Hiram Wesley Evans

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For other people named Hiram Evans, see Hiram Evans (disambiguation).
Hiram Wesley Evans
Evans Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1926
Born(1881-09-26)September 26, 1881
Ashland, Alabama
DiedSeptember 14, 1966(1966-09-14) (aged 84)
Atlanta, Georgia
EducationVanderbilt University
OccupationDentist
EmployerKu Klux Klan
TitleImperial Wizard
Political partyDemocratic Party (United States)

Hiram Wesley Evans (September 26, 1881 – September, 1966) was Imperial Wizard, or national leader, of the Ku Klux Klan, an American white supremacist group, from 1922 to 1939. A native of Alabama, Evans attended Vanderbilt University and became a dentist. He operated a small, moderately successful dental practice in Texas until 1920, when he joined the Klan in Dallas. He quickly rose through the Klan's ranks, and was part of a group that ousted William Joseph Simmons from the position of Imperial Wizard in November 1922. Evans succeeded him, and sought to transform the Klan into a political juggernaut.

Although Evans had kidnapped and tortured a black man while leader of the Dallas Klan, as Imperial Wizard he publicly discouraged vigilante actions, owing to his fear that they would curtail the Klan's political influence. In 1923, Evans presided over the largest Klan gathering in history, attended by over 200,000, and endorsed several successful candidates in 1924 elections. He moved the Klan's headquarters from Atlanta to Washington D.C., and organized a march of 30,000 members—the largest march in Klan history—on Pennsylvania Avenue. Evans' efforts notwithstanding, the Klan was buffeted by damaging publicity—in part owing to leadership struggles between Evans and other leaders—in the early 1920s which hindered political mobilization efforts. In the 1930s, the Great Depression significantly decreased the Klan's income, prompting Evans to work for a construction company to supplement his income. He resigned his leadership position with the Klan in 1939, after disavowing his former anti-Catholicism. He was succeeded by his chief of staff, James A. Colescott. The next year, Evans faced accusations of accepting no-bid government highway contracts in return for his support of a politician in Georgia; he was fined $15,000 after a legal battle.

Evans sought to promote a form of nativist, Protestant nationalism. In addition to his white supremacist ideology, he fiercely condemned Catholicism, Unionism, and Communism. He argued that Jews formed a non-American culture and resisted assimilation, although he denied being an anti-Semite. Historians credit Evans with shifting Klan to a political focus and recruiting outside the south, but note that the political success and membership gains he sought were ultimately illusive. Some historians see Evans as a corrupt leader, and many of his political and religious views were attacked by contemporary commentators.

Early life and education

Evans was born in Ashland, Alabama,[1] on September 26, 1881, and moved to Hubbard, Texas, as a child.[2] The son of a judge,[3] Evans attended Vanderbilt University and became a dentist,[1] receiving his license in 1900.[2] (There were later rumors that his dental qualifications were "a bit shady".)[4] He subsequently established a small dentistry practice in downtown Dallas, Texas, that provided inexpensive dental services.[5][3][6] The practice was moderately successful:[1] Evans described himself as "the most average man in America".[5]

Of average height and somewhat overweight,[5] Evans was well dressed, a skilled speaker, and very ambitious.[7] He was a freemason—eventually becoming a thirty-two-degree mason—and attended a Disciples of Christ church.[8]

Initial Klan service

Evans joined the Ku Klux Klan in 1920, leaving his dental practice for full-time Klan service. The next year,[2] he was elected "exalted cyclops", a recruiting position sometimes referred to as kleagle, in the Dallas Klan No. 66. When Evans was elected, the Dallas Klan had recently received a "self-ruling charter" from the Atlanta-based Klan leadership.[9] At that time, the Dallas chapter of the Klan was the largest in the U.S.[10] In 1921, Evans was appointed the "great titan" (an executive role) of the "Realm of Texas[2] and led a successful membership drive.[11]

Evans initially supported violence against minorities, fondly remembering a lynching he witnessed as a child. With the Texas Klan, he sought to create "black squads" to attack minorities.[12] Evans joined several Klan members who kidnapped and tortured a black bellhop, ostensibly because they suspected he was involved in pandering prostitutes.[9] Atlanta-based leaders pressured Evans to convince Texas Klan members to restrain their violence; around that time, the Texas Klan had received significant negative publicity after castrating an African-American doctor.[13] Although Evans was not morally opposed to violence against minorities,[14] he publicly condemned vigilante activity because he feared that it would attract government scrutiny and hinder potential Klan-backed political campaigns.[9] (The leader of the Houston Klan accused him of hypocrisy for changing his stance.)[13] Although Evans later took credit for a decrease in lynchings in the Southern United States during the 1920s,[15] several Klan members later claimed that he surreptitiously encouraged—and presided over—brutal acts of violence against minorities.[16]

In 1921, Evans was assigned to oversee the Klan's national membership drive at the behest of Klan publicists Elizabeth Tyler and Edward Young Clarke.[11][4] In 1922, Klan leadership made Evans the "Imperial kligrapp", a role similar to national secretary in which he oversaw 13 states.[9][4] He received a base salary of $7,500 and traveled throughout the states he oversaw, regularly meeting with local Klan leadership.[4]

Early national leadership

In 1922, Evans joined a group of Klan activists, including Tyler, Clarke, and D. C. Stephenson, in a "coup" against Klan leader William Joseph Simmons.[17] They deceived Simmons into agreeing to a reorganization of the Klan that removed his practical control[18] and Evans gained power. At a November 1922 "Klovokation" in Atlanta, Georgia, was formally ensconced as Imperial Wizard of the Klan;[17] although a legal battle between Evans and Simmons ensued, Evans retained control.[19]

As leader of the Klan, Evans advanced a nativist, white supremacy[20] that cast Protestantism as fundamental to American patriotism.[8] To Evans, whiteness and Protestantism were equally valued, and sometimes conflated:[21] he said the Klan supported the "uncontaminated growth of Anglo-Saxon civilization",[20] maintaining that white Protestants had the exclusive right to govern the U.S. owing to their descent from early colonists.[22] He admitted that many Klan members were of rural, uneducated backgrounds, but argued that power should be given to those he described as "the common people of America".[23] (He viewed a slight majority of Americans as of acceptable ethnic and religious background.)[24] Under Evans, the Klan supported a mix of right and left-wing policies,[25] ideological positions described by Pegram as "Too much of a patchwork to be considered an ideological system".[26] Klan literature spoke highly of politicians such as Woodrow Wilson, William Jennings Bryan, and Grover Cleveland.[27] Evans borrowed numerous concepts from the writings of Lothrop Stoddard and Madison Grant, American writers who promoted eugenics and scientific racism,[28] attempting to cast his platforms as science-based ideas. He argued against miscegenation and Catholic and Jewish immigration, claiming they were threats to genetic "good stock".[29] (Support for clear racial divisions was then common among white Americans.)[26] Evans attacked immigrants by arguing that they would promote ideologies such as anarchism and communism,[30] were threats to national unity,[15] and claimed that many immigrants were involved with bootlegging.[31] However, he supported immigration of those he deemed "Nordic", which included several northern European ethnicities, but excluded southern and eastern Europeans.[32]

Under Evans' leadership, the Klan became active in Indiana and Illinois, rather than solely focusing on the Southeastern United States as it had in the past.[8] Evans appointed D. C. Stephenson as kleagle and Grand Dragon of Indiana.[17][33] Historian Leonard Moore speculates that Stephenson played a role in Evans' elevation to leader, and suggests that he received a leadership role in return.[11] The relationship between the two leaders quickly became acrimonious:[34] Stephenson clashed with Evans over the portion of membership fees that he would receive and became embittered after Evans' refusal to help fund the purchase of a school in Indiana.[33][35] Although Stephenson believed that Evans deliberately thwarted his attempt to purchase a university in an attempt to limit his power, Evans unexpectedly promoted Stephenson to Grand Dragon of the "northern realm" in July 1923.[36] Moore contends that Evans paid particular attention to the Indiana Klan because he sought to profit from it as it was the largest state organization he oversaw.[35]

Internal conflicts

Evans became embroiled in several internal Klan conflicts that that gained media exposure. In January 1921, Evans and a group of grand dragons expelled Clarke, who had been critical of Evans' efforts to involve the Klan in politics, from the Klan.[37] Evans also clashed with Henry Grady, a superior court judge from North Carolina who served in the Klan from 1922 to 1927,[38] reaching the rank of Grand Dragon. Before Evans gained control of the Klan, Grady was seen as a potential successor to Simmons. After Grady dismissed a Klan-backed bill that would have banned the Knights of Columbus, Evans revoked his membership. Grady subsequently leaked his correspondence with Evans to the media.[39]

In August 1923, Evans participated in a Klan parade in heavily-Catholic Carnegie, Pennsylvania, that was attacked by local residents.[40] (Although Evans lived in parts of the Southern U.S. with few Catholics,[41] he opposed Catholicism owing to his belief that the Catholic Church sought to take control of the United States government.)[42] One member of the Klan was killed; Evans celebrated him as a martyr, hoping that the death would inspire new recruits.[43] The incident gave a fillip to the Klan's recruitment efforts, but increased the animosity that Stephenson felt toward Evans, whom he saw as responsible for the incident.[44] Stephenson's proclivity for ostentation irritated Evans.[45] Although Stephenson left his official Klan position after a short tenure,[46] under his leadership the northern Klan had begun to rival the southern Klan.[47] Stephenson had been a skilled campaigner and demagogue,[48] and remained a well-known advocate of the Klan's platforms after resigning.[34] Evans avoided publicly clashing with Stephenson, fearing that it would hurt the candidacies of Klan-backed politicians:[46] Stephenson was closely involved in the gubernatorial candidacy of Indiana Klan-member Edward L. Jackson.[49] The Klan saw significant electoral success in that state in 1924 and, after this success, Stephenson showed further disdain for Evans.[48]

Although membership in the Klan was limited to men,[50] Simmons—after losing control of the Klan—attempted to create a women's Klan organization, but Evans established a women's group and sued Simmons for trademark infringement. Evans won the lawsuit,[51] leading to a public war of words with Simmons. Simmons' lawyer was soon murdered by Evans's press agent;[7] Evans denied complicity in the attack. After the murder was publicized, Evans moved the Klan's national headquarters to Washington D.C. In 1924, Evans paid Simmons $145,000 for a promise to abandon his claim to Klan leadership.[37] To Evans' consternation, Stephenson also formed a women's auxiliary group; Evans and Stephenson subsequently circulated allegations of sexual impropriety against each other.[51] Stephenson was soon charged with the rape and murder of a young woman, but alleged that the charges were orchestrated by Evans.[52] The incident was well publicized, causing thousands to abandon the Klan;[53] Stephenson was convicted of Second degree murder and given a life sentence.[54]

Growth and political activism

Evans leading his Knights of the Klan on the parade held in Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1926
Evans on the cover of Time, June 23, 1924

In the early years of Evans' tenure, the Klan reached record membership;[29][55] Evans also dramatically increased the Klan's assets, more than doubling them from July 1922 to July 1923.[56] Evans changed the way that Klan leaders were paid: he insisted that they receive a fixed salary rather than commissions based on membership fees—effectively lowering their income.[57] Although other leaders had lived in lavish properties, Evans initially settled in an apartment after becoming Imperial Wizard.[58] Klan publications claimed that their launch of a printing plant and cuts in the cost of robe production dramatically lowered expenses.[47] McVeigh argues that this growth was owing to the Klan's exploitation of a "favorable political context",[59] particularly one in which privileged Americans were fearful after increases in suffrage.[60] Evans had high hopes for the Klan, saying in 1923 that he aimed to reach ten million members.[20] That year, he spoke at the largest Klan gathering in history, a Fourth of July meeting in rural Indiana attended by over 200,000.[61]

Evans sought to include more members from the Southwest in leadership. (The Klan had been led by people from the Southeast.)[62] In 1922, Evans supported the successful Senate candidacy of Texas politician Earle Bradford Mayfield, an event that demonstrated that Klan-supported candidates could win high office.[63] In 1923,[64] Evans returned to Texas for the state fair, where 75,000 people gathered for a "Klan day" celebration.[65] He devoted funds to fighting anti-Klan governor of Oklahoma Jack C. Walton, and to the joy of the Klan, Walton was impeached and removed from office in 1923. However, the Oklahoma legislature soon passed several anti-Klan bills.[66]

Evans published instructions for local Klan leaders that detailed how to run meetings, recruit new members,[55] and speak to local gatherings. He advised leaders to avoid "raving hysterically" in favor of "[a] scientific ... presentation of facts". He urged leaders to forbid members from bringing their Klan regalia home from meetings and to perform background checks on applicants, steps that he hoped would curb unauthorized violence.[14][57] Evans instructed Klan members to shun vigilantism but to assist police. He attempted, with some success, to recruit police officers into the Klan.[67] Emphasizing the difference between his organization and the earlier, more violent days of the Ku Klux Klan,[68] Evans formed Klan-themed groups for children.[69] As the Klan attempted to portray itself as a movement led by cultured, well-educated people, they spoke about education in the U.S.[70] In Evans' writings about education, he cited the nation's illiteracy rate as evidence that American public schools were failing; he saw low teacher salaries and child labor as key obstacles to reform.[71] Evans backed the creation of the Department of Education: he hoped that improvements in public school would help "Americanize the foreigners" and thwart recruitment efforts of Catholic schools.[72] He believed that public schools could create a homogeneous society, but also saw education advocacy as an effective form of public relations.[73][70]

After the Klan gained respect and political influence in some areas, Evans hoped to replicate this on a national scale.[74] The issue of political involvement was controversial among Klan members and Evans issued contradictory statements on the issue, publicly disavowing Klan involvement in politics, but surreptitiously attempting to sway politicians.[75] Apart from fundamental Klan issues, local groups often embraced varying political ideologies; Evans risked alienating members by insisting on specific political stances.[76] Although the Klan failed to realize many of his hopes, Evans saw several Klansmen elected to high offices and, in the mid-1920s, the Klan was frequently discussed by political commentators.[77] In 1924, the Klan convinced Republican Party leaders to avoid criticizing them, prompting Time to put Evans on their cover.[78] In 1924, the Klan supported Calvin Coolidge in his successful candidacy for president of the United States.[79] Although Coolidge opposed many Klan platforms, with the exception of immigration restrictions and prohibition, he was the only major candidate who did not condemn the Klan. Although Evans declared his victory a great success for the Klan, the president opposed many key Klan platforms.[80] However, the Klan remained a divisive group among Republicans: their public endorsement of James Eli Watson for the vice-presidency damaged his chances.[81] Significant discussion of the Klan also took place at the Democratic Party's convention,[82] Senator and presidential candidate Oscar Underwood decried the Klan as "a national menace".[78] Evans' attempts to elect Klansmen to public offices in 1924 saw limited success,[83] although they achieved their goals in Indiana.[8]

Decline

Although the Klan had four million members in 1924, the group's membership quickly shrunk after Stephenson's trial was publicized. The Indiana Klan lost over 90% of its members by the end of the trial and there were mass resignations in other states, as well.[84] Other scandals emerged, further damaging Klan enrollment. Although the Colorado Klan had seen strong growth, Evans asked the Grand Dragon, John Galen Locke, to resign after corruption scandals involving Klan members who served as police. This move was poorly received by members of the Klan in Colorado, and local membership plummeted.[85] Evans also encountered difficulties with local Klan leadership in Pennsylvania in 1926: many Pennsylvania Klan members objected to Evans' leadership style, complaining that he was too autocratic. In response, Evans revoked the charters of several local Klan groups and removed one of their leaders, a state legislator. However, the Pennsylvania groups continued to refer to themselves as the Ku Klux Klan, prompting Evans to sue them in federal court. In court, Pennsylvania Klan members launched a detailed offensive against Evans and other Klan leaders, alleging lurid misdeeds. Evans' suit was unsuccessful and many newspapers reported the scandalous allegations—the Pennsylvania Klan subsequently lost significant support.[86]

In response to this a massive drop in Klan membership across the country, Evans organized a Klan parade that year in Washington D.C., hoping that a large turnout would demonstrate the Klan's power. About 30,000 Klan members attended the event, making it the largest parade in the group's history. Evans was disappointed, however, as he had expected double the attendance at the event and the event did not quell the drop in membership.[84]

In 1926, Evans attempted to use his political sway to rally senators to vote against a proposed World Court. He was unsuccessful, however, and several Klan back senators chose to follow Calvin Coolidge and support the bill.[87] In 1928, Evans opposed New York Democratic governor Al Smith's candidacy for President of the U.S.: Klan literature emphasized Smith's Catholic faith. Republican Herbert Hoover won the election and Evans boldly claimed responsibility for Smith's loss, although most of the south rejected Hoover against the Klan's advice.[88]

In 1929, Evans acknowledged that membership had suffered, but predicted a dramatic turnaround would soon occur. His predication was inaccurate.[89] This dramatic loss of members saw the Klan become a skeleton of its former self.[90] Historians have attributed this loss of membership to ineptness and hypocrisy on the part of Klan leadership.[89] McVeigh argues that the Klan's inability to form alliances with other political groups led to the sharp loss of political power and solidarity within the group.[91]

Changes in focus

Although many Klan members initially supported the presidential campaign of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932, the Klan rescinded their support near the end of his campaign owing to his acceptance of endorsements from minorities and labor unions.[92] Evans fiercely opposed The New Deal, describing it as a "great danger" to the nation:[93] he argued that it was a "Jewish" policy that was dangerous to American freedom, reserving particular scorn for Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, Jr.[94] Evans' statements about Jews were sometimes contradictory:[95] he argued that he was not an anti-Semite, but nevertheless maintained that Jews were more materialistic than other Americans and did not contribute to or assimilate into American culture.[96] He also cited Jewish involvement with the "motion picture industry", jazz, and "sex publications" as reasons to stop Jewish immigration.[97] The Klan subsequently launched an offensive against organized labor;[92] in the 1930s, Evans fiercely condemned Communism and Unionism.[98] In the 1930s, Evans began to suspect that many government agencies had been infiltrated by communists.[99] He focused his attacks on the Congress of Industrial Organizations,[98] claiming that they sought to "flout law and promote social disorder".[100] This rhetoric did not significantly increase the Klan's power or popularity.[53]

Evans also bemoaned commercialism, and attributed it to the effects of liberalism,[15] but supported capitalism, and sought to form ties between business leaders and the Klan.[101] He felt that large corporations had affected the Eastern United States so that it no longer reflected "true Americanism".[102] Although Evans commonly attacked industrial capitalists and unskilled workers, he conceded that cheap labor was necessary on farmland.[103] He condemned corporate greed, alleging that the desire of wealthy elites for cheap labor had resulted in immigration.[25] In Evans' view, the immigration policy of the United States should restrict the immigration of unskilled workers, except for those needed on farms.[104] He believed that an influx of unskilled laborers had driven down wages in the U.S.[102]

In 1934, Evans encountered public controversy after it was revealed that he planned to travel to Louisiana to campaign against Huey Long, who was then planning on running for President in 1936. Long learned of Evans' plans, and condemned him in a speech at the Louisiana State Legislature, deriding him as a "tooth-puller" and an "Imperial bastard" and warning of grave consequences should he follow through on his plans. After learning of the potential opposition, Evans cancelled his plans.[6]

In the 1930s, the Klan's public support nearly vanished[94] and their membership dropped to about 100,000 people, primarily concentrated in the south.[53] At that time, James A. Colescott, Evans' handpicked chief of staff,[100] increasingly shouldered Evans' responsibilities.[105] The Great Depression hurt the Klan's finances, Klan leadership their former headquarters[106] in 1936.[107] Around that time, he announced his intention to retire from the Klan.[106] Evans resigned his leadership of the Klan in June 1939 and Colescott followed him as Imperial Wizard.[108]

Downfall

Although anti-Catholicism had been consistently promoted by the Klan,[109] before leaving the organization, Evans renounced his anti-Catholicism and pronounced a "new era of religious tolerance".[110] Historian Chester L. Quarles argues that Evans repudiated anti-Catholicism owing to his desire to fight Unions and Communism and his fear of having too many enemies to agitate effectively.[100] After Evans sold the Klan's Atlanta headquarters, it was purchased by the Catholic Church, and became the Cathedral of Christ the King. Evans attended the building's dedication and spoke highly of the service, a move that surprised many observers.[111] His attendance was his last significant public appearance as Imperial Wizard: he stepped down soon afterwards,[110] having become deeply unpopular with members of the Klan, who felt that he had embraced their enemies.[112]

Evans' service as Imperial Wizard proved to be a lucrative position,[113] allowing him to maintain a large residence in a prestigious Atlanta neighborhood.[105] In the mid-1930s, however, Klan funds dwindled and he worked for a Georgia-based construction company selling products to the Georgia Highway Board; at the same time, he was a staunch supporter of Georgia governor Eurith D. Rivers,[114] whom he had previously employed as a lecturer.[100] Evans was allowed to sell to the highway board without bidding against other contractors owing to the political support he had provided the administration. In 1940, Evans and a member of the state highway board were charged with price fixing by the state of Georgia. After lengthy legal proceedings, spearheaded by Ellis Arnall, then the Attorney General of Georgia, Evans was fined $15,000.[114]

Evans died in September 1966 in Atlanta, Georgia.[2]

Reception

Historian David A. Horowitz credits Evans with changing the Klan "from a confederation of local vigilantes into a centralized and powerful political movement".[8] However, historian William D. Jenkins maintains that Evans was "personally corrupt and more interested in money or power than a cause".[115] During Evans' leadership, the New York Times characterized the Klan leadership as "shrewd schemers".[116]

Evans' ideology was criticized by numerous contemporaries; this criticism began early in his career in his Klan career. David Lefkowitz, rabbi of Temple Emanu-El in Dallas, attacked Evans' assertion that Jews did not assimilate, emphasizing patriotic American experiences shared by Jews and Christians, such as military service in World War I.[117] James Weldon Johnson, leader of the NAACP, responded to Evans' statements about white supremacy by contending that "all races are mixed".[118] Other well-known adversaries of Evans include The Dallas Morning News publisher George Dealey[117] and Atlanta journalist Ralph McGill.[114]

References

  1. ^ a b c Snell 1987, p. 312.
  2. ^ a b c d e The Handbook of Texas Online.
  3. ^ a b Phillips 2006, p. 88.
  4. ^ a b c d Wade 1998, p. 187.
  5. ^ a b c Pegram 2011, p. 17.
  6. ^ a b Sims 1996, p. 3.
  7. ^ a b Pegram 2011, p. 18.
  8. ^ a b c d e Horowitz 1997, p. 83.
  9. ^ a b c d Jenkins 1980, p. 7.
  10. ^ Phillips 2006, p. 85.
  11. ^ a b c Moore 1997, p. 18.
  12. ^ Tucker 2004, pp. 93–4.
  13. ^ a b Chalmers 1981, p. 42.
  14. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 195.
  15. ^ a b c Horowitz 1997, p. 85.
  16. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 182.
  17. ^ a b c Blee 2009, p. 22.
  18. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 94.
  19. ^ Wade 1998, p. 188.
  20. ^ a b c Wade 1998, p. 193.
  21. ^ Phillips 2006, p. 94.
  22. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 47.
  23. ^ Horowitz 1997, pp. 87–8.
  24. ^ Tindall 1967, p. 150.
  25. ^ a b Phillips 2006, p. 89.
  26. ^ a b Pegram 2011, p. 50.
  27. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 194.
  28. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 53.
  29. ^ a b Blee 2009, p. 23.
  30. ^ Moore 1997, p. 21.
  31. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 127.
  32. ^ Phillips 2006, p. 91.
  33. ^ a b Moore 1997, p. 19.
  34. ^ a b Moore 1997, p. 46.
  35. ^ a b Moore 1997, p. 93.
  36. ^ Tucker 2004, pp. 103 & 107.
  37. ^ a b Wade 1998, pp. 190–1.
  38. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 92.
  39. ^ Sims 1996, p. 35.
  40. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 133.
  41. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 132.
  42. ^ Moore 1997, p. 20.
  43. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 177.
  44. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 135.
  45. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 27.
  46. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 234.
  47. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 157.
  48. ^ a b Blee 2009, p. 94.
  49. ^ Tucker 2004, p. 140.
  50. ^ Newton 2010, p. 75.
  51. ^ a b Blee 2009, p. 27.
  52. ^ Blee 2009, p. 95.
  53. ^ a b c Chalmers 1981, p. 5.
  54. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 172.
  55. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 192.
  56. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 25.
  57. ^ a b Dobratz & Shanks-Meile 2000, pp. 38–9.
  58. ^ Quarles 1999, p. 74.
  59. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 197.
  60. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 200.
  61. ^ Wade 1998, pp. 215–6.
  62. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 70.
  63. ^ Stone 2010, p. 137.
  64. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 39.
  65. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 44.
  66. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 54.
  67. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 162.
  68. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 6.
  69. ^ Newton 2010, p. 76.
  70. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 115.
  71. ^ Moore 1997, p. 36.
  72. ^ Moore 1997, p. 37.
  73. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 92.
  74. ^ Pegram 2011, p. xi.
  75. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 188.
  76. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 197.
  77. ^ Wade 1998, p. 196.
  78. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 197.
  79. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 170.
  80. ^ McVeigh 2009, pp. 188–9.
  81. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 213.
  82. ^ Tindall 1967, p. 194.
  83. ^ Gitlin 2009, p. 17.
  84. ^ a b Gitlin 2009, p. 19–20.
  85. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 132.
  86. ^ Chalmers 1981, p. 242.
  87. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 212.
  88. ^ Newton 2010, pp. 95–6.
  89. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 182.
  90. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 217.
  91. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 183.
  92. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 259.
  93. ^ Wade 1998, p. 239.
  94. ^ a b Gitlin 2009, p. 22.
  95. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 55.
  96. ^ Moore 1997, pp. 20–1.
  97. ^ Newton 2010, p. 80.
  98. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 262.
  99. ^ Quarles 1999, p. 77.
  100. ^ a b c d Quarles 1999, p. 79. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEQuarles199979" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  101. ^ Phillips 2006, pp. 88–9.
  102. ^ a b McVeigh 2009, p. 69.
  103. ^ McVeigh 2009, p. 65.
  104. ^ McVeigh 2009, pp. 67–8.
  105. ^ a b Chalmers 1981, p. 317.
  106. ^ a b Wade 1998, p. 264.
  107. ^ Gitlin 2009, p. xvi.
  108. ^ Newton 2010, p. 100.
  109. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 69.
  110. ^ a b Quarles 1999, p. 80.
  111. ^ Wade 1998, pp. 264–5.
  112. ^ Quarles 1999, pp. 79–80.
  113. ^ Quarles 1999, p. 81.
  114. ^ a b c Wade 1998, p. 265.
  115. ^ Jenkins 1980, p. vii.
  116. ^ Wade 1998, p. 191.
  117. ^ a b Stone 2010, pp. 132–3.
  118. ^ Pegram 2011, p. 49.

Bibliography

Books
  • Blee, Kathleen M. (2009), Women of the Klan: racism and gender in the 1920s, University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-25787-0
  • Chalmers, David Mark (1981), Hooded Americanism: the history of the Ku Klux Klan, Duke University Press, ISBN 978-0-8223-0772-3
  • Dobratz, Betty A.; Shanks-Meile, Stephanie L. (2000), The white separatist movement in the United States: "white power, white pride!", JHU Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-6537-4
  • Gitlin, Marty (2009), The Ku Klux Klan: a guide to an American subculture, ABC-CLIO, ISBN 978-0-313-36576-8
  • Horowitz, David A. (1997), Beyond left & right: insurgency and the establishment, University of Illinois Press, ISBN 978-0-252-06568-2
  • Jenkins, William D. (1990), Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley, Kent State University Press, ISBN 978-0-87338-694-4
  • McVeigh, Rory (2009), The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan: Right-Wing Movements and National Politics, University of Minnesota Press, ISBN 978-0-8166-5619-6
  • Moore, Leonard Joseph (1997), Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928, University of North Carolina Press, ISBN 978-0-8078-4627-8
  • Newton, Michael (2010), The Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi: a history, McFarland, ISBN 978-0-7864-4653-7
  • Pegram, Thomas R. (2011), One Hundred Percent American: The Rebirth and Decline of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-1-56663-711-4
  • Phillips, Michael (2006), White metropolis: race, ethnicity, and religion in Dallas, 1841-2001, University of Texas Press, ISBN 978-0-292-71274-4{{citation}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Quarles, Chester L. (1999), The Ku Klux Klan and related American racialist and antisemitic organizations: a history and analysis, McFarland, ISBN 978-0-7864-0647-0
  • Sims, Patsy (1996), The Klan, University Press of Kentucky, ISBN 978-0-8131-0887-2
  • Snell, William R. (1987), Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins (ed.), From Civil War to civil rights—Alabama, 1860-1960: an anthology from the Alabama review, University of Alabama Press, ISBN 978-0-8173-0341-9{{citation}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Stone, Bryan Edward (2010), The Chosen Folks: Jews on the Frontiers of Texas, University of Texas Press, ISBN 978-0-292-72177-7
  • Tindall, George Brown (1967), The emergence of the new South, 1913-1945, LSU Press, ISBN 978-0-8071-0010-3
  • Tucker, Todd (2004), Notre Dame vs. the Klan: how the Fighting Irish defeated the Ku Klux Klan, Loyola Press, ISBN 978-0-8294-1771-5
  • Wade, Wyn Craig (1998), The fiery cross: the Ku Klux Klan in America, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-512357-9
Web
Preceded by Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan
1922-1939 		Succeeded by
Awards and achievements
Preceded by Cover of Time Magazine
23 June 1924 		Succeeded by

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