enemy image

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With enemy a social is generally patterns of interpretation in relation to other people , groups of people (especially minorities ), peoples , states or ideologies called that view black and white on one of the world ( dichotomy , duality is based) and with negative ideas , settings and emotions connected is. Is typical of an enemy that in others and strangers , the evil is seen and this negative image contrasting a positive self-image or friend image is compared. Images of the enemy are built up by politicians who practice populism , among others . They are based on a conspiracy , the human behavioral pattern of defense and protest attitudes.

Patterns of perception

Selective perception

In research on the image of the enemy, questions are asked about how images of the enemy are built up and used politically. Both social factors and the pattern of perception that make enemy images possible are examined. One approach is selective perception. In psychology and philosophy it is assumed from a skeptical point of view that human perception is selective in that it can only partially grasp the factual , the real , the real , the objective or the true . The selective perception leads from the perspective of skeptics, is that certain ideas of order, structured nature and predictability set in humans. In his study of The Symbolic Function of State Institutions , the American political scientist Murray Edelmann tried to demonstrate that “political opinions and attitudes are not based on observations or empirical evidence, but on the social prejudices of individual groups, which together create the meaning that they then translate into the present or interpret anticipated events. "

Selective human perception, opinions of interest groups and norms -oriented ways of thinking, such as clichés , stereotypes and prejudices , would thus become a breeding ground for the exclusion of the foreign, the other and ultimately also due to fixations on central social symbols and morally negative attributions ( attributions , connotations ) of the opponent constructed in this way, which can go so far that "under certain circumstances even its fantasized or even real destruction" is considered. George Herbert Mead therefore pleaded with regard to the phenomenon of selective perception and in the context of his epistemological approach that our attention should not only focus on what is in the glaring "spotlight of our attention", but also on the "fringes of experience". Taking this into account - despite a possibly disparaging attitude - would mean that a “comprehensive knowledge and assessment of the actual core situation” could become possible. Epistemological approaches lead, as the enemy image researcher Anne Katrin Flohr emphasized, to counteract the so-called halo effect (from English halo , halo ). Because this mental-psychological effect has the effect that “when assessing people, the individual judgments are standardized according to the positive or the negative”. Selective perception would therefore be associated with information loss, information distortion and the one-sidedness of information selection.

The Romanian philosopher and aphorist Emil Cioran , on the other hand, thought more pragmatic and entirely in the spirit of a modern aesthetic art of living, who wrote in 1973: “In my youth, nothing was as enjoyable for me as creating enemies. If I create one now, my first thought is to reconcile with him so that I don't have to deal with him anymore. Having enemies is a great responsibility . My burden is enough for me. I can't wear the other's too. "And:" I have decided not to have an argument with anyone since I noticed that I always end up becoming like my newest enemy. "

Moral evaluations

Because selective perceptions can be associated with apparently disproportionate moral evaluations, which contribute significantly to stabilizing the image of the perceived enemy, morality itself is also problematized. So z. B. with a view to the sciences: Because beyond philosophy and epistemology it is generally less well known that the thesis of the value neutrality of scientific statements and theories is extremely controversial. Believing in the objectivity of expert knowledge and scientific results as well as based on religious or political philosophies, convictions are sometimes unreflectedly represented, for example the theses of the “ justice of war ” ( Cicero , Augustine , Thomas Aquinas ) or the inevitability of a “war of civilizations ”( Samuel P. Huntington , Bassam Tibi ).

Another problem in research on enemy images is the belief that criticism of enemy images is linked to moral classifications in the sense of “wrong perception”, “wrong theory”, “wrong politics” or “wrong religion”. Sensible criticism in this sense also means, according to Franz Nuscheler , that it must be recognized that no one should lay claim to a benchmark for a “realistic perception”, even if definitions of enemy images prove to be resistant to factual counter-information. On the other hand, it should not be denied that there are people or groups of people who can actually be life-threatening. And the ambivalences and existential tensions associated with such insights , according to the political scientist Eric Voegelin , should be accepted and accepted from a humanist perspective . Above all, these tensions should be used to set cognitive processes in motion and to advance them further.

Social inequalities

Sociological and historical research into the phenomenon of social inequality in modern societies has also provided a profitable approach to tracking down the formation of enemy images . A separate sociological research branch in this context, the Gender Studies (Gender Studies) is the historian. George L. Mosse , for example, described in his book The image of the man the links between social inequalities, stereotypes of masculinity and femininity and thus corresponding enemy images with ideas the threat to one's own identity . As part of his research on fascism , Mosse wrote that in the 19th and 20th centuries the perceived "enemies of masculinity" were always "the declared opponents" of the fascist and fascist men.

The psychoanalyst Arno Gruen came to a similar conclusion , who even wrote that “the basic disease of mankind” revolves around those people “who can only maintain their personality structures through enemy images”. And he noted that the “falling apart of the social framework” would also lead to “the falling apart of his world”, especially for people who are strictly concerned with adaptation . What is special about this formulation is that the identity problem is not only related to one's own person, but also to the “ world ” that is personally perceived as significant . In times of social upheaval and crises , according to Gruen, the changed perception of the world and the collapse of one's own identity reinforce “the need for an enemy”, with people who think and feel in this way bowing with enthusiasm to an authority that allows the enemy image. Social psychologists also refer to this process as the scapegoat mechanism , for example the philosopher and cultural anthropologist René Girard , who attached particular importance to this mechanism in the context of his mimetic social theory. Arno Gruen went one step further, however, by looking at the social and psychological conditions of parent-child relationships . He wrote:

“The process in man that creates images of the enemy can be outlined as follows: If the real enemy - that is, the bad father and the bad mother - must not be seen because the child submitted to their" non-love ", must the later adults hate the opposite of the bad mother and the bad father. The good mother or the good father could awaken the need for real love in this development and thus endanger them with the real bad parents! The good parents become the enemy as they threaten to trigger off the previous need for real love. "

Holistic perception

A characteristic feature of perceptual patterns on which thinking in terms of enemy images is based is the more or less structured totality of negative ideas , attitudes and feelings . There are no contradictions between thinking and feeling, and no contradictions are allowed. Contradictions, ambivalences and so-called cognitive dissonances are either not present in the fixation on self-relieving ideologies and myths or are quickly suppressed without further reflection . The political scientist Claus-Ekkehard Bärsch also pointed out the identity problem in his study on Joseph Goebbels . For Goebbels' specific way of thinking, Bärsch diagnosed that his "form of identification of ego and society based on the generalization of self-experience " was under rational aspects a "logically inadmissible confusion of part and whole". For him, the view of the whole would have "absolutely priority, namely in the form of unity". Bärsch was even of the opinion that this perception was an "essential thought pattern" by Goebbels. Goebbels would also have perceived and interpreted society in general in terms of identity and substance , "insofar as it is asserted both by the foreign community and by one's own community that it has a" being "". Holistic experiences therefore play an essential role in thinking about enemies with regard to feelings, ideas, identity and the world.

The lack of knowledge , certainty and orientation regarding the alien resulting from the striving for unity and wholeness , according to enemy image research, means that ambiguous political signals and events can lead to fear and fear , which consequently pose an existential threat to the other or opponent and let it be perceived as life-threatening. Your own fears are accordingly directed to external symbols for conflict management and psychological relief. In research on enemy images, this psychological process is called projection . In contrast to the psychological explanatory model of the authoritarian personality , which was particularly popular in the 1960s and 1970s, which focused on more specific character structures of individual people, the research approach of projective perception investigates generally applicable phenomena. For example, with regard to communication processes : In communicative processes and discourses that are related to perceived crisis situations, in the event of possible psychological stress - comparable to a political ritual - the view is directed to relevant political symbols in which the interpretations of reality are accepted or confirmed without being checked become. This psychosocial stabilization would then lead to the group cohesion being staged discursively and symbolically to the outside world - without the cohesion having solid foundations beyond the symbolic. In social psychological research, this phenomenon is also referred to as othering . It should be noted that, according to researchers, specific perceptions relate to social symbols.

The philosopher Michel Foucault, who has dealt with the history of modern madness on the basis of a self-developed epistemological concept, which he called the archeology of knowledge , argued that when analyzing “linguistic symbols” and discourses of this kind Couleur, as well as modern discourses in general, must be about “uncovering those dark forms and forces with which one usually connects people's discourses with one another”. It is important to chase these forms and forces “out of the shadows”, whereby he methodically stipulates that it can be assumed “that one is only dealing with a number of scattered events ”. This “ structuralist ” methodological approach was therefore used by Foucault as an instrument to find out possible conditions for the emergence of enemy images on the basis of specific studies of discourses. And he had successfully applied this archaeological method, for example, in his popular book Wahnsinn und Gesellschaft , which has the significant subtitle A History of Madness in the Age of Reason . The peace researcher Johan Galtung also proceeded in a similar way , who also processed ideas of structuralism as part of his research by developing his - albeit not undisputed - concept of structural violence as an analytical tool for researching social conditions of enemy images and associated phenomena of violence .

Imaginary perception

Since around the 1980s, studies of enemy images, which are always intended to denote true or supposedly evil , have increasingly included the socio-politically relevant phenomenon of the imaginary and described . The philosopher Rüdiger Safranski, for example, who published his book Das Böse or The Drama of Freedom in 1997, initially asked himself how the mental and psychological phenomenon of the imaginary could be described in general. He succinctly summarized:

“The imagined world is one that is ' imagined' . It is an image that does not depict , but takes the place of reality . It is a second world that can control and even dominate behavior in the first. The imagination makes use of the materials from which one lives: experiences, impressions, obsessions, desires. But what it produces from it is something new that can also oppose other reality. Thinking has never cope with the problem of images and is even less able to cope with it today, as imagination and reality are whirled around in the floods of images of the modern media age . [...] The Jews were not what Hitler "saw" in them. But he made it so; he 'saw' them as bacilli and had them killed as bacilli. And those who participated in it or let it happen indifferently, then also "saw" it, or at least acted according to this point of view. It used to be called › delusion ‹. "

The Greek philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis developed his own approach to researching the “socio-historical and psychological” imaginary as early as 1964. In his L'institution imaginaire de la société ( Society as an imaginary institution ), published for the first time in 1975 , he represented this The view that every society would create its own horizon of social imaginary meanings according to its identity and quantity logic. According to him, the aim must be to make people aware of this horizon so that society can develop autonomously . Based on the political-philosophical alienation thesis of Karl Marx and his thoughts on the “memory of past generations”, Castoriadis pointed to the special way of experiencing the imaginary in modern times, “which awakens the past and makes our fantasies more powerful than people made of flesh and blood: the dead seize the living. ”And Jürgen Boettcher and Justus Ulbricht wrote in 1997:“ National Socialism in particular instrumentalized public funeral ceremonies for its political purposes in a hitherto unknown way, using all previous traditions in an artful way. The National Socialist cult around the dead heroes was unmistakably linked to Christian tradition. "

Religious patterns of interpretation

In particular, German and American religious-political research, which has been trying since the 1990s to research modern racism , fundamentalism and totalitarianism on the basis of the concept of a political religion , reflects on typical political and religious-scientific concepts in order to use them as instruments for the knowledge of such phenomena of violence . According to the political scientist Claus-Ekkehard Bärsch , the research interest in this research approach is directed in particular towards religion , whereby religion should initially be understood as an “interpretation of reality” with a belief at its center . What is special about this approach is that initially it is not assumed that enemy images are used solely as instruments to pursue political interests without a “real” or “true” belief among the actors and interest groups . Rather, according to this approach, the religious symbols, rituals and beliefs used emerged on the basis of already established religions, especially in the course of secularization processes and crises in the modern world. The need for religion has by no means disappeared at present. The religious scholar Mircea Eliade wrote : “But, as we have already said, completely non-religious people are a rare phenomenon, even in the most strongly desacralized modern societies. Most " non- religious" people still behave religiously, even if they are not aware of it. ”The establishment of analytical connections between religion and politics in research approaches , as formulated by religious politics, became clear as early as the 1980s. For example, the historian Thomas Nipperdey wrote about modern society between 1870 and 1918:

“The nation is sacralized , it is more than rationally comprehensible commonality, it has a numinous quality, the relationship to it in an existential crisis is characterized less by sobriety than by enthusiasm . The widespread symbolism of the nation, the festivals and monuments , the forms of national cult - these are other indications of the quasi-religious character. Loyalty and demarcation are fixed in it. "

The historian Klaus Vondung came to similar conclusions in his study of German society in the 19th and 20th centuries, also in the 1980s. Vondung wrote that "there is no question that there would be an analogy between modern models of history, which see the meaning of history in the progress of mankind towards a goal of inner-worldly perfection , and certain Christian ideas of history". And based on the thought world of early Christian Gnosis , which cut its sacred world into two parts according to the pattern “God” and “Satan” as well as “Light” and “Darkness”, he concluded: “The Gnostic longing for dissolution the unbearable reality and the apocalyptic near expectation of change are combined with the desire for revolutionary action. "As early as 1970, the cultural historian Friedrich Heer had raised this aspect by writing:" There is a rebellious, even a revolutionary element in the old Gnosis, which can also become political in the late sons and students of Gnosis in the 19th and 20th centuries. ”And the political scientist and religious scholar Reinhard W. Sonnenschmidt came to the conclusion in his work Political Gnosis , published in 2001 , that in addition to Marxism , National Socialism can be regarded as a "Gnostic religion", which is not only due to z This is due to the fact that according to the logic of “Aryans” and “Jew” as well as “race” and “counter-race” were thought, but also because common features, such as not least “ alienation ” and “ immortality mania ”, both in late antique religion as well as in contemporary political philosophy. One example of National Socialism is the Nazi chief ideologist Alfred Rosenberg , who can be seen as a prime example of political gnosis; not least because, based on Meister Eckart, in his work The Myth of the 20th Century, he projected a divine core into an “Aryan race” he imagined and “the Jews” as a “counter-nation”, later as a “counter-race” featured. And on January 29, 2002, for example, US President George W. Bush described Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an axis of evil , demonstrating his determination to force the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein out of office - in case of doubt against the will of Europeans. Later, after receiving massive negative international sanctions, Bush publicly withdrew the expression "axis of evil" .

Political instrumentalization

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The enemy in propaganda

Regardless of the fact whether certain people or groups actually have the conviction that in specific cases they are threatening enemies or not, an already existing enemy image can be used to enforce specific interests. The procedure almost always resembles a similar pattern: It is suggested that the outgroup or “the enemy strives for maximum benefit and pursues the worst intentions”, whereby the ingroup must be “prepared for the worst case to avoid damage”. In addition, the political scientist Franz Nuscheler stated:

“Comparable behaviors are assessed completely differently depending on the point of view: one's own weapons serve peace, those of others are peace-threatening weapons of mass destruction; foreign interventions by one's own party serve justice or democracy ; Interventions by the opponent, on the other hand, to support unjust regimes; one's own party 'declares' and 'warns', while the enemy 'asserts' and ' threatens' . Negative behavior of one's own party (e.g. crime) can only be explained situationally, through specific circumstances, whereas with the opponent it is the rule or is inherent . "

For example, the thesis has emerged in research that existing prejudices are consciously used against an outgroup in order to distract the actors (individuals or groups) affected by an alleged or real disadvantage from the real cause of their disadvantage and their frustration and the resulting frustration To direct aggression against a clearly defined goal.

Above all, before and during armed conflicts, the ruling elites of a state consciously and deliberately stir up images of the enemy in order to convince their population of the rightness of the war and the malice of the enemy.

Enemy images in political extremism

In extremism research, images of the enemy are conceived as anti-democratic patterns of interpretation. Two different levels of analysis are central: structure and content.

The structural dimension tests “the way in which reality is constructed”. If a collective, a country or an idea is consistently portrayed negatively, one can speak of the construction of an enemy image. According to Fabian Fischer, images of the enemy are "structurally anti-democratic" because they only contain " a (negative) perspective on the reality to be interpreted". The content-related dimension examines the extent to which the "values ​​of the democratic constitutional state [...] are questioned".

Fischer emphasizes the ideological character of enemy images in political extremism. Anti-Semitism, anti-Americanism and anti-capitalism are defensive ideologies that differ from one another in terms of their “agitational reference point”, their “anti-democratic impetus” and their “agitation potential”.

Defense ideologies in comparison anti-Semitism Anti-americanism Anti-capitalism
Agitatory reference point

People

Country

system

Anti-democratic impetus

High

medium

medium

Agitation potential & social acceptance

Low

medium

High

Illustration: A comparison of defense ideologies

Enemy images in the context of confrontational violence

For several years, images of the enemy have also been researched in the context of confrontational violence, whereby the term “politically motivated confrontational violence” denotes solidified patterns of political violence, according to which related groups exercise violence against people or property at rallies or demonstrations. As a rule, deployed police forces are also affected by this violence.

The patterns of enemy images of the milieus involved shape their justifications for violence. In both lines of conflict, “ left versus right-wing extremist” and “ anti-Muslim versus militant Salafist ( jihadist )”, the confrontationally opposing radical groups refer to each other and thereby constitute differentiated enemy images in addition to their respective self-images. Although violence legitimized by images of the enemy is consistently referred to as a defensive strategy, there are differences in the type of legitimation for violence and in the intensity of the violence propagated against the supposed enemy.

In all four enemy image discourses ( right-wing and left-wing extremist as well as anti-Muslim and militant Salafist ), strong devaluations of the "enemies" can be observed, which are usually described and assessed in a generalized way. The opponents are regarded as morally inferior, they are assigned a morally reprehensible lifestyle and intrinsic violence. This goes so far that the identified enemies are portrayed as foreigners without rights and not as part of the same moral community. In the various extremist milieus, the state is mostly portrayed as the "helper of the enemy"; State organs, especially the police, are always seen as "helpers" or protective powers of the respective opposing side and are therefore part of the enemy image with its diffuse edges ("the system").

The anti-Muslim discourse, which argues from a “European” discourse, is shown most closely to the political issues of the bourgeois political center in Germany. Despite his notions of global conspiracies by Muslims and political elites, which are reminiscent of figures of anti-Semitism , and the reifying notion of an extremely variant religion, this applies as a totalitarian ideology (“Islam”).

In addition to the similarities in the construction of the enemy and the self-image of left and right-wing extremists, there are also far-reaching asymmetries with regard to the acceptance of violence. While violence in right-wing extremism stands for vitality and masculinity, in the autonomous Antifa violence is primarily understood as a strategically deployed instrument to an end, which is at the same time exaggerated with historical reference to the fight against National Socialism .

The second line of conflict (anti-Muslim versus militant Salafists) is much more recent and was only linked to the broader social discourse after the attacks of September 11, 2001 . While the anti-Muslim discourse certainly refers to topoi relevant to society as a whole, such as fear of foreign infiltration and security aspects, but also women's emancipation and freedom discourse, the radical Islamist argumentation is not represented in leading German media. The radical Salafists' image of the enemy is embedded in a religiously based war narrative that is transferred to internal social conflicts. The enemies are consistently portrayed as aggressors and provocateurs, against whom defensive violence (in the sense of defending one's faith) is permitted. Through the sacralization of the enemy image (similar to the self-image through the figure of the martyr), the fight against the supposed aggressors is exaggerated, which on the one hand emphasizes the avant-garde function of the radicals, but on the other hand can also provoke rapid, intense escalations of violence.

In the area of prevention in particular, the further analysis of the enemy image constructs in the respective extremist milieus is of great importance and offers starting points for counteracting violent escalation dynamics in the long term.

See also

literature

Philosophical Approaches
Historical approaches
Approaches based on rhetoric theory
Myth Research
  • Gazi Çağlar : The Myth of the War of Civilizations. The west against the rest of the world. A reply to Samuel P. Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations". Münster 2002, ISBN 3-89771-414-0 .
Sociological Approaches
Gender research
Psychological approaches
  • Arno Gruen : False gods. About love, hate and the difficulty of peace. Extended edition, Düsseldorf / Vienna / New York 1991. (Extended edition, Munich 1993, ISBN 3-423-35059-8 .)
  • Sam Keen: Faces of Evil. About the emergence of our enemy images, Munich 1993, ISBN 3-453-06508-5
  • Klaus Theweleit: Male fantasies . Vol. 2: men's body. On the psychoanalysis of white terror. Munich 1977, ISBN 3-87877-110-X . (Paperback edition, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-492-23041-5 .)
Political science approaches
  • Fabian Fischer: The constructed danger. Enemy images in political extremism, Baden-Baden, 2018, ISBN 978-3-8487-5149-5 .
Others
  • Carl order : enemy image and hope for peace. Anti-communist deformations of the Christian message. Union Berlin 1985

Web links

Wiktionary: Feindbild  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations
Wikiquote: Enemy  - Quotes

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f g h i Franz Nuscheler: Does politics need enemy images? . In: K. Hilpert / J. Werbick (Ed.): Living with others , Düsseldorf 1995, p. 251 f.
  2. ↑ Florian Hartleb: Populism - an obstacle to political socialization? In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte , Heft 41 (2005), p. 35. Available online: APuZ archive (PDF; 1.61 MB); see. also Uwe E. Kemmesies (ed.): Terrorism and extremism - the future on the trail . Munich 2006, ISBN 3-472-06588-5 , p. 49 f.
  3. ^ A b c d e Murray Edelmann: Politics as a ritual . The symbolic function of state institutions and political action, Frankfurt a. M./New York 1990, p. 94.
  4. ↑ Horst Jürgen Helle: Understanding Sociology and Theory of Symbolic Interaction , ed. by Erwin K. Scheuch and Heinz Sahner (study scripts on sociology), Stuttgart 1992, 87 f.
  5. ^ Anne Katrin Flohr: Enemy images in international politics. Their origin and function , Münster / Hamburg 1993, ISBN 3-88660-798-4 , p. 47 f.
  6. ^ Wilhelm Schmid : Philosophy of the art of living. A foundation. Frankfurt a. M. 2003, ISBN 3-518-06749-4 .
  7. ↑ a b Emil Cioran : The disadvantage of being born . Frankfurt a. M. 1979, pp. 24 and 96, ISBN 3-518-37049-9 . (Adaptation of the quotations to the ref. German spelling.)
  8. ↑ Gazi Çağlar: The Myth of the War of Civilizations. The west against the rest of the world. A reply to Samuel P. Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations". Münster 2002, ISBN 3-89771-414-0 .
  9. ↑ Eric Voegelin : Order, Consciousness, History. Late Writings - A Selection , ed. by Peter J. Opitz, Stuttgart 1988, p. 127 ff., 133 ff.
  10. ^ Rainer Geissler: Social stratification and life chances in Germany . 2., completely reworked. and updated edition, Stuttgart 1994, ISBN 3-432-95982-6 .
  11. ↑ George L. Mosse : The image of the man. To the construction of modern masculinity. From the American by Tatjana Kruse, Frankfurt a. M. 1997, ISBN 3-7632-4729-7 , p. 77.
  12. ↑ a b c d Arno Gruen : False gods. About love, hate and the difficulty of peace. Düsseldorf / Vienna / New York 1991, p. 29 ff.
  13. ^ Neville Symington: Emotional Action . What religion and psychoanalysis have in common, from the English by Brigitte Flickinger, Göttingen 1997, p. 113.
  14. ^ Claus-Ekkehard Bärsch: The young Goebbels . Redemption and Destruction, 2nd, by two digressions, 1st and 2nd abridged editions added at the end of the 1st edition, Munich 1995, p. 252.
  15. ↑ Claus Ekkehard Bärsch: The political religion of National Socialism . Munich 1998, p. 125, ISBN 3-7705-3172-8 .
  16. ^ A b Anne Katrin Flohr: Enemy images in international politics. Their origin and function , Münster / Hamburg 1993, p. 61 f.
  17. ↑ Michel Foucault : Archeology of Knowledge , Frankfurt a. M. 1973, p. 34.
  18. ^ Michael Foucault: Madness and Society . A story of madness in the age of reason . 12th edition, Frankfurt a. M. 1996, ISBN 3-518-27639-5 .
  19. ^ Johan Galtung : Structural violence. Contributions to peace and conflict research , Reinbek near Hamburg 1975.
  20. ↑ a b Rüdiger Safranski : The Evil or The Drama of Freedom . Munich / Vienna 1997, ISBN 3-446-18767-7 , p. 286 f.
  21. ↑ a b c Cornelius Castoriadis: Society as an imaginary institution . Draft political philosophy. Frankfurt a. M. 1990, p. 11 f. and 226 f., ISBN 3-518-28467-3 . (Adaptation of the quotation to the ref. German spelling.)
  22. ↑ Jürgen Boettcher / Jutus H. Ulbricht: ›The way of the new Germany still went through graves‹. Insights into the political cult of the dead in Weimar. In: Ursla Härtl / Burkhard Stenzel / Justus H. Ulbricht: Here, here is Germany ... From national cultural concepts to National Socialist cultural policy , ISBN 3-89244-279-7 , p. 58.
  23. ↑ Claus-Ekkehard Bärsch : The political religion of National Socialism . Fink-Verlag, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-7705-3172-8 , p. 35.
  24. ↑ Mircea Eliade : The sacred and the profane . On the essence of the religious, from the French, Baden-Baden 1998, ISBN 3-458-33942-6 , p. 176.
  25. ↑ Thomas Nipperdey : Religion in Transition . Germany 1870-1918, Munich 1988, ISBN 3-406-33119-X , p. 139.
  26. ↑ a b Klaus Vondung: The Apocalypse in Germany . Munich 1988, p. 62, ISBN 3-423-04488-8 .
  27. ↑ Friedrich Heer : Farewell to hells and heavens . From the end of the religious tertiary, Munich / Esslingen 1970, 37 f.
  28. ↑ Reinhard W. Sonnenschmidt: Political Gnosis . Belief in alienation and illusion of immortality in religion and political philosophy of late antiquity, Munich 2001, p. 245 ff., ISBN 3-7705-3626-6 .
  29. ^ Alfred Rosenberg : The Myth of the 20th Century . An evaluation of the emotional and spiritual gestalt struggles of our time, 71st – 74th ed., Munich 1935, p. 462; later he also spoke of "counter-race"; B. Alfred Rosenberg: Weltanschauung and doctrine of faith . Halle an der Saale 1939, p. 8.
  30. ↑ Fabian Fischer: The constructed danger. Enemy images in political extremism . Nomos, Baden-Baden 2018, ISBN 978-3-8487-5149-5 , p. 66-67 .
  31. ↑ Fabian Fischer: The constructed danger. Enemy images in political extremism . Nomos, Baden-Baden 2018, ISBN 978-3-8487-5149-5 , p. 244 .
  32. ↑ Fabian Fischer: The constructed danger . Nomos, Baden-Baden 2018, p. 244 .
  33. ↑ a b c Matenia Sirseloudi, Sybille Reinke de Buitrago: Confrontational enemy images and their conditions of origin. An empirical analysis along the lines of conflict “left versus right-wing extremist” and “anti-Muslim versus militant Salafist” . Ed .: Federal Criminal Police Office. Wiesbaden 2016 ( bka.de ).
  34. ↑ Bernhard Pörksen: The construction of enemy images: On the use of language in neo-Nazi media . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2005.
  35. ↑ a b c d Matenia Sirseloudi: Violence as a counter-defense? Federal Agency for Civic Education, accessed on May 19, 2020 .