriented towards the common good (including security) is a reproach of the movement towards the energy industry. In addition, interdependencies between economic and state interests are assumed, a lack of separation in many countries between civil and military use of nuclear energy, as well as a lack of transparency, parliamentary control and civic participation. Criticism of tendencies towards shielding and surveillance, which are referred to by the term “nuclear state”, are similar to previously existing criticism of the military-industrial complex that was also made abroad .

On the part of the anti-nuclear movement, numerous educational pamphlets, brochures and manuals were published. The arguments of the industry were sometimes listed methodically and contrasted with corresponding counter-arguments. It was also important for the movement to be able to refer to renowned scientists.

Organizations and networks

A distinctive network structure is characteristic of the movement . After the early phase, many local initiatives joined forces; The Federal Association of Citizens' Initiatives Environmental Protection (BBU) played a central role . Some groups rejected a formal organizational structure and instead advocated a form of grassroots movement . For other groups, such as communist- oriented but also ideologically less determined groups, the BBU was not too combative. The Federal Conference became the most important coordinating body in the 1970s. It was a mostly two-day meeting without a formalized structure of delegates. Here experiences were exchanged, demonstrations planned, strategies discussed, but also ideological disputes were conducted, especially since radical left-wing leaders tried to use the forum. In particular after a moratorium on the expansion of nuclear energy was introduced, the conference became less important. Later, the so-called nuclear waste conference came to the fore, but due to its thematic limitation never reached the broadcast of the federal conference.

The Lüchow-Dannenberg environmental protection initiative is still of great importance today . The reasons were the strategic importance of the waste disposal issue, its own strength, and thirdly the network of more than a hundred support groups. In this context, the network X-thousand times across should be mentioned, which has the Castor transports as its focus of action.

Important network nodes were magazines (atomexpress, atommüllzeitung, anti atom aktuell ), alternative and colorful lists as well as the federal party Die Grünen, and finally smaller groups and institutes of scientists critical of the atom (e.g. the Freiburg Öko-Institut in the early phase ). Environmental groups did not get involved at first, but later followed a line that was decidedly critical of nuclear power (although they categorically rejected violent protests). The BUND , Greenpeace and Robin Wood should be mentioned here in particular . From the mid-1970s, the German movement saw itself as part of an international one, but transnational relations played an insignificant role. Contacts existed with groups in France, the Netherlands, Austria and Switzerland. GDR groups had only sporadic contact due to state repression. In the new federal states there has not been any noteworthy resistance to nuclear energy since reunification .

As a result of the Chernobyl catastrophe, the German movement experienced an extraordinarily strong reactivation compared to other European countries. Groups were formed spontaneously, which were especially joined by parents concerned about the health of their children. However, these groups limited themselves to practical protective measures rather than strategies of resistance to nuclear energy. The practical challenges of the Chernobyl reactor accident required a reassessment of the topic of healthy eating (avoidance of fresh produce, fresh milk), cleanliness of the apartment (removal of radioactive dust), selection of playgrounds (radioactively contaminated sand). These challenges mainly affected mothers and led to the creation of anti-nuclear initiatives. One example of this is the “ Mothers Against Nuclear Power ” association. The association founded in Munich at the time is still active today. He organizes high-profile campaigns and information events against the use of nuclear energy. The Becquerel movement, highlighted by the media, hardly left any traces in the already thinning network.

From 2009 came with Campact and .ausgestrahlt modern action networks.

Strategies

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Blockade in Gorleben in 1996
Human chain against nuclear power on March 12, 2011 between Stuttgart and Neckarwestheim nuclear power plant

In its beginnings, the movement initially saw itself in an outsider position, consisting of industrial companies, state organs, technicians and scientists. The majority of the population was indifferent or had a positive attitude. Therefore, no potential for conflict was shown. This changed when critical popular science publications appeared about limits to growth , environmental problems and health hazards from low radiation. The downplaying of problems in the initial phase by the economy and the state stimulated the thirst for knowledge of the doubters and critics, some of whom were even perceived as "counter-experts". This went from verbal to tangible political actions. The occupation of the building site near Wyhl and the imitation action in Gorleben were characteristic. Most of all, however, there were demonstrations near existing or planned plants. Large demonstrations sometimes led to riots and fights with the police. In addition, there were attacks by groups from the radical left spectrum on nuclear energy companies, railway systems and especially power lines. In the 1980s, these actions became so frequent that individual media stopped reporting in order to prevent counterfeiting. Destruction of property and violent confrontations also led to debates within the movement. In some cases, non-violent groups stood between the militants and the police. In the mid-1990s, the proportion of confrontational and violent clashes reached its peak.

At the beginning of the 1980s, however, the means of large-scale demonstrations lost relative importance in favor of alternative strategies; Only in the context of the transport of nuclear waste to Gorleben were there regular large- scale demonstrations. In the course of the extension of the term of the German nuclear power plants decided by the Bundestag and especially after the reactor disaster in Fukushima, this form of protest gained importance again.

Alternative forms of energy and the avoidance of consumption were increasingly propagated and parliamentary paths were taken. The means of legal objection has been of great importance since the beginning of the movement.

Effects

The movement was the decisive force in slashing nuclear programs of the 1970s and freezing them at the levels of the early 1980s. In some places the construction (Wyhl) or the commissioning ( Kalkar nuclear power plant ) of plants worth billions was prevented. The Hamm nuclear power plant was taken off the grid due to judicial interventions, while other reactors remained in operation. The entire reactor series, with one exception, was based on orders from 1975. To date, only three additional NPPs have been built and nearly a dozen projects canceled, which can perhaps be seen as the central indicator of the movement's impact. According to Joachim Radkau , the movement managed to bring about a turnaround in nuclear and, in some cases, other energy policy as well. In addition, the movement shaped the resistance culture.

Symbols and slogans

The symbol of the anti-nuclear power movement is a red smiling sun on a yellow background with the slogan “Atomkraft? No thanks ”in the respective national language. This symbol has its roots in the Danish anti-nuclear movement of the 1970s and has established itself worldwide.

A typical song of the German anti-nuclear movement is the canon: "Fight yourselves / Resist / Against the nuclear power plant in the country / Get together tightly / Get together tightly", which follows the melody of "Hejo, hook up the car “Is sung and also reached the Austrian movement. The song was rewritten and sung by Stuttgart 21 opponents .

The symbol of the resistance against Castor transports is a (mostly yellow) X. This symbol is younger. It has its origins in the German anti-nuclear movement.

The coat of arms of the Republic of Free Wendland , a hut village (1980) near Gorleben, showed an eight-pointed orange sun on a dark green background.

Well-known opponents of nuclear power

people

  • Hans-Josef Fell (* 1952), Green politician, received the Nuclear-Free Future Award a . a. for his commitment to renewable energies
  • Marianne Fritzen (1924–2016), co-founder and long-time chairwoman of the Lüchow-Dannenberg environmental protection initiative, received the 2010 Petra Kelly Prize from the Heinrich Böll Foundation.
  • Gina Gillig (1954–2013), co-founder of the Mothers Against Nuclear Power Initiative (†)
  • Hartmut Gründler (1930–1977) forced the citizens' dialogue on nuclear energy through one of his hunger strikes in Wyhl in 1975 , used a special technology of networked communication and died in 1977 by self-immolation in protest against the "dishonest" nuclear energy policy of the Schmidt / Genscher government .
  • Robert Jungk (1913–1994), author and recipient of the Right Livelihood Award , coined the term atomic state.
  • Traute Kirsch (1930–2005): Probably her greatest success is the decommissioning of the reactor in Würgassen , for which she has been involved for years in the context of the local UNRAST initiative.
  • Cécile Lecomte (* 1981) an environmental activist living in Germany, is also known as the squirrel because of her climbing activities.
  • Wolf Maahn (* 1955), musician, took a stand against nuclear power together with other artists with the song Tschernobyl (The Last Signal), which was boycotted by many radio stations .
  • Josef Maas (1931–2008) led the resistance against the fast breeder in Kalkar. Known as “Farmer Maas”, he became a symbol of the young ecological movement in Germany in the late 1970s.
  • Walter Mossmann (1941–2015) was active as a songwriter from 1974 in the movement against the planned nuclear power plant in Wyhl and became an important multiplier with his sometimes popular songs (“Die andre Wacht am Rhein”).
  • Walther Soyka (1926-2006) is considered the father of the referendum against the planned Austrian nuclear power plant in Zwentendorf . From 1972 lecturer at the University of Bremen, he led around three thousand lawsuits (class actions) against the German nuclear industry and achieved construction delays, construction prohibitions and financial damage to the nuclear lobby in the billions.
  • Jochen Stay (* 1965) is currently spokesman for the anti-nuclear initiative .ausgestrahlt , before that he was in a leading role in X-thousands and other anti-nuclear initiatives.
  • Holger Strohm (* 1942) testified as an expert before the Interior Committee of the German Bundestag on reactor economics and organizational safety and carried out expert work for UN bodies and the United States' Department of Energy . Winner of the International Environmental Protection Medal, holder of the Federal Cross of Merit and editor and author of over two dozen environmental protection books.
  • Klaus Traube (1928–2016) was a nuclear power manager and later became an opponent of civilian use of atomic energy. See also: eavesdropping affair grape
  • Thomas Wüppesahl (* 1955), member of the Bundestag and co-founder of the anti-nuclear movement in Geesthacht-Krümmel.

Organizations

Since the anti-nuclear movement primarily consists of a large number of smaller organizations, the following overview is incomplete and only names a few of the known non-governmental organizations .

  • Do nuclear phase-out yourself , founded in 2006, a campaign by environmental and consumer organizations for a quick nuclear phase-out through more private use of green electricity
  • The organization. Broadcast started in autumn 2008 to create a platform for unorganized opponents of nuclear power and to network local groups. With a printed circular and as a co-organizer of the nationwide demonstration on September 5, 2009, she achieved great popularity.
  • The BBU (v Federal Association of Citizens 'Initiatives Environmental e.) Included the mid-1970s, after the non-violent struggle for the NPP Wyhl, up to 600 West German citizens' initiatives (including Badisch-Alsace), of which the majority are primarily in the fight against the use committed to nuclear energy.
  • The BUND , founded in 1975, joined the nuclear phase-out campaign itself and has now also emerged with anti-nuclear activities.
  • The citizens' initiative environmental protection Lüchow-Dannenberg , founded in 1972, is one of the constants in the resistance to nuclear energy. Although it is not organized nationwide, it became known nationwide through the actions around the planned Gorleben repository.
  • The World Union for Protection of Life garnered since its inception the technical objections to this in the context of approval procedures carried forward in the early 1970s., Participated in the discussion at the former Federal Ministry of Research nuclear program part and called in 1973 for opposition to the nuclear power plant Grohnde on.
  • Greenpeace expanded its actions against nuclear tests also against the use of atomic energy, for example blockades of transport routes for CASTOR containers and demonstrations at nuclear power plants.
  • IPPNW ; International Doctors for the Prevention of Nuclear War, doctors with social responsibility, received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985 for their commitment .
  • The NABU as the largest German nature and environmental protection association and its youth organization NAJU contains mainly politically since about 1990, for an end to nuclear power one.
  • The Friends of Nature Germany involved since the 1950s against the use of nuclear energy. It was only against military use and when the first public protests against civil use took place that the NaturFreunde were directly involved. In almost every anti-nuclear protest in Germany, NaturFreunde were involved either as individuals or on behalf of the organization. You have also registered many demonstrations.
  • Robin Wood : The resistance to nuclear power is part of the “Energy” thematic block, which in turn is one of Robin Wood's main topics. Robin Wood's main focus is on blocking actions, for example by chaining or abseiling. So z. B. 2003 four Robin Wood activists concreted into the track bed near Süschendorf on the Lüneburg - Dannenberg railway line; The nuclear waste transport train to Gorleben was stopped for 17 hours.
  • X-thousand times across is significantly involved in the protests against the Castor transports to Gorleben
  • Mothers Against Nuclear Power was founded in connection with the Chernobyl disaster
  • Franz Moll Foundation for Coming Generations has set itself the goal of bringing about the end of the atomic age. Gives the Nuclear-Free Future Award - according to taz "the most important anti- nuclear award in the world".
  • The Bäuerliche Notgemeinschaft , a loose association of farmers from the Lüchow-Dannenberg region, not only participates in demonstrations with their tractors, but also uses them specifically to blockages during the Castor transports.
  • In some cases, personnel and content overlap with the autonomous scene.

See also

literature

  • Dieter Rucht : Anti-nuclear movement . In Roland Roth , Dieter Rucht (ed.): The social movements in Germany since 1945. Campus, 2008, ISBN 978-3-593-38372-9 .
  • Jochen Roose: The endless dispute over atomic energy. Conflict-sociological investigation of a permanent dispute. In: Peter Henning Feindt, Thomas Saretzki (Ed.): Environmental and technological conflicts. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010, pp. 79-103.
  • Willi Baer , Karl-Heinz Dellwo : Dear active today than radioactive tomorrow I . In: Willi Baer, ​​Karl-Heinz Dellwo (Ed.): Library of Resistance . tape 18 . Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-942281-01-0 .
  • Willi Baer, ​​Karl-Heinz Dellwo: Better to be active today than radioactive tomorrow II . In: Willi Baer, ​​Karl-Heinz Dellwo (Ed.): Library of Resistance . tape 19 . Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-942281-17-1 .
  • Willi Baer, ​​Karl-Heinz Dellwo: Better to be active today than radioactive tomorrow III . In: Willi Baer, ​​Karl-Heinz Dellwo (Ed.): Library of Resistance . tape 23 . Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-942281-02-7 .

Web links

Commons : Anti-atom movement in Germany  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Radkau: The era of ecology: A world history. Beck, 2011, ISBN 978-3-406-61372-2 . Quoted from Peter Leusch: Blocking can be a sin - history of the anti-nuclear movement. on Deutschlandradio.
  2. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Dieter Rucht : Anti-nuclear power movement . In: Roland Roth, Dieter Rucht (eds.): The social movements in Germany since 1945. Campus, 2008, ISBN 978-3-593-38372-9 .
  3. ↑ zeit.de: With the atomic car on the highway
  4. ↑ Elisabeth von Thadden: Nuclear Crisis “Some things remain puzzling” Japan has long been more risk-conscious with earthquakes than with nuclear energy . In: DIE ZEIT, March 17, 2011 No. 12.
  5. ^ The rise and crisis of the German nuclear industry. 1945-1975. Replaced Alternatives in Nuclear Technology and the Origin of the Nuclear Controversy. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1983, ISBN 3-499-17756-0 .
  6. ↑ Peter Leusch: Blocking can be a sin
  7. ↑ Evil massacre. In: Der Spiegel. 14/1977.
  8. ↑ Hans Michaelis: Nuclear Energy. 2 volumes, 1977, dtv science series
  9. ↑ SPIEGEL 28/2008 “Nuclear Power? The scary comeback ” online
  10. ^ Spiegel-online from October 28, 2010: Protest against nuclear policy: Greenpeace occupies the roof of the CDU headquarters
  11. ↑ BEE press release "Atom deal turns energy concept into farce / Renewable industry fears investment slump"
  12. ↑ BDS press release on the extension of the term
  13. ↑ Record demos in Germany: nuclear dispute hits coalition with full force . In: Spiegel Online . March 26, 2011 ( spiegel.de [accessed February 19, 2019]).
  14. ↑ Luca Schirmer: The anti-nuclear movement on new paths? The Friends of Nature in the context of the anti-nuclear movement at the time of the energy transition. In: NaturFreundeGeschichte. 2019, accessed December 6, 2019 .
  15. ↑ a b Website Mothers Against Nuclear Power ( Memento from August 21, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
  16. ↑ Ulrike Röhr, Dagmar Vinz: Women against atomic energy - the effects of Chernobyl on environmental and energy policy engagement of women. In: Lutz Mez, Lars Gerhold, Gerhard de Haan (eds.): Nuclear power as a risk. Analyzes and consequences after Chernobyl. International Science Publishing House, Frankfurt am Main 2010.
  17. ↑ The Smiling Sun
  18. ↑ Tobias Widmaier, Nils Grosch: Lied and popular culture, p. 214.
  19. ↑ Georg Friesenbichler: Our wild years: The Seventies in Austria, p. 166.
  20. ↑ n-tv online: Resistance training in Stuttgart - Protest needs to be learned. Retrieved November 13, 2013
  21. ↑ Information on Gina Gillig
  22. ↑ merkur-online.de from January 20, 2014 Munich North: Tragic certainty: The missing Gina Gillig is dead , from NN , accessed on January 20, 2014.
  23. ^ Obituary for Traute Kirsch ( Memento of December 17, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  24. ↑ WESER-KURIER, 12./13. February 1972, page 49
  25. ↑ WESER-KURIER, February 14, 1973, page 2
  26. ↑ WESER-KURIER, July 17, 1973, page 15
  27. ↑ Luca Schirmer: The anti-nuclear movement on new paths? The Friends of Nature in the context of the anti-nuclear movement at the time of the energy transition. In: NaturFreundeGeschichte. 2019, accessed December 6, 2019 .