National Council election in Slovakia 2010

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2006National Council election in Slovakia 20102012
Result (in%)
 %
40
30th
20th
10
0
34.8
15.4
12.1
8.5
8.1
5.1
4.3
4.3
7.4
Otherwise.
Gains and losses
compared to 2006
 % p
 14th
 12
 10
   8th
   6th
   4th
   2
   0
  -2
  -4
  -6
  -8th
+5.7
-3.0
+12.1
+0.2
+8.1
-6.6
-7.4
-4.5
-4.6
Otherwise.
Distribution of seats
      
A total of 150 seats

The parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2010 for the National Council took place on Saturday, June 12, 2010, a full four years after the early elections in 2006. It was the fifth National Council election since Slovakia's independence in 1993. 4.36 million eligible voters in Germany and abroad could decide on the 150 members of the National Council for the next four years. In the election, 18 political parties and movements with a total of 2,401 candidates stood up to the Slovak voters.

The election ended with a clear victory for the strongest coalition party, Smer-SD ; Nevertheless, the previous coalition lost its parliamentary majority as the coalition partners suffered massive losses of votes. The SNS was only able to stay above the 5% hurdle and the ĽS-HZDS of former Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar , which was dominant in the 1990s, missed entry into the National Council for the first time. The center-right opposition ( SDKÚ-DS , SaS , KDH and Most-Híd ), on the other hand, were able to collect more seats and thus had better chances of forming a new government. The failure of the Hungarian opposition party SMK-MKP was seen as a surprise .

On July 8, 2010, 26 days after the election, the SDKÚ-DS campaign manager, Iveta Radičová, was appointed Prime Minister of the new government. The next day the new ministers were appointed.

Electoral system

The National Council was elected using proportional representation. There was a threshold clause of 5% for individual parties, 7% for a coalition of two to three parties and 10% for four or more parties. The legislative period was 4 years.

Election campaign

A sticker from the Most – Híd party in Bratislava

The date of the National Council election was announced on February 1, 2010 by the National Council President Pavol Paška .

The main themes of the election campaign were originally the effects of the global economic crisis on the Slovak economy and the complicated Slovak-Hungarian relations. A few weeks before the election there were also flood problems and a nine-year-old case of shadow financing by the Smer-SD party. But different themes and styles were to be expected from both sides: from the coalition parties themes such as a strong social program, protection of the state against the “enemies” (Hungary, opposition, media), Roma problem (SNS) and, in general, an aggressive one Leadership of the election campaign. A mixture was to be expected from the opposition parties: at SaS (economy and liberalism), Most-Híd (cooperation between Slovaks and Hungarians) and KDH (traditional values, law, corruption and in some cases economy) a passive and positive leadership; In the case of SMK-MKP (interest of Hungarians, regional development) and SDKÚ-DS (economy, school and health system, corruption, alternative to the Smer-SD), the political scientists also suspected confrontation, mixed with positive leadership.

The Fico government has listed the introduction of the euro on January 1, 2009, the strengthening of social programs (e.g. Christmas pension, no tax increase) and the reversal of some “anti-social” measures of the center-right government 1998-2006 as its successes. The opposition, however, pointed to the growing budget deficit (6.3% of GDP in 2009), higher unemployment (14.2% in 2009), stagnation in GDP growth (-5% in 2009) and lower foreign investment in Slovakia . The Greek financial crisis was also an issue; SDKÚ-DS, SaS and SNS had rejected the loan for the Greek state worth EUR 816 million. The Smer-SD had only given its approval under certain conditions; only the ĽS-HZDS was for it. According to Richard Sulík's (SaS) statement, however, Slovakia, under Fico's leadership, was also on the “Greek way” (increase in national debt ).

The election victory of Fidesz led by Viktor Orbán in the parliamentary elections in Hungary in 2010 had also influenced the Slovak election campaign, where the Slovak National Party (SNS) was the first to play the so-called "Hungarian card". The resolution of the Hungarian Parliament on May 25, 2010 on the Dual Citizenship Act (valid from January 1, 2011), according to which Hungarians can also obtain Hungarian citizenship abroad, caused quick reactions from the Slovak government. Just one day later, the Slovak National Council passed a law according to which residents can lose Slovak citizenship if they accept another. Prime Minister Fico described the Hungarian government's actions as a “time bomb” and a threat to the whole of the European Union, even before the decision, while the opposition parties accused the government of populism in order to gain more votes.

About four weeks before the election, a scandal began about the funding of the coalition party Smer-SD in connection with the preparations for the National Council election in 2002 . The newspapers Nový Čas and SME had published a loan agreement from 2001 in the amount of 1.06 million euros between an energy company and the party's campaign manager. The former member and co-founder of Smer-SD Bohumíl Hanzel reported that Fico had collected around SKK 100 million (EUR 3.33 million) from undercover donors , with the intention of trusting them in high positions in the state and companies to assign government contracts themselves. He also reported that although the 2002 Smer-SD election campaign officially cost only 352,000 euros, it was actually 9.4 million euros. In response, the party prosecuted the two daily newspapers and defended itself with reference to a similar donation scandal by the SDKÚ-DS in 2000 and 2003. Two days before election day, an audio recording was released where Fico presumably told how he himself missed the official accounts SKK 75 million (EUR 2.5 million) raised for the party. According to Fico, all of these charges were "the biggest mess" against his party and part of the opposing election campaign, but he also declined to discuss the funding situation.

The floods also had an impact on the parties' election campaigns. The focus was on the Prime Minister's allegedly empty emergency reserve. The liberal newspaper SME reported that Fico donated more than his owed money, including not for emergency situations, although the same practice applied to the previous prime minister. The recipients included municipalities led by coalition mayors (mostly for the construction of new football fields), municipalities in Okres Topoľčany (Fico's home district) and a fitness model. Fico denied the report and announced that only half of his emergency reserve had been used up. By spending money according to party affiliation, the Prime Minister admitted, according to SDKÚ-DS, that he had nothing for flood victims and "plundered" the emergency reserve.

According to some media reports, the opposition parties SDKÚ-DS, KDH, Most-Híd, SaS and SMK-MKP have agreed not to form a coalition with the current governing parties. According to other reports, however, "the Christian Democrats and the two Hungarian parties have not ruled out a coalition with Fico." There are also rumors that Fico had agreed with the PES not to cooperate with the nationalists again if possible. Most recently, SNS leader Ján Slota was also abusive towards his coalition partner Smer-SD and above all its chairman Robert Fico .

Campaigning parties

Direction - Social Democracy (Smer-SD)

Robert Fico, party chairman of Smer-SD and then Prime Minister

The social democratic Smer-SD , which has ruled since July 2006 , competed in the election as the strongest ruling party. His party chairman and prime minister Robert Fico was also the campaign manager.

The party promised to strengthen the social measures (e.g. Christmas pension), as well as no higher taxes, price regulation in the energy sector and protection of the health system as a public service. Further promises in the “program errand” are the continuation of major construction projects such as the Mochovce nuclear power plant , the construction of the motorway via PPP or the construction of the Russian broad gauge railway line to Vienna through Bratislava. She advocated an active role for the state in the economy and territorial reform. Furthermore, she was in favor of a foreign policy with good relations with the EU, as well as with non-EU states and a defense of Slovak independence, especially against "Great Hungarian chauvinism". The program has been criticized because of the possibility of further state indebtedness.

Deputy chairman Dušan Čaplovič estimated the election result to be over 33% for his party.

Slovak Democratic and Christian Union - Democratic Party (SDKÚ-DS)

The strongest opposition party, the conservative-liberal Slovak Democratic and Christian Union - Democratic Party , elected Iveta Radičová as campaign leader on February 28, 2010, although Mikuláš Dzurinda was still the chairman.

In its election manifesto, the party deviated from its original reputation as a reform party and referred more to social problems. Priorities named were the attitude towards the increasing national debt without tax increases, improvement of the conditions for companies, liberalization of labor laws, early creation of jobs in regions affected by unemployment, better education and research, as well as the fight against corruption and crime. Better public services and the fight against redundant bureaucracy at national and EU level were also mentioned. In terms of traffic, as with Smer-SD, the construction of the motorway was highlighted (albeit with EU funds), but in contrast the revocation of the broad-gauge route project was mentioned.

Campaign leader Iveta Radičová declared the party's goal to be at least repeating the results of the 2006 election (around 18%).

Slovak National Party (SNS)

Ján Slota (SNS)

The priorities of Ján Slota led nationalist Slovak National Party were the military capability of the military and support Slovak medium and small entrepreneurs. The better "defense" against Hungary was also one of the main points.

Chairman Ján Slota was convinced that his party would get at least 10% of the vote in the election.

Christian Democratic Movement (KDH)

The conservative Christian Democratic Movement was in choosing the chairman and former EK - Commissioner for Education and Culture Ján Figel led.

The Christian Democratic Movement's main priorities in its program were social interventions for young families, an upper limit on national debt (45% of GDP) and lower health insurance costs. An improvement in Slovak-Hungarian relations, albeit without the introduction of the Hungarian dual citizenship law, was also mentioned.

The party set itself the goal of 10% of the vote in the election and participation in a center-right government.

Hungarian Coalition Party (SMK-MKP)

Pál Csáky (SMK-MKP)

The party of the Hungarian coalition entered the election with 2007 elected chairman Pál Csáky .

The program advocated greater autonomy for municipalities, particularly in the Hungarian-speaking southern Slovakia; She also wanted to strengthen the Hungarian language in government offices and establish a complete school system for Hungarian-speaking pupils in their mother tongue. The program also provided improved conditions for Roma. On the economic question, she spoke out in favor of an economically strengthened southern Slovakia and support for poor regions. In traffic, she campaigned for the construction of a southern expressway (Bratislava - Nové Zámky - Lučenec, designation R7) and the renovation of the railway lines Bratislava – Košice via the south and Bratislava – Komárno.

The then deputy chairman (today chairman) of SMK-MKP József Berényi was certain that his party could exceed the five percent hurdle.

People's Party - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (ĽS-HZDS)

The People's Party - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia , which ruled in the 1990s , ran for election with long-time chairman Vladimír Mečiar .

In the program the party was for the full 13th pension, the regional minimum wage and a lower interest rate on seller loans for the poor. In the economic sector, she promised to support the new technologies and advocated a major role for the state in energy companies. In terms of culture, she wanted to establish the Slovak language in all areas. In foreign policy, besides “credible” relations with the EU states, she advocated good relations with Russia and Ukraine and a rejection of Hungarian claims.

The deputy chairman of the ĽS-HZDS Jozef Habánik named the party's goal to get 10% of the votes or more in the election. In addition, Mečiar noted that he wanted to form a two-party coalition with Smer-SD after the election.

Freedom and Solidarity (SaS)

Richard Sulík (SaS)

The neoliberal party Sloboda a Solidarita (Freedom and Solidarity) , which was only founded in 2009, ran for election with its chairman Richard Sulík .

Like SDKÚ-DS, it promised to stop the growing national debt. Better conditions for entrepreneurs and easier tax collection were also mentioned, which was also the main theme of the party campaign. Reforms in the judiciary, liberalization of drug laws and legalization of same-sex marriage were other main points. She also advocated the separation of state and religion, the free market principle in health care, the reduction of bureaucracy and a more passive role for the state.

According to its chairman, the party wanted to move into the National Council after the 2010 election, i.e. to get at least 5% of the votes.

Most – Híd

The Hungarian Most-Híd (Bridge) party ran for election as the newest party. Its chairman is Béla Bugár , the former chairman of the SMK-MKP until 2007 after he was replaced.

The main points of the program, called “It is time to do things better”, were to reduce high unemployment, changes in the pension system, better use of agricultural land and more even connection of the regions to the motorways and expressways. Improving the Slovak-Hungarian relations was also one of the main points.

In contrast to the SMK-MKP, the party also oriented itself towards Slovak voters. The party's target was 8% of the vote.

Survey

According to a poll from the end of February 2010, the ruling Social Democrats won by a wide margin of around 25 percent. Second place went to the opposition SDKÚ-DS and KDH, each with around 13% of the vote. Four other parties had also made it into the National Council - SaS, ĽS-HZDS, SMK-MKP and Most-Híd. The co-governing SNS would have failed at the 5% hurdle .

A more recent survey from April 2010 produced surprising results. According to the Press Agency of the Slovak Republic (TASR), the Smer-SD would reach 44%, SDKÚ-DS and KDH 13.1%, the SNS 7% and the Mečiar party ĽS-HZDS 6.1%. SaS (4.3%), SMK-MKP (3.9%) and Most-Híd (2.3%) would fail at the 5% hurdle. According to a survey by TA3 and the agency Focus published on April 21, 2010, Smer-SD would receive 36.8% and the SDKÚ-DS 13.4%. The SaS achieved 11.5% in the survey. KDH and SNS each received 8.6%, the ĽS-HZDS 5.4% and the SMK-MKP and Most-Híd each received 5.1%.

The Czech news agency ČTK conducted a survey in May 2010, according to which the Smer-SD received 36.2% and the SNS 5.3%. This would give them together 70 of the 150 seats in the Slovak National Council. However, the government would no longer hold a majority of the seats, as the same survey predicted that the ĽS-HZDS would fail the 5% hurdle.

Institute date Smer-SD SDKÚ-DS SNS SMK-MKP ĽS-HZDS KDH KSS SaS MH Others
FOCUS 06/10/2010 29.5% 12.1% 7.7% 5.2% 5.0% 9.2% 2.3% 12.4% 6.5% 10.1%
FOCUS 05/20/2010 35.3% 14.0% 6.1% 5.9% 5.1% 8.3% 1.6% 13.3% 5.6% 4.8%
FOCUS 04/21/2010 36.8% 13.4% 8.6% 5.1% 5.4% 8.6% 1.3% 11.5% 5.1% 4.2%
FOCUS 03/17/2010 38.4% 14.3% 6.3% 5.2% 5.4% 9.7% 1.4% 8.5% 6.9% 3.9%
FOCUS 02/16/2010 38.6% 11.3% 6.2% 5.1% 5.8% 9.6% 2.9% 9.6% 5.6% 5.3%
FOCUS 01/28/2010 41.4% 15.2% 6.2% 5.6% 6.5% 9.0% 1.8% 5.1% 5.2% 4.0%
FOCUS December 17, 2009 37.9% 11.5% 8.4% 5.6% 7.0% 11.0% 2.0% 5.3% 5.7% 5.6%
FOCUS 11/30/2009 35.9% 12.4% 9.0% 6.2% 7.0% 10.2% 3.1% 3.6% 6.7% 5.9%
FOCUS October 27, 2009 37.4% 14.4% 5.8% 5.1% 6.9% 10.1% 3.5% 4.4% 5.8% 6.6%
FOCUS 09/23/2009 35.3% 13.4% 8.6% 6.2% 6.1% 11.2% 3.3% 3.2% 5.8% 6.9%
FOCUS 08/18/2009 38.5% 14.3% 8.5% 6.3% 6.8% 9.9% 2.1% 3.4% 5.2% 5.0%
FOCUS 06/26/2009 40.4% 15.8% 9.0% 8.6% 5.3% 8.3% 2.7% 2.5% - 7.4%
European elections 06/06/2009 32.0% 17.0% 5.6% 11.3% 9.0% 10.9% 1.7% 4.7% - 7.8%
FOCUS 05/20/2009 41.6% 17.8% 9.7% 8.5% 4.2% 8.0% 2.3% 2.0% - 5.9%
Older polls
Institute date Smer-SD SDKÚ-DS SNS SMK-MKP ĽS-HZDS KDH KSS Others
FOCUS 04/07/2009 45.7% 15.8% 7.7% 9.0% 4.8% 8.0% 0.9% 8.1%
FOCUS 03/10/2009 44.7% 17.6% 6.6% 9.2% 4.7% 7.5% 2.7% 7.0%
FOCUS 02/19/2009 43.5% 13.6% 8.4% 10.0% 6.5% 8.5% 2.6% 6.9%
FOCUS 01/30/2009 46.9% 13.6% 8.3% 9.0% 8.1% 7.1% 1.6% 5.4%
FOCUS 12/16/2008 42.3% 11.1% 9.0% 8.7% 8.9% 10.4% 2.9% 6.7%
FOCUS 11/28/2008 42.7% 12.1% 9.6% 10.4% 7.8% 9.1% 2.7% 5.6%
FOCUS October 29, 2008 44.8% 15.1% 10.3% 7.9% 6.8% 7.8% 2.0% 5.3%
FOCUS 09/25/2008 38.8% 15.2% 10.5% 9.6% 7.3% 9.3% 3.1% 6.2%
FOCUS 08/28/2008 41.1% 12.4% 13.1% 9.5% 6.5% 9.7% 2.1% 5.6%
FOCUS 06/30/2008 44.0% 11.8% 10.8% 8.4% 8.8% 8.7% 2.4% 5.1%
FOCUS 05/20/2008 38.6% 13.2% 11.8% 9.4% 8.6% 11.0% 3.6% 3.8%
FOCUS 04/28/2008 39.7% 12.0% 13.8% 9.1% 8.6% 9.0% 2.9% 4.9%
FOCUS 03/28/2008 39.5% 11.9% 14.7% 10.1% 7.5% 9.8% 2.9% 3.6%
FOCUS 02/29/2008 37.2% 16.0% 13.6% 9.0% 8.1% 9.1% 2.5% 4.5%
FOCUS 12/18/2007 33.2% 16.4% 12.4% 10.7% 8.0% 9.2% 3.9% 6.2%
FOCUS 11/28/2007 31.9% 16.6% 14.2% 9.5% 8.5% 10.0% 4.2% 5.1%
FOCUS 10/26/2007 33.3% 15.5% 13.7% 10.8% 8.9% 9.5% 3.4% 4.9%
FOCUS 09/25/2007 34.6% 15.1% 13.7% 9.8% 9.6% 7.5% 3.3% 6.4%
FOCUS 08/24/2007 33.8% 18.0% 11.6% 10.7% 8.3% 7.6% 3.5% 6.5%
FOCUS 07/30/2007 35.0% 17.0% 11.7% 9.7% 8.4% 8.0% 3.6% 6.6%
FOCUS 06/25/2007 34.6% 17.7% 14.0% 8.6% 8.0% 8.6% 3.1% 5.4%
FOCUS 05/18/2007 40.3% 17.5% 11.8% 7.7% 7.1% 7.5% 3.8% 4.3%
FOCUS 04/25/2007 36.9% 15.4% 10.9% 8.9% 9.3% 9.0% 3.6% 6.0%
FOCUS 03/29/2007 34.3% 16.4% 12.8% 10.4% 7.9% 8.9% 3.0% 6.3%
FOCUS 02/20/2007 36.3% 13.8% 12.0% 11.0% 9.2% 8.0% 3.8% 5.9%
FOCUS 12/11/2006 33.7% 16.4% 11.8% 10.8% 9.2% 8.1% 4.0% 6.0%
FOCUS 11/24/2006 36.7% 13.6% 11.7% 11.1% 7.8% 7.5% 3.3% 8.3%
FOCUS 10/24/2006 36.8% 14.6% 12.8% 9.3% 8.5% 8.1% 3.8% 6.1%
FOCUS 07/17/2006 31.6% 18.3% 14.8% 12.4% 8.2% 6.4% 3.2% 5.1%
National Council election 06/17/2006 29.1% 18.4% 11.7% 11.7% 8.8% 8.3% 3.9% - - 8.1%

According to surveys by the Institute for Public Issues (IVO), participation in the election would have ranged between 50 and 60%.

choice

The turnout was 58.83%, which marks a turn in the downward trend (for comparison: voter turnout in 2006: 54.67%). The highest participation according to landscape associations (kraj) was in Bratislavský kraj (62.9%) and the lowest in Košický kraj (54.3%); according to constituencies, the highest in the constituency of Dunajská Streda (congruent with the district with 67.57%) and the lowest in the constituency of Michalovce (districts Michalovce + Sobrance with 49.88%).

The scheduled voting time was from 7 a.m. to 10 p.m., but was extended by 30 minutes in some municipalities in western Slovakia due to storm weather. This meant that the first projections could only be published after 10:30 p.m.

According to an exit poll by the MVK agency, SMER-SD would be the winner with 28%; The SDKÚ-DS came in second with 15.2%. According to this survey, other parties with representation in the National Council would be SaS (12.4%), KDH (9.9%), Most-Híd (8.2%), SMK-MKP (5.8%) and SNS (5, 7%). The coalition party ĽS-HZDS would not be represented in the National Council with 4.7%. Despite the victory of SMER-SD, the bourgeois parties that had been opposed until then could have achieved a parliamentary majority.

Election observation

OSCE election observers were again invited to this election. As in the previous election in 2004, an OSCE team was present again.

Election result

Relative results of the successful parties
 %
40
30th
20th
10
0
34.8
15.4
12.1
8.5
8.1
5.1
16
Otherwise.

The Party Direction - Social Democracy (SMER-SD) of incumbent Prime Minister Robert Fico had clearly won the election with almost 35% of the votes and thus received 62 seats, 12 more than in 2006. The result thus deviated greatly from the polls; contrary to the estimates, the party was able to gain significantly. Second and third place went to the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union - Democratic Party (SDKÚ-DS) with 15.4% (28 seats) and the Freedom and Solidarity (SaS) founded a year earlier with 12.1% (22 seats) ). The Christian Democratic Movement (KDH) received 8.5% (15 seats). Most-Híd , which was also founded a year earlier, gained 8.1% of the vote and received 14 seats in the National Council. The previously co-governing Slovak National Party (SNS) suffered a significant loss of votes and only managed to gain 5.1% (9 seats). Surprisingly, the party of the Hungarian coalition (SMK-MKP) , which had previously been represented in the National Council, and the People's Party - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (ĽS-HZDS) failed at the 5% hurdle.

Of the 50 (large) electoral districts (volebný obvod) , the individual bourgeois parties only won in absolute numbers in seven of them. These were: Bratislava and Senec (for SDKÚ-DS), Dunajská Streda , Galanta , Komárno and Šaľa (for Most – Híd) and Štúrovo (for SMK-MKP). In the remaining constituencies, the SMER-SD dominated.

When the parties were divided into two groups (coalition parties: SMER-SD and SNS; bourgeois parties: SDKÚ-DS, SaS, KDH and Most-Híd), a different picture emerged: according to regional associations (kraj) , the coalition dominated in Trenčín , Silleiner and Eperies Regional Association ; the right-wing parties, on the other hand, were the winners in the Pressburg district and in the Tyrnau , Neutra and Kaschau regional associations . Only in the Banská Bystrica district were both sides almost equally strong.

Two nominally extra-parliamentary parties were also represented by the preference votes. The Conservative Citizens' Party ( Občianska konzervatívna strana , OKS) received four MPs through the Most-Híd and four candidates from the Obyčajní ľudia (everyday people) bourgeois movement were also represented in the National Council through the SaS .

Result of the National Council election in Slovakia in 2010
Political party be right Seats
number % +/- number +/-
Direction - Social Democracy (SMER-SD) 880.111 34.79 +5.65 62 +12
Slovak Democratic and Christian Union - Democratic Party (SDKÚ-DS) 390,042 15.42 −2.93 28 −3
Freedom and Solidarity (SaS) 307.287 12.14 New 22nd New
Christian Democratic Movement (KDH) 215,755 8.52 +0.21 15th +1
Bridge, Party of Cooperation (MH) 205,538 8.12 New 14th New
Slovak National Party (SNS) 128,490 5.07 −6.66 9 −11
Hungarian Coalition Party (SMK-MKP) 109,638 4.33 −7.35 - −22
People's Party - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (ĽS-HZDS) 109,480 4.32 −4.47 - −20
Party of the Democratic Left (SDĽ) 61,137 2.41 +2.29 - -
People's Party Our Slovakia (ĽSNS) 33,724 1.33 New - New
Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) 21,104 0.83 −3.05 - -
Union - Party for Slovakia (Únia) 17,741 0.70 New - New
Palis Kapurková, a fun political party (Paliho Kapurková) 14,576 0.57 New - New
European Democratic Party (EDS) 10,332 0.40 New - New
New Democracy (ND) 7,962 0.31 New - New
Roma Coalition Party (SRK) 6,947 0.27 New - New
Workers' Association of Slovakia (ZRS) 6,196 0.24 −0.05 - -
AZEN - Alliance for a Europe of Nations (AZEN) 3,325 0.13 New - New
total 2,529,385 100.00 150
Valid votes 2,529,385 98.63 −0.07
Invalid votes 27,394 1.37 +0.07
voter turnout 2,556,779 58.83 +4.16
Non-voters 1,805,590 41.17 −4.16
Eligible voters 4,362,369
Source: Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic

Follow the election

Iveta Radičová, SDKÚ-DS campaign manager and then Prime Minister

Although the SMER-SD party had clearly won the election, the previous coalition of SMER-SD, SNS and ĽS-HZDS could not be renewed. Both coalition partners of the SMER-SD had to accept a significant loss of votes, which is why it was no longer enough for an absolute majority in the National Council. One coalition partner, the Slovak National Party (SNS) only achieved a little more than 5% and thus only received 9 seats (11 fewer seats than in 2006) and the other, the People's Party - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (ĽS-HZDS), failed at the 5% hurdle; this would have given the old coalition only 71 of the 76 necessary seats. The newspaper SME commented that one reason for the case of two coalition partners was that the SMER-SD party had also attacked the main regions of SNS and ĽS-HZDS with one of these “copied” programs and a strong campaign leader and had taken over the voters.

Nonetheless, Fico announced on June 13, 2010 that he would try to continue his term as prime minister with a coalition of SMER-SD, SNS and one of the bourgeois parties - most likely with the KDH - which analysts have not ruled out. The then President Ivan Gašparovič actually commissioned Fico to form a new government, as his party had by far received the most votes. He had until June 23 to form a government; according to his own statement, he would not extend anything, that is, if he should not be successful, he would go into the opposition. This was contrary to the similar situation in the Czech Republic . Although the ČSSD had won the election there, the President instructed Václav Klaus Petr Nečas to form the campaign manager of the second largest party ODS, a new government. A coalition of the bourgeois parties (SDKÚ – DS, SaS, KDH and Most – Híd) seemed more likely, however, as all party leaders refused to work with the Fico-led SMER-SD. For example, the campaign manager of the SDKÚ-DS, Iveta Radičová, remarked: "Any cooperation with this party ( Smer-SD ) would be a fraud against our voters" . In parallel to the “official” coalition treatments, the four bourgeois parties had also started their informal treatments on June 13th, in preparation for the week after the election weekend. According to political scientist Grigorij Mesežnikov, if these parties can conclude a coalition agreement, Iveta Radičová, the campaign leader of the strongest coalition party, would become the new prime minister. That would make her the first female Prime Minister in Slovakia. This was confirmed by SDKÚ-DS itself on June 15, when the party presidium nominated her as the party's official candidate for the post of prime minister. On the same day, the chairpersons or campaign leaders (SDKÚ-DS) of the four parties signed a declaration expressing their will to form a new government headed by Iveta Radičová.

During the government proceedings on June 16, the KDH included the demand for the addition of the two addenda on the reservation of conscientious objection and the separation of religion and state as part of an international treaty between Slovakia and the Vatican to the government program. However, this demand caused the collapse of the center-right government in 2006 when the KDH broke off the coalition with the SDKÚ-DS. According to Radičová's statement, however, the SDKÚ-DS now had no problem with the addenda; but she gave no answer to the question of what has changed in the meantime. According to some sources, the SMER-SD tried to form a government with the KDH, where the KDH would have received half of the government posts, as well as the office of Prime Minister and the ratification of the amendments. This government would also have been supported by the SNS. One day later on June 17th, chairman Ján Figeľ had again refused to allow them to negotiate with the SMER-SD; Fico also denied this report and described the alleged offer as "nonsense". The supplements do not appear in the program published on June 23; The liberalization of drug laws and same-sex marriage called for by the SaS is also not mentioned.

Radičová government

Since Fico was unable to form a new government by June 23, the President had the SDKÚ-DS campaign manager Iveta Radičová charged with the formation of a new government on the same day, with a deadline of July 8. It was also announced that the Fico government would resign immediately after the first session of the new National Council on July 8th.

On June 28, 2010 it was announced that the new coalition parties could divide up the ministries and various offices: the SDKÚ-DS took over the office of Prime Minister and four other ministries, the SaS was given the office of President of the National Council and four other ministries the KDH three and the Most – Híd two ministries, as well as the office of the Deputy Prime Minister for Minorities. The coalition agreement was signed in the Bratislava Primate's Palace on July 6th; in addition, the new ministers were officially confirmed in office. On July 8, 2010 Radičová was appointed as the new Prime Minister by the President. This happened immediately after the old government resigned. This made her the first woman in this position in the history of Slovakia . A day later, the Deputy Prime Minister and the 12 ministers also received their certificates of appointment; so the new government could take office.

In October 2011, the government could not agree to approve the rescue package for Europe and failed; One day later, on October 12, the coalition parties that spoke out in favor of the EU bailout fund agreed with the largest opposition party, the SMER-SD, to bring the bailout fund through the National Council after all, but to call new elections immediately afterwards. (cf. Die Presse of October 13, 2011) The government thus remains in office, but must be regarded as a failure. It is unlikely that the coalition will be reissued if it regained a majority.

Case of SMK-MKP and ĽS-HZDS

The party of the Hungarian coalition SMK-MKP was followed closely by political observers and competitors . She received only 4.33% of the vote (11.68% in the 2006 election) and was therefore surprisingly no longer represented in the National Council, as surveys had predicted that she would remain in the parliament. On Sunday, party chairman Pál Csáky announced his resignation and the future focus on regional and local elections. According to Csáky, the poor performance of the party was due to the fact that the new Hungarian party Most-Híd, headed by the former leader of the SMK-MKP Béla Bugár, ran for election for the first time. The failure of SMK-MKP disappointed the Hungarian government, led by Fidesz , as they did not (initially) consider the Most-Híd to be a good partner. At the same time, the Hungarian government had to accept criticism from all spectrums of Hungarian politics, especially because of its action on the controversial dual citizenship right. On the other hand, the Hungarian analysts hope that a bourgeois coalition with the Most-Híd party could improve relations between Slovakia and Hungary.

The poor performance (4.32%) of the strongest parliamentary group in the People's Party in the 1990s - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (ĽS-HZDS) was described in the Slovak press as the “end of the Mečiar era”. According to his deputy, Chairman Mečiar does not intend to resign. As with the SMK-MKP, the ĽS-HZDS announced that it would focus on regional and local elections.

Web links

See also

Individual evidence

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