Tarawangsa

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Tarawangsa , regionally also ngék-ngék , is a two- or rarely three-stringed bow -struck box-neck lute in the cultural region of Sunda in the west of the Indonesian island of Java . The tarawangsa usually plays in a chamber music ensemble with the kacapi box zither and occasionally suling with the bamboo flute . The crossed skewer lute rebab is widespread across Java and beyond in Indonesia and Malaysia , while the tarawangsa , which is presumably similarly old, is only used in individual regions in West Java in a calm, minimalist style of music for which it is named. The tarawangsa music generally has a sacred meaning, and in some villages it accompanies religious ceremonies. For the small Baduy ethnic group, the lute is called rendo .

Origin and Distribution

In traditional Javanese music, four string instruments are played: in addition to the rebab and tarawangsa strings, the boat-shaped board zither kacapi and the box zither celempung . The shape of the zithers is traced back to a Chinese origin and was subject to European influences until the beginning of the 20th century. The origin and age of the string instruments can only be traced roughly. According to Jaap Kunst (1973), the oldest Javanese images of stringed instruments can be found at Candi Sari, a Buddhist temple from the middle of the 8th century near the Hindu temple complex of Prambanan in central Java, which was dated a century later . Reliefs on the Candi Sari show a Bodhisattva with a three-stringed lute and another Bodhisattva with a single-stringed zither. String instruments are shown in far greater numbers and in a variety of shapes on the Borobudur , the construction of which began around the beginning of the 9th century.

The oldest Javanese name for a lute instrument is (wina-) rawanahasta . It was known before 907, so it belongs to the heyday of Hindu-Buddhist culture in central Java, before the power centers of the empires were relocated to East Java in the 10th century. Rawanahasta refers to the Sanskrit word ravanahattha, which has been handed down in India since the 7th century, for a stringed instrument and the addition wina corresponds to Sanskrit vina , the general ancient Indian name for stringed instruments. The not only linguistically recognizable Indian cultural influence in Southeast Asia goes back to the first centuries AD. Rebab is taken from the Arabic name rabāb (with the consonant root r-bb ), which occurs in early Islamic sources. Derived from rbb , numerous string instruments are named throughout the Orient. These instrument names came to the Indonesian islands with early Indian and from the 13th century also with Arabic or Persian speaking immigrants. A string lute called rebab was, at least indirectly, in use in the Hindu empires of East Java before it was taken over by Muslim rulers in the early 16th century. While the Indonesian spit violin and its name rebab apparently represent imports from the Orient via India, the tarawangsa Catherine Falk (1978) is the only string instrument made in Java. This is supported by the close relationship with Sundanese religious rituals and the similarity in shape with the kacapi , which is not found in any other sound.

The established resemblance of the tarawangsa to a long-lost three-string fiddle, which the geologist Karl Martin (1894) saw in a neglected state on the south coast of the island of Buru , is only superficial. The neck of this instrument, for which Martin got the Portuguese-sounding name vihola , runs along the underside of the rounded resonance box to the lower end to which the strings are attached. Curt Sachs (1913) considered the string instrument “occurring in the Moluccas ” to be a “regression of the European violin”. He divided (1927) the Indonesian lute instruments into three groups. He counted the bowl-neck lute of the hasapi type on Sumatra as the first, the boat-lute of the same name to the second group (including the kacapin on Sulawesi and the sape on Borneo) and for the tarawangsa with its box-shaped corpus he established a third group together with the vihola , for which he assumed its own genesis. Due to the peg box cut out as in European string instruments and the neck end rolled backwards (" snail volute "), Sachs considered the conversion of the zither kacapi to the lute tarawangsa to be likely only under Portuguese influence (from the 16th century). However, these are rather subordinate design features and according to Sachs, the “Moluccan vihola ”, which belongs to the “Taravaṅsa type ”, is not derived from a zither with the body shapes described.

The name tarawangsa is mentioned as trewangsa, trewasa or trawasa in the three stories Cupak, Malat and Kleid Adiparwa . Kothing Adiparwa (Javanese clothing , “ballad / song”; Sanskrit parvan , “book” from the “beginning”, adi ) is the first book ( Adi Parva ) of the Indian epic Mahabharata, originally written in Sanskrit . The oldest known Old Javanese translation (language Kawi) was written on palm leaves ( lontar ) around the year 1000 . Malat is the most extensive Javanese- Balinese cycle of stories about the hero Panji, a legendary East Javanese prince who can hardly be dated. The mythical tale Cupak has been handed down since the 15th century. It is about the coarse, voracious Cupak and his subtle, cultivated brother Grantang and is performed in a rare shadow play ( wayang cupak ). Trewangsa means two-stringed musical instrument or rebab in Javanese , which is why the tarawangsa is also called rebab jangkung (“long rebab ”) in Indonesian .

Etymologically, tarawangsa is derived either from Persian tār ("string") and Sanskrit vamsa ("family", "descent group") or the word is an acronym from " ta tabeuhan ra kyat wa li ng alalana ka sa lapan" ("popular music of the nine wandering ambassadors ”). The latter is an allusion to the nine holy wali ( walisongo ) worshiped in Indonesian Islam , who are said to have spread Islam to Java in the 15th and 16th centuries.

In The History of Java (1817) Thomas Stamford Raffles mentions the tarawangsa ( trawángsa ) as a guitar-like stringed instrument that is only found sporadically in the Sunda region. Raffles remembers hearing a blind singer who accompanied himself with a tarawangsa and recited orally transmitted incidents from the history of the Sunda Empire and its ancient capital Pajajaran. Margaret Kartomi (1990) concludes from this that by the beginning of the 19th century at the latest, the tarawangsa should have transferred its general use and its application in the Javanese gamelan to the rebab . According to their assessment, the tarawangsa "has almost completely disappeared today." Jaap Kunst complained in Music in Java of his observations made in Java until 1934, according to which the tarawangsa was disappearing and would gradually be replaced by the rebab or a western violin (Indonesian biola ) . He saw these changes in connection with the culture-destroying influence from the West, which Protestant missionaries in particular exercised on traditional music in many places. Ernst Heins, the editor of this book by Jaap Kunst, however, could not find any signs of the disappearance of the tarawangsa .

In some regions the tarawangsa has an important place in traditional Sundanese music and especially in ritual music. Is maintained tarawangsa -music especially around the town of Sumedang (northeast of Bandung , and there especially in the municipality Rancakalong) to Ciba Long (in the district of Tasikmalaya), in Banjaran (administrative district of Bandung) and the Baduy in the province of Banten distinguishable each Playing styles.

Design

The simple body, consisting of a rectangular box, made Jaap Kunst think of the origin of the form from a simple board zither kacapi , whose equally large resonance body could have been converted into a lute instrument by an attached neck. The body is about 40 centimeters long and 15 centimeters wide. It tapers slightly on the long sides from the flat wooden ceiling ( raray ) to the floor ( bobokong ) and, in the side view at the lower end, forms the boat shape known from the kacapi . The upper end, from which the attached neck ( tihang ) emerges, is only slightly rounded. The total length with the slim, slightly curved neck is about 100 centimeters. Traditionally, the deep-bellied body is formed from a piece of wood and hollowed out from the inside through a hole in the bottom. Other instruments have a flat corpus made of boards glued together. The neck, pegbox ( pureut ) and a carving extending the pegbox to the rear as the top end ( pucuk ) or head consist of one piece of wood. The wood from the jackfruit tree or light walnut tree is used .

Usually two strings ( kawat ) lead from long, lateral vertebrae via a small bridge ( inang ) placed above the middle on the ceiling to a hole a little below the bridge to the sound hole on the floor. The string of the peg on the left in the top view runs over the neck and a bridge that is in line with the neck. The other string is a few centimeters longer and leads from the right peg to the side of the neck over a lower bridge placed on the top on the right side. If there are three strings, a secondary string runs past each side of the neck to a hole in the top. The guiding of the strings through holes in the middle of the top instead of to the lower end of the body was taken over by the board zither kacapi , but is extremely unusual for lute instruments and is otherwise not found in any string or plucked instrument on the Indonesian islands. As with the rebab , the bow is covered with horse hair, which is rubbed with resin.

The head is often lavishly ornamented. Because of the cultural significance of the instrument, individual components are symbolically equated with human body parts , similar to the kacapi . The upper end ( pucuk ) corresponds to the human head, the pegbox ( pureut ) corresponds to the ears, the neck ( tihang ) to the body, the body ( parungpung ) to the stomach (stomach), the floor ( bobokong ) to the back, the ceiling ( raray ) symbolizes the face, the lower edge ( suku ) with which the instrument is set up corresponds to the feet, the holes on the ceiling symbolize the navel and the strings the hair.

Style of play

The tarawangsa , like kacapi and suling, is only played by men in traditional Sundanese ensembles. One of the few Sundanese instruments that women are allowed to play is the kacapi siter , which differs from the kacapi by its smaller, flat, rectangular body . The tarawangsa player holds the bow at the end and at the same time tightens the covering with his fingers. He sits cross-legged on the floor with the instrument set up in front of him and tilted towards his left shoulder, holds his neck with his left hand and touches the string leading over the neck with his fingers in the first position on the pegbox or in the second position in the middle the string without pressing it down on the neck. Only the middle string is played with the bow, the outer string can be plucked empty from time to time with the index finger of the left hand above the edge of the body, which requires a quick change of position of the hand. The plucked note marks the longest cyclical unit in the musical course and in this function corresponds to the large hanging hump gong of the gamelan. Otherwise the plucked string is not needed.

The most famous instruments in traditional Sundanese music are the bamboo flute suling , the bamboo rattles angklung and the board zither kacapi. The fiddle rebab is the leading melody instrument in many court ensembles ( gamelan ), while the tarawangsa is not used in gamelan music. A popular instrumental style of music in the Sunda region outside of gamelan is kacapi suling , in which two or three board zithers occur with a flute. The interplay of kacapi and tarawangsa has an equally flowing, calm character, which also creates a sacred or meditative atmosphere for those present. The tarawangsa predominantly plays a series of melodic units that are continuously repeated in a slightly varying manner, accompanied by also repeating plucked chords of the seven-string kacapi (called jentreng ). A suling bamboo flute seldom complements the ensemble. Only in Cibalong is an ensemble of two bamboo xylophones called calung, tarawangsa and a female singing voice known under the name of calung tarawangsa .

In order to shape the sound, the musician uses various techniques such as vibrato ( koleter ), glissando , legato and appoggiatura ( ketrok ), whereby the usual restriction to the tone supply of the five-step scale pélog degung or the other five-step scales madenda or sorog is observed. It can happen that kacapi and tarawangsa play different tone scales, i.e. only use part of the tone pool together. Instruments or groups of instruments in an ensemble that play in two modes also appear in other Sundanese musical styles, such as kliningan (a singing and dance style with gamelan instruments, comparable to jaipongan ) or tembang sunda (classical singing style, from kacapi and suling) accompanied).

The main focus will be tarawangsa and kacapi used in the ritual music of some villages around Sumedang. The traditional ceremonies ( upacara adat ), which represent agriculture and fertility cults according to the pre-Hindu tradition, include pieces of music and songs with these two instruments, performances of the Sundanese gamelan degung , specially choreographed dance forms and processions.

Ormatan Tarawangsa

Sundanese rice harvest festival seren taun in a village in Bogor Governorate .

In some ancient Sundanese manuscripts, including one from the 15th century, it is mentioned that the tarawangsa is played in the heavenly sphere ( kahyangan ) in which the gods live, in the ceremony ormatan tarawangsa is given to the ancestors, the rice goddess Dewi Sri and Respect for Allah , asked for their blessings and thanked for the rice harvest.

The cult of the rice goddess Dewi Sri (also Dewi Padi, "rice goddess", Sundanese Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Asri) is based on an origin myth and is linked to the historical Sunda empire and its capital Pajajaran. The plants (coconut palm, rice) introduced through the activities of the creator god Batara Guru and the snake goddess Dewa Anta helped Pajajaran to flourish. At the center of the myth is Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Asri, who was a beautiful young girl and had to be killed to become a rice plant. The tarawangsa music evokes a melancholy mood that appears as a memory of this first sacrifice of the rice goddess.

The myth goes on to explain that only one ceremony can save from famine. The respect for the rice plant is expressed in everyday behavior. In six villages in Rancakalong municipality in Sumedang administrative district, the ngalaksa festival is held as a ceremony after the rice harvest , during which tarawangsa music is played day and night for a week . The only interruptions are for a few hours in the early morning and to perform the five daily Islamic prayers ( salāt ).

The tarawangsa music around Sumedang has its origin in Rancakalong. In Rancakalong the tarawangsa is also onomatopoeically called ngék-ngék . The accompanying kacapi tarawangsa is called jentreng , which, according to a musician, also refers to "treng treng", the sound of the high, plucked strings of the zither. The elements of the ritual (sacrifice, dance, procession) have symbolic meanings that are based on a combination of pre-Hindu, Hindu and Islamic beliefs. The two strings of the tarawangsa stand for the universal dualism and the seven strings of the kacapi for the seven days of the week. The number of strings of both instruments together is related to the nine holy wali ( walisongo ) of Indonesian Islam, at the same time to the 99 names of Allah ( asma'ul husna ) and, as a fertility aspect, to the nine months of pregnancy. Accordingly, the meanings of the offerings are listed in detail. The tarawangsa (17 to 42) melodies belonging to the ritual are divided into sacred and entertainment melodies. In the latter, all those present are entitled to dance without distinction. The sacred melodies are the more original. Some dancers reach a stage of trance ( kasurupan ) during the ritual , which is perceived as a temporary possession by an ancestral spirit. Such a moment can express itself in a personality change, which is expressed through screaming, laughing, wild dancing, unexpected hugging or harassing other participants, which presumably convey messages from the ancestors. The ceremony ends around 4 a.m. with a specific tune, followed by a prayer of thanks. Those present go home to offer their Islamic morning prayer ( shalat subuh ).

Similar harvest ceremonies in honor of the rice goddess Dewi Sri are held in other villages in the Sumedang area. The name of the ceremony, ngalaksa , refers to the sacrificial food laksa , a porridge cooked in large quantities from rice flour and coconut milk. After the musical instruments, the ceremonies are also called jentreng tarawangsa.

Bubur Syura

In the villages of the Sumedang region, the tarawangsa also accompanies rituals during childbirth, the construction of a new house and other community events. This also includes the bubur syura ceremony. Bubur means “porridge” and syura or asyura is in Islamic tradition the tenth day of the month of Muharram , which Sunnis and Shiites celebrate for different reasons. Bubur syura as Aschure a variant of a feed produced in many Islamic countries on this day.

The tarawangsa music, which has always been passed down orally, is an essential part of the traditional culture of the village communities in Sumedang, although some habits have changed since the introduction of radio, television and sound carriers and many younger members have changed from active participants to mere listeners to the musical performances. In ngalaksa, bubur syura and other ceremonies, offerings, incense, a god statue of Dewi Sri and magical weapons are used. This means that the tradition can be assigned to the Hindu-Buddhist era, which also includes tarawangsa music, whose name dates from the time before the Islamization of the Sunda region at the beginning of the 17th century. The continuation of the traditional tarawangsa music depends on the further implementation of the corresponding ceremonies. These are threatened by the spread of conservative Islamic beliefs, according to which the ceremonies are to be regarded as shirk .

The music played at the tarawangsa and kacapi ceremony is thought to have a magical power. With their help, the participants speak to Dewi Sri and fall into a trance. As with the ngalaksa ceremony, the songs are classified according to their function. The group of sacred songs includes saur (“expression”), pangameut (“memory”), pamapag (“greeting”), panimang (“consideration”), bangbalikan (“ coming home”) and icikibung (“to include”). The sacred songs are performed in a fixed number and order according to the old tradition. In order not to endanger the effect of the ritual music, the players feel obliged to intone the melodies very carefully and without errors.

In contrast to the sacred songs, which are always played only once in their defined sequence, the entertainment “free songs” can be repeated at the request of the audience and interpreted by the musicians according to their own ideas. The musicians tend to develop the pieces more melodically with a technically more demanding playing style and more rhythmically as dance accompaniment. The songs of this group have titles such as angin-angin (“winds”), jemplang (“turning”), degung ( onomatopoeic for gong strike ), pangairan (“water”), guarbumi (“planting the ground”), pancawarna (“five Colors ”), dengdo (“ sing ”), ayun-ambing (“ rock ”), buncis (“ beanstalk ”), bangun (“ appropriate ”) and badud (“ fool around ”). The sacred group consists of six, the entertaining eleven songs. Together they represent the sasaka tujuh belas titipan di Mataram ("group of the seventeen entrusted [songs] from Mataram"). Mataram was a Hindu-Buddhist kingdom in central Java from the 8th to the 10th centuries. The actual number of songs is higher than 17 due to new compositions.

Pantun

An ensemble with kacapi and suling , supplemented by tarawangsa or rebab , is often used to accompany pantun lectures in the Sunda region . Pantun is a genre of narrative and poetry that is widespread in the Malay Islands and originally passed down orally and is accompanied by different instruments depending on the region. In the West Javanese pantun Sunda , the history of the Sunda Kingdom, which existed until the 16th century, was passed down among the people. The stories are usually about the experiences of a Sundanese prince in the old capital Pajajaran. A common pantun sunda performance begins around 7:30 p.m. (or between 8 p.m. and 9 p.m.) and ends just before dawn and before morning prayer. Pantun Sunda lectures are part of the program of ritual celebrations ( hajat ) such as weddings and circumcision celebrations, purification ceremonies and house initiations. Instead of the music ensemble, a single male actor ( juru pantun ) can appear, who accompanies himself on a kacapi , performs all the dialogues himself and sings the interspersed songs ( lagu ).

In Purwakarta, Jaap Kunst found the line-up kacapi, suling and tarawangsa as an accompanying ensemble for the stick puppet show wayang golek in the 1930s . In the administrative district of Garut, this tarawangsa ensemble was supplemented by a "blown gong" ( goong awi ), individual horizontal humpback gongs ( ketuk ), a barrel drum ( kendang ), iron counterstrike bars ( kechrek ) and occasionally a rebab .

Baduy

The tarawangsa is also played by the Baduy in remote areas. The Baduy form an ethnic group of several thousand members in the south of the Banten province and are considered to be the descendants of the oldest population in the Sunda region. The preservation of their own cultural tradition from external influences is a central requirement. The “outer Baduy” form a protective ring around the group of the “inner Baduy”, who reject practically all modern civilizational achievements. The musical instruments of the "outer Baduy", all of which are borrowed from Sundanese music, include the tarawangsa , which they call rendo , and several bamboo flutes of different sizes ( suling lamus, suling kumbang, élèt and tarawélét ).

The rendo is played as a soloist, together with a kacapi and / or a suling lamus , and also to accompany a pantun singer. Today's ensemble of the “outer Baduy”, which was mentioned as early as 1845, consists of a tarawangsa , a kacapi and a suling accompanied by two female singers. (Carita) pantun are long epic verses in which the singer accompanies himself on a kacapi or a tarawangsa . Occasions for the performance of pantun are ceremonies at the beginning of the rice planting, thanksgiving celebrations ( ngalaksa ) as well as non-seasonal weddings and purification ceremonies. The entire village takes part in these celebrations. Otherwise rendo , violin ( viol ), flutes and jew's harps ( karinding ), which only appear in the "outer Baduy", play for small groups. Only some of the instruments ( angklung, kacapi, karinding , bamboo flutes) are also used by the “inner baduy”.

Discography

  • Indonesia - Java (Sunda). Ormatan Tarawangsa. Ritual music . Pupung Supena ( tarawangsa ), Tahya ( kacapi ). Ocora, Radio France, 2011

literature

  • Catherine Falk: The Tarawangsa - A Bowed String Instrument from West Java. In: Margaret Kartomi (Ed.): Studies in Indonesian Music. Monash Papers No. 7, Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria, Australia 1978, pp. 45-103
  • Margaret J. Kartomi: Tarawangsa. In: Laurence Libin (Ed.): The Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments . Volume 4, Oxford University Press, Oxford / New York 2014, p. 717
  • Jaap Art : Music in Java. Its History, its Theory and its Technique . 3rd edition edited by Ernst L. Heins. Volume 1. Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague 1973
  • Nanang Supriatna: The Transformations of Tarawangsa Traditional Music in the Ritual Ceremony of Bubur Syura in Sukaluyu Village, Sumedang, West Java, Indonesia. In: International Journal for Historical Studies , Volume 6, No. 2, April 2015, pp. 189–196

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. Jaap Kunst, 1973, Volume 1, p. 107 and Volume 2, Fig. 6, 7
  2. ^ Jaap art, Roelof Goris: Hindoe-Javaansche muziekinstrumenten. Batavia , 1927; 2nd revised, English edition: Hindu-Javanese Musical Instruments. Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague 1968, p. 17
  3. Jaap Kunst, 1973, p. 113
  4. ^ Sibyl Marcuse : Musical Instruments: A Comprehensive Dictionary. A complete, authoritative encyclopedia of instruments throughout the world. Country Life Limited, London 1966, key words Taravangsa , p. 512 and Vihola , p. 563
  5. ^ Karl Martin : Journeys in the Moluccas, in Ambon, the Uliasssern, Seran (Ceram) and Buru. A description of the country and its people. EJ Brill, Leiden 1894, p. 325 f., Textarchiv - Internet Archive and Plate 30, Fig. 9. Another string instrument similar to the violin on the north-west coast of Seram is said to have been called vihola.
  6. Curt Sachs : Real Lexicon of Musical Instruments at the same time a polyglossary for the entire field of instruments. Julius Bard, Berlin 1913, p. 409b
  7. ^ Curt Sachs: The musical instruments of India and Indonesia - at the same time an introduction to the science of instruments . (Handbooks of the Berlin State Museums) 2nd edition, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / Leipzig 1923, reprint: Georg Olms, Hildesheim 1983, pp. 135, 137
  8. ^ Jaap art, Roelof Goris: Hindu-Javanese Musical Instruments . Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague 1968, p. 22
  9. Theodore G. Th Pigeaud. Synopsis of Javanese Literature 900-1900 AD Springer Netherlands, Dordrecht 1967, p 207
  10. Nanang Supriatna, 2015, p. 191
  11. ^ Daniel Milán Cabrera: Indonesia - Java (Sunda). Ormatan Tarawangsa. Ritual music. Booklet accompanying the CD from Ocora Radio France, 2015, p. 16
  12. ^ Thomas Stamford Raffles : The History of Java. Volume 1. 2nd edition. John Murray, London 1830, p. 528, Text Archive - Internet Archive
  13. Margaret J. Kartomi: Music in Nineteenth Century Java: A precursor to the Twentieth Century. In: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 21, No. 1, March 1990, pp. 1–34, here p. 13 ("The now almost totally obsolete stringed instrument tarawangsa ...")
  14. Jaap Kunst, 1973, p. 172
  15. ^ Ernst Heins: On Jaap Art's Music in Java. In: Ethnomusicology , Volume 20, No. 1, January 1976, pp. 97-101, here p. 101
  16. Nanang Supriatna, 2015, p. 192
  17. Jaap Kunst, 1973, p. 372
  18. Blog Ketinggalan Zaman (drawing of a rounded tarawangsa ); Tatabuhan. Alat Musik Tradisional Indonesia (photo of a flat, box-shaped tarawangsa )
  19. Jaap Kunst, 1973, p. 372
  20. Tarawangsa - Alat Music Tradisional Sunda. Blog Ketinggalan Zaman (Indonesian)
  21. R. Anderson Sutton, Endo Suanda, Sean Williams: Java. In: Terry E. Miller, Sean Williams (Eds.): The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music , Volume 4: Southeast Asia . Garland, New York / London 1998, p. 716
  22. Margaret J. Kartomi (2014, p. 717)
  23. ^ Daniel Milán Cabrera: Indonesia - Java (Sunda). Ormatan Tarawangsa. Ritual music. Booklet accompanying the CD from Ocora Radio France, 2015, p. 15
  24. Tarawangsa, "Alat Music Kahyangan" dari Tatar Parahyangan. Pembelajaran Online, April 23, 2013
  25. Tarawangsa Sunda . Youtube video (ritual music at a sacrificial ceremony)
  26. Viviane Sukanda-Tessier: Le triomphe de Sri en pays soundanais: étude ethno-philologique des techniques et rites agraires et des structures socio-culturelles. Ècole française d'Extrême-Orient, Paris 1977, p. 101, cited above. based on: Dana Rappoport: Songs and Sorrow in Tanjung Bunga: Music and the Myth of the Origin of Rice (Lamaholot, Flores, Indonesia). In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde , Volume 170, No. 2/3, 2014, pp. 215–249, here p. 246, footnote 43
  27. Ela Yulaeliah: Tarawangsa dan jentreng dalam upacara ngalaksa di Rancakalong Sumedang Jawa Barat. In: Selonding. Jurnal Etnomusikologi , Volume 3, No. 1, 2006, pp. 97-109
  28. Nanang Supriatna, 2015, p. 192
  29. ^ Daniel Milán Cabrera: Indonesia - Java (Sunda). Ormatan Tarawangsa. Ritual music. Booklet accompanying the CD from Ocora Radio France, 2015, pp. 16–18
  30. Tradisi ngalaksa di Desa Rancakalong kecamatan Rancakalong kabupaten Sumedang. Blogna Aziz (Malay laksa stands for rice noodles and noodle soups.)
  31. Jentreng (Tarawangsa) Rancakalong, Sumedang. Youtube video
  32. Nanang Supriatna, 2015, pp. 193–195
  33. ^ Ajip Rosidi: My Experiences in Recording “Pantun Sunda”. In: Indonesia , No. 16, October 1973 (Ed .: Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University), pp. 105–111, here p. 105
  34. ^ Andrew N. Weintraub: Tune, Text, and the Function of Lagu in Pantun Sunda, a Sundanese Oral Narrative Tradition. In: Asian Music , Volume 26, No. 1 ( Musical Narrative Traditions of Asia ) Autumn 1994 - Winter 1995, pp. 175–211, here p. 175
  35. Jaap Kunst, 1973, p. 383
  36. R. Anderson Sutton, Endo Suanda, Sean Williams: Java. In: Terry E. Miller, Sean Williams (Eds.): The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, 1998 , p. 717
  37. ^ Wim van Zanten: Aspects of Baduy Music in its Sociocultural Context, with Special Reference to Singing and Angklung. In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde , Volume 151 ( Performing Arts in Southeast Asia ) 1995, pp. 516–544, here pp. 525, 527, 529