Ummidia quadratilla

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Ummidia Quadratilla (* around 28, † 107 probably in Rome ) was a member of the gens Ummidia , a Roman noble family from Casinum , which provided some senators and consuls in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD . She herself is best known for her private theater group in Rome, through whose public appearances she gained great popularity among the population. She also got involved in her family's hometown, where she financed several extensive construction projects with a temple , an amphitheater and the restoration of a theater and possibly had her mausoleum built. Widowed at an early age, she took on the upbringing of her grandson Gaius Ummidius Quadratus ; the further details of her family tree are still very unclear.

In a letter from Pliny the Younger , Ummidia Quadratilla appears as a resolute widow and matriarch and is given the almost majestic title princeps femina” . At the same time, however, the author has some criticism, especially of her sophisticated lifestyle and interests that are not in keeping with her class. Overall, Ummidia was characterized by enormous wealth and "social celebrities"; Mauriz Schuster calls her in the realcyclopedia of classical antiquity a "woman of individuality and above-average importance".

Report of Pliny the Younger

Pliny the Younger describes Ummidia Quadratilla in one of his Epistulae (letters) (Book VII, Letter 24), which was written on the occasion of her death. Pliny himself was a friend of her grandson Gaius Ummidius Quadratus ( suffect consul 118) and always portrays him extremely positively. The text on Ummidia Quadratilla was dated to the year 107 together with the seventh book of the Epistulae by Theodor Mommsen . The recipient is Rosianus Geminus, to whom Pliny wrote a total of six letters and who is only addressed here as Geminus . In addition to Ummidia , the manuscripts contain the name variants Valmidia , Ommidia , Commidia , Numidia and Vimidia (probably due to transcription errors) .

The letter begins with an unusually factual introduction about Ummidia's death: the first words (apart from the greeting to Rosianus) are her full name in nominal form, so that the style of this passage is reminiscent of a public inscription (“Ummidia Quadratilla is at the age of almost 80 Years ago [...] ”). In the further course, however, Pliny paints a vivid picture of Ummidia as a culturally-minded, sprightly and surprisingly active woman for her age, who has shown a great preference for her theater group and has cultivated a sophisticated lifestyle. The letter is the only place in Pliny 's work that goes into more detail on the physique of a woman. The idea of ​​a woman who can enforce an independent (and, according to Pliny, just) will in a world dominated by men is atypical.

Although he judges Ummidia very benevolently, Pliny also sensitively allows criticism to shine through, especially regarding her excessive and inappropriate preference for actors and games of chance. AN Sherwin-White sees the lifestyle of the old lady described in the letter as a relic of the Julio-Claudian epoch , which, in contrast to the increasing moral rigor of the upper class, was felt to be offensive from the Flavian period . Pliny does indeed address Ummidia's weaknesses, but at the same time uses his method of representation to steer the reader in a targeted manner so that these character traits also appear as strengths - this skilful, positive portrayal of traits viewed as negative is unique in his work. For Pliny, the portrayal of the righteousness of Ummidia and especially her grandson Gaius was certainly of personal importance, since he was his teacher.

He deals with Gaius and his relationship with Ummidia in great detail. Although the grandson had been brought up strictly by his cheerful grandmother, he behaved obediently and obediently and stayed away from her morally dubious occupations. She, in turn, hired Pliny himself as his teacher. The reason given for the letter is that the recipient, Rosianus Geminus, is always interested in news and events that have happened and that the form of the letter provides the author himself with an opportunity to reflect on what has happened again. It is also assumed that he wanted to introduce Ummidia to his protégé Geminus as an exemplary personality with educational intent.

Life and family

Ancestry and biography

The year of birth of Ummidia quadratilla (a little before 30 AD) can be deduced from Pliny the Younger's (107 written down, see above ) information that she died at almost 80 years of age. Ummidia's father was Gaius Ummidius Durmius Quadratus , who was a suffect consul around AD 40 and governor of the province of Syria in the sixth decade . He is sometimes referred to as her brother; however, he was 12 BC. Around 42 years before his alleged sister. Ummidia is also used in inscriptions as C. f. , also called Caī filia ("daughter of Gaius"). An otherwise unknown Sallustia is assumed to be the mother of Ummidia quadratilla, because a presumed brother of Ummidias on an inscription from the Augustus Forum ( AE 1934, 153 ) “C. Ummidius Sall [ustius] ”is called. The Ummidias family came from Casinum, today's Cassino , which is therefore often given as their hometown; however, it is not known whether she was born there or in Rome.

An inscription that was found in the theater of Casinum names an Ummidia quadratilla Asconia Secunda , which there is called "daughter of Gaius". This could be the same person as in the letters of Pliny, but also an otherwise unknown (half) sister or even a member of another branch of the family.

Only a few conclusions can be drawn from the sources about the biography of Ummidia Quadratilla. The fact that she personally took on the entertainment of the guests at evening parties suggests that she was widowed or divorced towards the end of her life, as married women in ancient Rome were usually unable to actively participate in or even host events in their homes. From the discovery of an inscription bearing Ummidia's name ( CIL 15, 7567 ), it was concluded that her palace was in the 12th region in the east of the Aventine . Pliny the Younger speaks of a “last disease” that can be considered the cause of death because it is said to have weakened Ummidia considerably.

Testament and descendants

The contents of the will of Ummidia Quadratilla have been handed down, in which she bequeathed a third of her property to her granddaughter and two thirds to her grandson Gaius. The inheritance included, among other things, the luxurious villa on the Aventine , in which, according to Pliny, the lawyer Gaius Cassius Longinus once lived and which Ummidia had acquired or inherited around AD 80. Now it fell to the grandson who lived in the building in the following period. Pliny praises this wise and honorable testamentary division of their property and is happy for his friend, the grandson and main heir Gaius.

It is not known how many children Ummidia Quadratilla had and whether her two known grandchildren had the same parents. That these are actually their direct descendants and not, for example, their great-nephews, can be seen from the fact that Pliny always uses the Latin “nepos” used here in his texts in its narrowest meaning “grandchildren”. According to Pliny, Ummidia was responsible for the upbringing of Gaius, and the two grandchildren may even live with her until their death. It can therefore be assumed that at least their fathers died early. At the time of Ummidia's death, none of the generation of her children was still alive, since otherwise they would have been taken into account in the testamentary division.

Attempt to reconstruct the family tree

An inscription fragment from Tomoi provides an indication of the possible (in-law) son of Ummidia Quadratilla . There the grandson Gaius is called "C [aius] Ummidius Quadratus S [...] rius" ( CIL III, 7539 ). The non-preserved part was supplemented differently, either as Sallustius Severus or as Severus Sertorius or Sertorius Severus . The second variant is now largely recognized in research. In any case, the two added words should be the name of Gaius' father.

There are two possibilities for the relationship between Gaius Ummidius Quadratus and Ummidia Quadratilla: Either Ummidia is his maternal grandmother, so that a certain Sallustius Severus or Sertorius Severus would have married their daughter and had Gaius with her. However, a relationship on the father's side is also possible: Severus would therefore be a child of the Ummidia himself, which would then indicate that their husband was named Sertorius or Sallustius.

In both cases, her grandson Gaius as the son of Severus should actually also bear this name in accordance with Roman custom. From the fact that he only used it in exceptional cases (namely on the inscription from Tomoi) and mostly only appeared as Ummidius quadratus , it can be concluded that he was adopted by a bearer of the latter name. It makes sense to associate this with Ummidia Quadratilla herself and her great role in his upbringing (probably after the early death of his father). According to this theory, Gaius Ummidius Quadratus was adopted by his grandmother after the untimely death of his parents and took the names of their families as his main names, while he only exceptionally used those of his father.

In research, the attempt was made to classify Sertorius Severus or Sallustius Severus prosopographically . In particular, he could belong to the family of Lucius Catilius Severus Iulianus Claudius Reginus , the consul of the year 120 AD, with whom Gaius Ummidius Quadratus had political ties. In another letter from Pliny, a Sertorius Severus is mentioned, who, together with Pliny himself, was appointed heir to a Pomponia Galla. The attempt to see Ummidia's spouse in this man and thus to establish a direct relationship between him and Pliny remains purely speculative.

Mime group

Pliny depicts Ummidia as a cheerful woman who loves the board game (lusus calculorum) and depictions of pantomimes and thus passes the time that she has due to the limited development of her gender. Indeed, women of their class ( matronae ) were severely restricted in the Roman economy and especially in politics. However, when he was young, Quadratilla never let her grandson take part in the performances of her private theater group, but rather sent him away as soon as they started. Pliny suspects that this happened “less out of love than out of fear of his youth”. Performances of pantomimes could have sexually explicit content and were in any case considered immoral. Ummidia's actors not only played for their private pleasure, but also appeared in public and were considered a status symbol. According to Pliny, it was from them that the mistress was enormously popular with the public.

A Roman pantomime performed alone and played all the roles in a play, which differed only in the masks worn (here from the Villa Adriana ).

In his letter, Pliny describes an event that must have happened in the last years of Ummidia's life:

“At the last priestly games [ ludi pontificales ] pantomimes competed. When I left the theater with [Gaius Ummidius] Quadratus, he said to me: “Do you know that today I saw my grandmother's freedman dance for the first time?” So the grandson. And yet, God knows, total strangers ran in honor of the quadratilla - excuse me, I shouldn't have said "in honor" - out of sheer flattery to the theater, jumped up, clapped, amazed and then singing every single gesture to the lady. Now these people will receive very poor legacies as a fee for their participation in the theater - from the heir who did not see them. "

- Pliny the Younger : Letters 7.24 (translation: Helmut Kasten)

This translation takes a clear position when “alienissimi ” is translated as “complete strangers at this point. In reality, the flatterers presented here are interpreted differently by research, even if a possible translation is “completely foreign”. However, Jacqueline Carlon considers them to be actors of the Ummidia who came on stage together after their individual appearances to honor their owner. She does not interpret the word "alienissimi" as "completely alien" but as "strange" and sees it as an attempt on the part of Pliny to emphasize an inner distance between the gentleman Gaius Ummidius Quadratus and the dishonorable actors. Betty Radice thinks of “alienissimi” as claqueurs paid for by Ummidia. Emily Hemelrijk does not agree and actually sees this point as an indication of Ummidia's popularity with the “total stranger” population. Suzanne Dixon, on the other hand, assumes that Ummidia was haunted by legacy sneaks, which she presumably refers to. Mauriz Schuster has suggested a completely different interpretation: The dying grandmother was no longer able to personally attend the performance of her pantomimes and therefore, contrary to custom, sent her grandson to the theater for the first time so that he could give her a report. The enthusiastic crowd, however, ran to her home and imitated the gestures of the pantomimes there in order to offer her a substitute for the lost enjoyment and to thank her. With the last sentence Pliny wanted to express that the grandson should show appreciation to these people, but should not reward them too richly.

The actor “C. Ummidius Actius Anicetus Pantomimus ” , known from an inscription ( CIL 10, 1946 ) from Puteoli , was possibly a pantomime member of Ummidia's theater group and therefore took the surname of his mistress. However, it is controversial whether, as Hermann Dessau and James L. Franklin Jr. assume, he is identical to the actor of the same name, after whom a house in Pompeii is named and to whom many inscriptions from this city are addressed.

Euergetism

Although Ummidia Quadratilla lived mainly in Rome, at least in her last decades, she also appeared as a benefactress (Euergetin) for her alleged hometown Casinum . The sources on this are incomplete, but inscriptions make the extent of their euergetism clear.

The municipal theater of Casinum, which Ummidia had repaired

Epigraphic evidence

A much-quoted inscription says that Ummidia had an amphitheater and a temple built in Casinum at her own expense , for which she was publicly honored ( CIL 10, 5183 ). The text reads: Ummidia C (ai) f (ilia) / Quadratilla / amphitheatrum et / templum Casinatibus / sua pecunia fecit ("Ummidia Quadratilla, daughter of Gaius, built an amphitheater and a temple for the residents of Casinum from their own resources") . However, some scholars date the amphitheater in Casinum to an earlier era (late republic or early imperial era ), so that the construction work financed by Ummidia could only be extensive repairs.

According to another inscription, in honor of or as a successor to her father, she had the city theater repaired and celebrations for the population held. The text has only survived in fragments, so that the additions are very uncertain. Maurizio Fora suggested the following reading: [Ummidia C (ai) f (ilia) Qu] adrati [lla theatr] um / [impensis? patri] s sui [exornatum? vetus] tate / [collapsum Casinatibus su] a pec (unia) [res] titu [it et ob dedica] tionem / [decurionibus et popu] lo et [m] ulier [ibus epulum] dedit ("Ummidia Quadratilla, daughter of Gaius , has restored the theater for the inhabitants of Casinum, which had been [splendidly decorated?] by their father and was falling apart because of its age, and organized a feast for the inauguration for the decurions , the people and the women. ")

In front of the main entrance of this theater, the limestone inscription was found that calls an Ummidia quadratilla Asconia Secunda ( see above ). Since it has no content other than the name, all attempts to relate it to the repair or building of the theater remain mere speculation. Another inscription from Rome called Ummidia Quadratilla ( CIL 06, 28526 ) does not contain any further information worth mentioning.

The presumed mausoleum of Ummidia Quadratilla in Casinum
The Ninfeo Ponari in Casinum

Archaeological and historical interpretation

In Casinum, remains of the amphitheater and theater still exist to the southwest of the city center. In the latter one can see that the building was renovated in the second half of the first century AD. In particular, the originally straight Skene was rebuilt with a slight curve. This is probably related to the building work that Ummidia is proud of. Frank Sear suspects that the marble floor was also created in the course of these foundations.

In Casinum there is a so-called "Mausoleum of Ummidia Quadratilla", although it is not certain whether it was actually buried in the building. In addition to the geographical proximity of the tomb to the other buildings mentioned, this is supported by the fact that - very unusual in the Roman Empire - it was built within the city walls and therefore had to belong to an important person or family. Nevertheless, Filippo Coarelli doubts that it has any connection to the Ummidii family. The luxurious fountain building ( nymphaeum ) of a large Roman house (today Ninfeo Ponari ), also found in the vicinity of this complex of theater, amphitheater, temple and mausoleum, is associated with Ummidia or at least her family due to the art-historical dating.

Eugenio Polito sees this extensive building activity by the Ummidians as an example of "how in the early imperial period a single noble family stamped their place of origin by donating public buildings and thus claiming them for themselves, thereby making almost the entire city a family monument" although, for example, Ummidia herself as a woman could not assume any political responsibility in local politics. Anna Maria Andermahr goes even further and concludes from the short distances between the buildings “that originally the entire area up to via Casilina formed a contiguous area that was owned by the Ummidii.” Although there are no sources for this, suggest The diverse activities of the Ummidii in Casinum definitely indicate that the family, who had come to prominence in Rome, continued to feel connected to their hometown and that Ummidia continued a tradition of their gender with their charity. In the early imperial era, the identity and cohesion of many cities were generally lost, so that non-profit foundations of wealthy citizens were no longer viewed as a service to society as they used to be, but only served to personalize the wealthy residents. At least a large amount of real estate by the Ummidians in or around Casinum can therefore be assumed in any case, as the size of the foundations in general indicates the enormous wealth of the family. Emily Hemelrijk, for example, assumes that the Ummidia Foundation will cost many hundreds of thousands of sesterces .

Web links

literature

  • Anthony R. Birley : Ummidia (C. f.) Quadratilla. In: Onomasticon to the younger Pliny. KG Saur, Munich / Leipzig 2000, p. 96.
  • Michelle Borg: Epistle 7.24: Literary Layers in Pliny the Younger's Death Notice on Ummidia Quadratilla. In: Michelle Borg (Ed.): Approaches to genre in the ancient world. Cambridge Scholars Publications, Newcastle upon Tyne 2013, pp. 100-122.
  • Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, pp. 186-191 and pp. 204-213.
  • Emily Hemelrijk: Female Munificence in the Cities of the Latin West. In: Dies., Greg Woolf (Ed.): Women and the Roman City in the Latin West. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2013, pp. 65–84.
  • Bernhard Kytzler : women of antiquity. From Aspasia to Zenobia . Artemis, Munich / Zurich 2000, ISBN 3-7608-1224-4 , p. 169 f.
  • Eugenio Polito: The change of urban spaces between republic and principality. Two case studies. In: Orizzonti. Rassegna di archeologia . Vol. 12, 2011, pp. 25–36 (especially pp. 31–35; deals with Ummidia's euergetism).
  • Prosopographia Imperii Romani (PIR 1 ) V 0600, V 0606.
  • Mauriz Schuster : Ummidius 3. In: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume IX A, 1, Stuttgart 1961, Col. 600-603.
  • David H. Sick: Ummidia Quadratilla: Cagey Businesswoman or Lazy Pantomine Watcher? In: Classical Antiquity. Volume 18, Issue 2, 1999, pp. 330-348.
  • Ronald Syme : The Ummidii. In: Historia. Ancient History Journal . Vol. 17, 1968, pp. 72-105, esp. Pp. 75-78.

Individual evidence

  1. On the term “matriarch” Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, p. 187.
  2. ^ Emily Hemelrijk: Female Munificence in the Cities of the Latin West. In: Dies., Greg Woolf (Ed.): Women and the Roman City in the Latin West. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2013, p. 80 f. ( Online ).
  3. ^ "Wealth and social prominence", according to Emily A. Hemelrijk: Matrona docta. Educated women in the Roman élite from Cornelia to Julia Domna. Routledge, London / New York 2004, ISBN 0-203-47944-0 , p. 307, note 131.
  4. Mauriz Schuster : Ummidius 3rd In: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen antiquity science (RE). Volume IX A, 1, Stuttgart 1961, Col. 603.
  5. Pliny the Younger , Letters 7:24 ( Latin original , English translation ). Unless otherwise stated, all further mentions by Pliny also refer to this letter.
  6. ^ Theodor Mommsen : On the life story of the younger Pliny. In: Hermes. Journal of Classical Philology. Vol. 3 (1869), pp. 31-139, here p. 50 f.
  7. Anthony Birley : Rosianus Geminus. In: Onomasticon to the younger Pliny. KG Saur, Munich / Leipzig 2000, p. 85, cf. also ibid. p. 18.
  8. Mauriz Schuster : Ummidius 3rd In: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen antiquity science (RE). Volume IX A, 1, Stuttgart 1961, Col. 600.
  9. a b c Pliny the Younger: Letters. Translated by Helmut Kasten. Tusculum Collection, 5th edition, Artemis Verlag, Munich / Zurich 1984. P. 411 ff.
  10. ^ Emily Hemelrijk: Female Munificence in the Cities of the Latin West. In: Dies., Greg Woolf (Ed.): Women and the Roman City in the Latin West. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2013, p. 65 ( online ).
  11. Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, pp. 205 f.
  12. a b c d A. N. Sherwin-White : The letters of Pliny. A historical and social commentary. Reprint, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1998, p. 431.
  13. Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, p. 186 and p. 204.
  14. Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, p. 205.
  15. ^ Jo-Ann Shelton: The Women of Pliny's Letters. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxfordshire) 2013, p. XIV.
  16. Werner Eck : Ummidia [2]. In: The New Pauly (DNP). Volume 12/1, Metzler, Stuttgart 2002, ISBN 3-476-01482-7 , Sp. 992.
  17. EAOR -04, 00047 (not yet published in the CIL or the AE ). Described in Amedeo Maiuri : Cassino. Inscrizione monumentale presso l'Anfiteatro. In: Notes degli scavi di antichità. 1929, p. 29 f.
  18. Emily A. Hemelrijk: Matrona docta. Educated women in the Roman élite from Cornelia to Julia Domna. Routledge, London / New York 2004, ISBN 0-203-47944-0 , p. 43. On p. 224, note 15, Hemelrijk describes Ummidia directly as a widow.
  19. Ludwig Friedländer : Representations from the moral history of Rome in the period from August to the exit of the Antonine. 9th edition, Hirzel, Leipzig 1920, Vol. 3, p. 27 ( online ).
  20. Detlef Liebs : Law schools and legal lessons in principle. In: Hildegard Temporini (ed.): The rise and fall of the Roman world . History and culture of Rome as reflected in recent research. 2nd series (Principat), Vol. 15. De Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1976, ISBN 3-11-006736-6 , pp. 197-286, here: p. 239.
  21. ^ Suzanne Dixon: The Roman Family. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore / London 1992, ISBN 0-8018-4199-2 , p. 231, note 32.
  22. ^ Giulio Molisani: Due note senatorie. In: Atti del Colloquio Internazionale AIEGL su Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio. Vol. 1, Rome 1982, pp. 495-497; A. Licordari: Ascesa al senato e rapporti con i territori d'origine. Italia: Regio I (Latium). In: Atti del Colloquio Internazionale AIEGL su Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio. Vol. 2, Rome 1982, pp. 9-57, here p. 26.
  23. Ronald Syme : Ummidius Quadratus, Capax Imperii. in: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. 83, (1979), pp. 287-310, here pp. 291 f.
  24. Pliny the Elder J .: Letters 5.1 . ( Online )
  25. Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, p. 191.
  26. Jacqueline M. Carlon: Pliny's Women. Constructing Virtue and Creating Identity in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, p. 210.
  27. Betty Radice (Ed.): Pliny. Letters and Panegyricus. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 1969, Vol. 2, p. 537.
  28. ^ Emily Hemelrijk: Female Munificence in the Cities of the Latin West. In: Dies., Greg Woolf (Ed.): Women and the Roman City in the Latin West. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2013, pp. 65 f., Note 4 ( online ).
  29. ^ Suzanne Dixon: The Roman Family. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore / London 1992, ISBN 0-8018-4199-2 , p. 156.
  30. Mauriz Schuster : Ummidius 3rd In: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen antiquity science (RE). Volume IX A, 1, Stuttgart 1961, Col. 602.
  31. ^ A b Hermann Dessau : Inscriptiones Latinae selectae , No. 5183 ( online ).
  32. Different from Mario Bonaria: Ummidius 2a. In: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Supplementary volume X, Stuttgart 1965, col. 1113.
  33. James L. Franklin Jr .: Pantomimists at Pompei. Actius Anicetus and his troupe. In: The American Journal of Philology , Vol. 108, 1987, pp. 95-107.
  34. ^ John H. Starks Jr .: Pantomime Actresses in Latin inscriptions. In: Edith Hall, Rosie Wyles (Eds.): New Directions in Ancient Pantomime. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2008, ISBN 978-0-19-923253-6 , p. 130, especially note 58 ( online ).
  35. See also Hermann Dessau : Inscriptiones Latinae selectae , No. 5628. ( online ), and L'année épigraphique 1991, No. 326.
  36. Eugenio Polito: The change of urban spaces between republic and principle. Two case studies. In: Orizzonti. Rassegna di archeologia , Volume 12, 2011, p. 33.
  37. Not yet published in the CIL . Reproduced in L'année épigraphique 1946, no.174, also ibid. 1992, no.244.
  38. Maurizio Fora: Ummidia Quadratilla ed il restauro del teatro di Cassino (Per una nuova lettura di AE 1946, 174). In: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik Vol. 94 (1992), pp. 269-273 ( online ).
  39. ^ Frank Sear: Roman Theaters. An architectural study. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2006, p. 85, on the archaeological context p. 122 f.
  40. ^ Frank Sear: Roman Theaters. An architectural study. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2006, p. 19.
  41. ^ Frank Sear: Roman Theaters. An architectural study. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2006, p. 81.
  42. ^ Filippo Coarelli: Lazio. Laterza, Roma 1982, p. 222; see also ders .: Le mausolée de Varron à Casinum? Une hypothèse d'identification. In: Revue des Études Latines . Volume 75, 1997, pp. 92-102; last on the mausoleum Sara Marandola: Rilievo e analisi strutturale del mausoleo cosiddetto di Ummidia Quadratilla a Cassino (Fr). In: Massimiliano Valenti (ed.): Monumenta. I mausolei romani tra commemorazione funebre e propaganda celebrativa. Atti del convegno di studi Monte Porzio Catone, 25 October 2008. Exorma, Rome 2010, pp. 183-194.
  43. Eugenio Polito: The change of urban spaces between republic and principle. Two case studies. In: Orizzonti. Rassegna di archeologia , Volume 12, 2011, p. 34.
  44. a b Eugenio Polito: The change of urban spaces between republic and principality. Two case studies. In: Orizzonti. Rassegna di archeologia. Volume 12, 2011, p. 25 ( online ).
  45. Anna Maria Andermahr: Totus in praediis. Senatorial property in Italy in the early and high imperial period. Habelt, Bonn 1998, p. 458.
  46. ^ Sigrid Mratschek-Halfmann : Divites et praepotentes. Wealth and social position in the literature of the Principate's time (dissertation, Historia Einzelschriften, Vol. 70). Steiner, Stuttgart 1993, ISBN 3-515-05973-3 , p. 109 f. ( Online ).
  47. ^ Emily Hemelrijk: Female Munificence in the Cities of the Latin West. In: Dies., Greg Woolf (Ed.): Women and the Roman City in the Latin West. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2013, p. 72 f., Note 20 ( online ).
  48. ^ Corrections and additions to the article in Ronald Syme : Missing Persons III. In: Historia. Ancient History Journal . Vol. 11, 1962, pp. 146-155, here p. 154.
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on September 13, 2015 .