Siege of Nördlingen
The siege of Nördlingen took place from August 18, 1634 to September 7, 1634 at the time of the Thirty Years' War . The Protestant imperial city , in which many refugees had sought refuge, was occupied by a small Swedish garrison and was besieged by a very strong force on the Catholic side, consisting of an imperial, a Bavarian and a Spanish army. After the attempt to relieve the city by a Swedish army in the battle of Nördlingen , which was important for the further course of the war, failed catastrophically, the city had to surrender the following day.
The Thirty Years War in Southern Germany
With the exception of occasional troop movements by the Catholic League, southern Germany was spared the effects of the Thirty Years' War for a long time. This changed when, after the lost battle of Breitenfeld in September 1631, the supremacy of the imperial army was broken and the way to Upper Germany was cleared for the Swedish Protestant associations. In the following months they succeeded in penetrating as far as the Rhine and Main and soon invading Catholic Bavaria.
Nördlingen , about 30 kilometers north of the Danube on the border with Württemberg , as an imperial city, despite the Protestant creed, always endeavored to remain loyal to the Catholic Emperor ( Ferdinand II ). But when the successful Protestant army of the Swedish King Gustav Adolf approached at the end of March 1632 , the city placed itself under the protection of the Swedish king. The change of sides was not only the only sensible alternative in view of the overwhelming Protestant power, but was also welcomed by large parts of the city's citizens and the municipal authorities . This was borne out by the effort and the joyful atmosphere that was displayed when the King of Sweden entered Nördlingen in autumn 1632. In the following two years, however, crews had to be repeatedly taken in, who then improved the fortifications of the city.
The dramatic defeats of the Catholic league troops in the battles near Breitenfeld and Rain am Lech had forced Emperor Ferdinand II to recall the previously dismissed commander in chief of the imperial troops Wallenstein in December 1631 with extended powers. However, Wallenstein had pursued a defensive delaying tactic and made no attempts to prevent the conquest and sacking of Bavaria and the conquest of Regensburg . He had negotiated on his own with the Swedes and with Electoral Saxony, had fallen out of favor with Emperor Ferdinand II and was murdered in February 1634 at the behest of the Emperor. For a short time General Gallas succeeded Wallenstein, then the emperor's son, later Emperor Ferdinand III , followed as commander-in-chief . , King of Hungary, with Gallas as military advisor. Both began to recapture Bavaria in May 1634. After they had recaptured Regensburg, occupied by the Swedes, after a siege of several weeks on July 26, 1634, they moved with the united imperial-Bavarian army to the west in the direction of the Duchy of Württemberg , in order to unite with a Spanish army.
The Swedish army, whose supreme command lay with his Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna after the death of Gustav Adolf in 1632 , consisted of two armies in southern Germany, one each under Field Marshal Gustaf Graf Horn and Bernhard von Sachsen-Weimar , which in the spring of 1634 with a joint army from Württemberg had tried in vain to the east to prevent the reconquest of Regensburg . They had not expected the quick success of the Imperial Bavarian Army, so reacted too slowly and came too late to protect Regensburg. While the Imperial Bavarian Army was already moving west and took Donauwörth there by storm on August 16, the two Swedish armies were only on the arduous, loss-making return march to the west, which was made difficult by the rain. While the Imperialists were already marching on Nördlingen, which would have been unfavorably located on their flank on the way to Württemberg, Bernhard and Horn were only just joining forces at Günzburg .
The vanguard of the imperial army appeared in front of Nördlingen on August 17th. Four siege guns were brought into position on the Totenberg , bordering the city in the southwest, and eight siege guns on the Galgenberg in the south.The Stoffelsberg, the Adlersberg and the extensive plateaus of the Schönefeld served the main power on the following day marched up as a camp. When the first warning shot was fired on Nördlingen on August 18, the Swedish army was still in Günzburg, about 50 km away, and then moved via Heidenheim to Aalen , which it reached on August 21. Duke Bernhard had promised the Nördlingers to frighten them, but was still waiting for the necessary reinforcements of around 10,000 men, of which only half arrived on time. The imperial army, on the other hand, could count on a Spanish army of 15,000 men, which the cardinal-infant Ferdinando , brother of the Spanish king and cousin Ferdinand III, had set up in Italy in order to cross the Rhine into the Netherlands. At that time, Spain, related to the Emperor in the House of Habsburg , waged war against parts of the Netherlands that had declared themselves independent (see Eighty Years War ). The Swedes found themselves in the unfavorable position of being too weak to attack, but having to allow a union and thus a further strengthening of the enemy if the delay was too long.
The siege of Nordlingen
Fortifying the city
Like most cities at the time, Nördlingen had a complete city wall that had been repeatedly adapted to the state of the art, but could not be called a fortress. On the walls there were a total of 18 towers, five of them with gates, and three bastions . Cannons could be fired from the bastions, the four gate towers and a few other towers. In front of the wall was a partially flooded ditch, in the inner edge of which in front of the ramparts another, lower wall enclosed a kennel . The outer edge of the trench was also bordered by a wall, which made it difficult to penetrate the trench. Earth jumps were built in front of the Reimlinger and Berger Tor, blocking the bridges over the moat to the gates. The section between these two inlets was the most vulnerable as it was in front of the (only) hills that approached the city to the south. That is why the two stronger bastions stood there. The weak point of the defense was the Deininger Tor, which had thin walls, could not carry any artillery and whose adjacent wall sections had no defensive towers.
Preparations
In Nördlingen rumors had already been heard during the siege of Regensburg that after the fall of the imperial city occupied by the Swedes, the next target of the imperial Bavarian troops was being made and preparations were being made for a siege. The city council secured the support of the surrounding cities and princes as well as the Duke of Bernhard. After a controversial discussion on August 13 and 14, it was decided, according to the wishes of Field Marshal Horn and Duke Bernhard, to defend the city in an emergency and to take on a Swedish garrison, which entered the city on the same day with 400–500 men under Lieutenant Colonel Deubitz . In addition, 500–600 citizens were divided into six flags that were subordinate to the city governor of Welsch. At the same time, some villages and towns in the Ries were plundered by imperial cavalry and the first skirmishes with armed men from Nördlingen. Looting, which had already taken place in isolated cases in the previous months, mostly drove numerous farmers from the surrounding villages behind the safe city walls . In its session on August 14th, the city council had also decided “to get rid of the superfluous Bauers and other Volckh who fled into the place so that one has to live”, but this decree does not seem to have been implemented consistently because during the Siege still found many refugees in the city and made the supply situation difficult. In order to take cover from the besiegers who were expected in the near future, some buildings and gardens in front of the city were destroyed. Necessary material was brought within the walls and the citizens were psychologically prepared for a siege.
Beginning of the siege
The imperial artillery fired its first shots on the morning of August 18, but did little damage. In the afternoon the city was asked to surrender, which Commander Deubitz refused. Under cover of night, Catholic pioneers began to dig trenches in the plain around the city and a total of six additional, entrenched gun emplacements, from which the wall and its bulwarks could be fired directly and more effectively. In addition, the Eger was blocked so that no more water flowed into the city. This had two effects: On the one hand, the town's mills could no longer be operated. During the entire period of siege, the flour had to be ground in the horse mill, which by far could not meet the needs of the trapped. On the other hand, the lack of water made it difficult for the residents to attempt to extinguish the fire. The following day marked the beginning of the actual siege. From August 19, the city's fortifications were heavily shelled with cannons and attempts to start a fire in the city with grenades were unsuccessful. A dangerous fire ignited only once, but it was happily extinguished. With the grenades and heavy cannonballs, which struck especially in the vicinity of the Rossmühle, but could not destroy it, some houses in the rest of the city were hit, but overall relatively little damage was done. The shots fired on the walls, towers and gates mainly from the batteries in front , however, had a highly destructive effect. The Deininger Tor in particular was fired so heavily on the 20th and 21st that it and the adjacent sections of the wall were riddled with holes and the gun emplacements on the tower had to be abandoned. The cannons also had to be withdrawn from the Berger Tor, the Upper Water Tower and the lion tower in between because of major damage. The bastions were placed under heavy fire on August 21st, so that one could only hide on their ruins in order to continue the gunfire from there. Near this point, a piece of the wall was so badly damaged that the commander expected a breach shortly and made preparations for a storm, but this did not materialize. In the first three days the besiegers had already severely weakened the resistance of the trapped. The bombardment had “terrified and terrified” the magistrate and certainly also the residents. Since nothing was known about the whereabouts of the Swedish army and were concerned about the relief, the city council tried after a meeting on August 22nd to persuade Lieutenant Colonel Deubitz to surrender, but fell on deaf ears. During the entire siege from August 18 to September 7, the defenders returned fire with cannon and musket shots . In addition, in a total of six escapes from the city, some of the houses that had stood still and offered cover were demolished, some of the guns, scaling ladders and entrenchments were destroyed, several enemies were killed and some were brought behind the walls as prisoners.
The arrival of the Swedes
The Swedish army moved from Aalen to Bopfingen on August 23 and moved into camp on the easily defensible Breitwang, from which one had a clear view of Nördlingen. Hopes of an early relief rose in the city. The very next day, Duke Bernhard had his troops advance south-west of the city in battle formation as far as the village of Utzmemmingen and the Eger, where battles were fought with imperial units. Taking advantage of the enemy's distraction, Field Marshal Horn managed to ride unhindered to the Baldinger Tor in the north-west of the city, where the Imperialists had no positions. He strengthened the city with 200–250 musketeers and asked how long they could hold out. The field marshal promised that the relief would follow in two to three days as soon as the additional troops arrived. Communication between the city and the Swedish army was ensured by various fire and sound signals and by the courageous messenger Adam Jacker, known as Weckerle. This sneaked a total of three times, on the 21st, 26th and 29th, through the enemy lines from the city to the Swedes, who each time had to put off him and the besieged for another two to three days, as they were still on the largest Part of their reinforcements were waiting. After continuous heavy bombardment and isolated unsuccessful attacks against the section of wall between the bastions, the bombardment with heavy artillery was suspended from August 26th to September 1st. In the city this was attributed to the fact that the imperial army ran out of ammunition. In this situation the Swedish army command differed. While Duke Bernhard recommended courageous action, the reluctant Horn prevailed and let an opportunity to attack slip by. The plight of those trapped increased day by day. In addition to hunger, an epidemic spread that claimed dozens of victims every day.
Storm attempt
From September 2nd, the city was again bombarded with cannons and mortars . On September 3, the city was already exposed to violent fire from 4 a.m. Two large breaches were made on the walls at Berger Tor and Reimlinger Tor, which allowed the oncoming soldiers to penetrate. The expected storm did not materialize, however, as King Ferdinand III. large parts of the imperial troops had withdrawn to the southern Schönefeld in order to greet his cousin, the Spanish cardinal-infante, who had arrived with the Spanish army. After the delay, the attack broke out on September 4th. Before that, the imperial Colonel Adelshofer had tried unsuccessfully to convince the commander of the city that resistance was hopeless in view of the now even larger army of besiegers. The last chance for a compromise had passed. Bavarian soldiers began the storm from three in the afternoon, with the breaches between Deininger Tor and Reimlinger Tor being the main target of the attackers. Despite several attempts and high losses, they did not succeed in getting through the ditch and the breaches beyond the walls. During the fighting, some Bavarian soldiers managed to break into the tower of the badly damaged Deininger Tor and shoot into the city from there. The alarmed defenders could only remedy this precarious situation by setting fire on the ground floor of the tower and thereby driving away the opponents standing above, some of whom were burned. At nightfall, the imperial general Gallas had to call off the attack, which had cost 600–800 deaths. After the fighting, many of the bodies were eaten by the almost starved refugees living in Nördlingen.
The battle of Nördlingen
→ Main article: Battle of Nördlingen
Duke Bernhard and Field Marshal Horn agreed that action had to be taken now. The following morning the camp near Bopfingen was broken up and the troops set off to the south. In the meantime, most of the expected reinforcements had arrived, but the Catholic troops reinforced by the Spanish were far outnumbered. Around 25,000 Swedish soldiers faced between 33,000 and 35,000 Imperial soldiers. In the early evening the Swedes reached the opposing camp at its southwestern end near Ederheim and conquered a range of hills by night. The Albuch, which is crucial in the Swedish strategy , the height that closes this chain in the east, could no longer be taken, and so General Gallas had the opportunity during the night to throw many units at this point and have them entrenched there. The next morning (September 6th), Field Marshal Horn, who commanded this section, tried to take the Albuch with extreme doggedness, but had no luck and had to retreat after several hours of fierce fighting. When Bernhard's troops, who had meanwhile carried out a relief attack on another site, could no longer hold themselves and fled, the "Battle of Nördlingen", one of the bloodiest of the war up to that point, was lost. The escaping troops were chased by the imperial cavalry and many killed. The Swedish army lost a total of 8,000-10,000 men, and 3,000-4,000 were captured and overthrown (that is, taken into their own army). The Imperial Spanish Army, on the other hand, had only 3,500 wounded or dead to mourn. The predominance of the Protestants in southern Germany was broken.
The surrender of the defeated city
In Nördlingen, meanwhile, they had made a successful failure, in which the Eger were led back into the city and urgently needed food was stolen. The certainty of victory and the joy of the long-awaited relief were so great that they even celebrated a thank-you service. The disappointment was correspondingly great when they learned of the defeat of the allied army, which made it pointless to continue fighting. On September 7th, the call to unconditional surrender followed, which could no longer be refused. That same evening, the city received an imperial occupation. In addition, masses of officers, wounded and entourage came who had to be given quarters . In the following three days there was looting and mistreatment of the residents, but there were no fears of massacres like in Magdeburg. The king issued the official pardon to the magistrate and the citizenship on September 10th, after they had first read out their committed deeds and demanded the oath of allegiance to the emperor. The city was accused of perjury to the emperor through its "voluntary" alliance with the Swedes and the resistance during the siege and that it had caused many deaths on both sides. The city's weapons were confiscated, billeting continued and arson in the amount of 100,000 Reichstalers and 8,000 Reichstalers for the costs of the artillery was demanded. Various properties that Gustav Adolf bequeathed to the city in 1632 when he passed through have been returned to their original owners, mostly Catholic monasteries in the area. Despite the serious allegations, the city was allowed to retain its status as an immediate imperial city and the Protestant denomination. In the months that followed, regiments were billeted in constant rotation.
The effects of the siege on the city
Physical impact
Psychological stress
A siege meant high psychological pressure on the population. The fear of falling victim to bullets and grenades and of being at the mercy of the victors in the event of a storm, the sight of destroyed houses, people killed and dying, and the danger and effort involved in serving on the walls or extinguishing them all created a nervous feeling in Nördlingen tense, at certain points even an eschatological mood among those trapped.
famine
Hunger quickly broke out in the city. The only still working mill in the city could not meet the need for flour, and the millers were bribed, so the poor had little chance. The prices of food began to rise to astronomical heights due to usury, which continued even after the end of the siege and could not be stopped even by harsh sermons by the pastor and ordinances of the council. A list of the remaining food that had to be prepared after the city was handed over showed that there were definitely still supplies. The poorest sections of the bourgeoisie, who often had to support billeted Swedish soldiers in addition to themselves, were hardest hit by the rise in food prices, as well as the beggars and the peasants who had fled, whose supplies they had brought with them were used up after a few days, and those for the wasting Lösch - and digging work for which they were used were not rewarded. At least initially, the famine seems to have been almost entirely confined to these groups. When Horn's troops horrified the city on August 24 and asked about the situation in the city, Commandant Deubitz replied that there was still no shortage among citizens and soldiers, but that the poor and beggars were already starving. As early as August 21, when the supply was cut off for about four days, horses that had died and were buried due to a lack of food were taken out of the ground at night by the poor and beggars and eaten. Kitchen scraps, stray animals and sometimes dung formed the food of the starving, in the end even the enemy soldiers, who had fallen down half-burned in the fire of the Deininger Tor, were eaten by some desperate people.
Infectious disease
The plague that attacked the city during the siege was able to spread rapidly through the poor hygienic conditions through the inhabitants, weakened by hunger and work. Eventually it got so out of hand that dozens of people had to be buried in mass graves every day. A chronicle speaks of a total of 2100 people. The gravedigger couldn't keep up with the burial of the corpses, which meant that some of the corpses remained lying on the streets and infected other people. A quarantine , which would have prevented the reconstruction and the supply of billeted soldiers, was not called, and the many bodies buried in the city may also contaminate the well water. The epidemic dragged on well beyond the end of the siege up to and including November. Now it was no longer mainly the poor who were affected, as was the case with the famine, but people from the entire population. Many leaders of the guilds and the Council members were killed.
Demographic Impact
Hunger and plague had a significant impact on the city's population. For the year 1634, 1549 burials of citizens are recorded in the parish registers of the city, in the relatively peaceful decade from 1621 to 1630 only an average of 293.8 burials took place per year. Since the population in Nördlingen was only counted sporadically, the decline in population due to the siege in 1634 can only be guessed at: the number of households halved between 1627 and 1640. This high number can, however, be largely due to widowings and new marriages Reduce the associated consolidation of households, according to one estimate, the number of citizens killed by the plague is only about a fifth of the entire population. The church records give a total of 1207 people who died of the plague for September to December, which roughly confirms this. As a result of the fighting itself, however, only a few people in the city seem to have died: The contemporary witness Johannes Mayer counts only seven dead on August 28, nine days after the start of the shelling, and an additional eleven as a result of the successfully repulsed assault attempt. A contemporary description counts from 1st to 5th centuries. September a total of eight members of the citizenry and some occupation soldiers killed. Although the figures are unlikely to be complete, they show that far fewer people died from the immediate consequences of the fighting than from scarcity and disease during a siege. In the first half of the 17th century, the population of Nördlingen fell from 8,790 people in 1600 to 4,345 in 1652, mainly due to the consequences of the siege and the Thirty Years' War, but also partly due to an earlier economic decline .
Financial implications
Dealing with contributions and other war-related costs
Ever since the war arrived in the region around Nördlingen, the finances of the city and its inhabitants have been strained by occasional troop movements. The city's magistrate mostly met the military's demands for payments and quarters, on the one hand to ensure the protection of the citizens, on the other hand to prevent the devastation of the surrounding area, which resulted in a wave of refugees in the city. If the city was threatened with billeting, they would rather pay large sums than have to endure soldiers in the public parlors, if accepted. The authorities always walked on a fine line between the restraint of the soldiers and the approval of the citizens, who usually had to pay special taxes. For better legitimacy, the 15-member council therefore often consulted the city court and the Grand Council on important decisions and was thus able to convince its citizens of the sense of the payments in times of war.
Billeting
Even during the siege, the citizens were billeted , after all, the 600–750 soldiers of the occupation had to be accommodated. Despite the partly shared belief (the armies were already very heterogeneous in terms of denomination and nationality of the teams in this phase of the war ) and the common enemy, there were hardly any positive relationships between the inhabitants and the Swedish soldiers: In the sources, the "foreigners “Mostly reported in a distant manner. Many made immoderate demands on their hosts that were disproportionate to the famine in the streets. After the occupation had been handed over to the imperial troops, the number of billeting increased enormously; On the evening of September 8, the first soldiers entered the city, including many officers and wounded, whose care was particularly expensive. The next day a regiment of eleven companies under Baron de Suys, the new city commandant, was transferred to Nördlingen. The home side were harassed and overloaded with demands by the winners. In the weeks that followed, various units took turns in the overcrowded city, but they also had positive effects : the baggage trainers were the first to sell cows, wine and beer that they had captured in Württemberg , through which the imperial army was now moving. When, after long negotiations, a salva guardia (a letter of protection) could be reached on September 28 , the billeting was ended.
Looting
The billeting was accompanied by looting . It is reported that some occupation soldiers committed thefts even during the siege. The imperial soldiers, who at the same time had mostly lived under conditions of deprivation, subjected the defeated city to a three-day pillage after the surrender. In the houses, especially the inns and in some cases also the churches, food, furnishings, clothing and valuables allegedly worth 300,000 guilders were extorted from the citizens under threats of death . Although it was certainly brutal, there are no reports of seriously injured or dead people. Certainly not all residents were robbed to the point of their ruin, a "general pillage" remained the threat with which the demands for money were emphasized. This can also be seen from the fact that a few weeks later most citizens were still able to pay the taxes ordered by the magistrate, and on the other hand the soldiers resold stolen goods to other citizens instead of simply taking their money. Most of the looting ended on September 10 after the king issued a serious ban.
City treasury losses
In order to prevent complete looting, the magistrate was burnt in the amount of 100,000 Reichstalers , and an additional storm tax of 20,000 Reichstaler to the imperial Feldzeugmeister Marquis di Grana was traded down to 8,000 Reichstaler. After several unsuccessful petitions, the city was waived half of this enormous sum on September 28th. There were also confiscations of property ordered by the new authorities. Shortly after the city was surrendered, the imperial commissioners, who had taken over civil command, had a list made of all the food stocks that were still available and the valuables that had fled from the surrounding area to the supposedly safe Nördlingen. The supplies were brought out of the city and presumably used to supply the troops at the gates. The city's cannons, gunpowder, and other valuable items were also confiscated.
financing
To finance these expenses, the council had to fall back on the citizens' wealth, which had been diminished by the increased cost of living, billeting, looting and destruction of houses, etc. For this purpose, three times the annual tax (0.5% of the estimated wealth of a household) was demanded from the citizens on three dates, in the following year again the 11.5 times the amount for a year. Taxes were also required of journeymen, maids, hospital subjects and the peasants who had fled. The council managed to convince the citizens of the necessity of this high financial burden. The total wealth of the citizens fell between 1633 and 1636 from 1,282,788 guilders to 661,832 and thus halved. In total, Nördlingen had to spend around 2 million guilders on contributions and other war costs during the Thirty Years' War .
Effects on the social structure
Due to the stresses of the war, the wealth of the citizens shifted in favor of the richer classes of the population: While the top 5% owned 50% of the total wealth in 1633, they had 60% in 1646. Although they had lost money in absolute terms, the burden of the war was much more on the shoulders of the lower property groups. In the build-up phase after the Peace of Westphalia, the effect was then reversed. Due to the high death rate during the epidemic, some places became vacant in the city council, which were mainly filled with wealthier merchants, as they could help out the fleeced city treasury with loans. The craftsmen, who before the Thirty Years' War had made up the largest share of the councilors with about a third, lost their importance and the representativeness of the magistrate decreased.
literature
swell
- Hermann Kessler (Ed.): The siege and surrender of the free imperial city of Nördlingen in 1634. Eyewitness reports. Uhl, Nördlingen 1984, ISBN 3-921503-72-3 .
- Johannes Mayer: The siege of Nördlingen 1634. Commemorative speech by Magister Johannes Mayer, Rector of the Latin School (1627–1639). Nördlingen 1984. (Reprint after an edition by Ch. FG Meister (1746), translated by L. Mussgnug (1924).)
literature
- Georg Schmidt: The Thirty Years War. 7th edition. Munich 2006, ISBN 3-406-49034-4 .
- Christopher R. Friedrichs: Urban Society in an Age of War: Nördlingen, 1580-1720. Princeton 1979, ISBN 0-691-05278-6 .
- Dietmar Voges: The imperial city of Nördlingen. 12 chapters from their history. Munich 1988, ISBN 3-406-32863-6 :
- Effects of the Thirty Years War on the citizenship of the imperial city of Nördlingen.
- The city wall and its history.
- Johann Friedrich Weng: The battle of Nördlingen and the siege of this city in the months of August and September 1634: a contribution to the history of the Thirty Years War on the occasion of the secular celebration of the events of 1834. Verlag der Buchhandlung Greno, Nördlingen 1984, ISBN 3-921568-07- 2 . (Reprint of the 1834 edition.)
- Gustav A. Zipperer: Noerdlingen. CV of a Swabian city. Nördlingen 1979, DNB 790633132 .
- Axel Stolch, Jörg Wöllper: The Swedes on the Breitwang. A contribution to the history of the city of Bopfingen and the battle of Nördlingen in 1634. Heimat- und Fachverlag F. Steinmeier, Nördlingen 2009, ISBN 978-3-936363-47-0 .
- Peter Engerisser, Pavel Hrncirik: Nördlingen 1634. The battle near Nördlingen - turning point of the Thirty Years' War. Verlag H. Späthling, Weißenstadt 2009, ISBN 978-3-926621-78-8 .
- Axel Stolch: Erhard Deibitz. City commander in Nördlingen and Frankfurt am Main. A picture of life in the Thirty Years War. Nördlingen / Aalen July 2010, ISBN 978-3-936363-48-7 .
Web links
Individual evidence
- ↑ Peter Engerisser, Pavel Hrnčiřík: Nördlingen 1634. The battle of Nördlingen - turning point of the Thirty Years' War. Verlag Späthling, Weißenstadt 2009, ISBN 978-3-926621-78-8 , p. 89.
- ↑ Peter Engerisser, Pavel Hrnčiřík: Nördlingen 1634. The battle of Nördlingen - turning point of the Thirty Years' War. Verlag Späthling, Weißenstadt 2009, ISBN 978-3-926621-78-8 , p. 95.