Elise Egloff

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Elise Egloff around 1846

Elise Egloff , (born January 12, 1821 in Tägerwilen , † February 21, 1848 in Heidelberg ), originally a sewing and nanny , was the first wife of the professor of anatomy and pathology Jacob Henle . At the instigation of her future husband, she was trained to be a "professor's wife". The mesalliance was processed literarily by Berthold Auerbach , Charlotte Birch-Pfeiffer , Gottfried Keller and possibly also by George Bernard Shaw .

Life

Elise Egloff was born out of wedlock in Tägerwilen and grew up in the house of her grandfather, the butcher and local landlord Hans Jakob Egloff. After his death in 1836 she did an apprenticeship as a seamstress and in 1841 came to Zurich as a child and sewing girl in the household of the German professor of chemistry Carl Löwig , where the German anatomist Jacob Henle also frequented. From the initially chance encounters a deep love relationship developed, about the beginning of which Jacob Henle wrote:

"[...] and so the most ridiculous thing that a gentleman of the world can encounter in such a relationship happened to me: I was not only interested in her body, but also in the girl's soul."

Jacob Henle around 1846

When Henle was offered a professorship in Heidelberg in the fall of 1843 , he wanted to finance Elise Egloff's small shop in Küsnacht . The resulting despair and his own love moved Henle to the plan to take Egloff so far as part of an educational experiment that she would be accepted in civil society as his lover and bride. Henle attached particular importance to the judgment of his family. Initially, only his two brothers-in-law Carl Matthieu and Adolf Schöll were inaugurated.

The Moselle towns of Trarbach (in the foreground) and Traben (in the background), where Elise Egloff was trained as a professor's wife in the girls' boarding school ( Karl Bodmer around 1831).

In April 1844 Elise Egloff disappeared from Zurich without leaving any messages to family or friends. Jacob Henle placed her in the care of his brother-in-law Carl Gustav August Mathieu, who in turn introduced her under a pseudonym to a girls' boarding school for " higher daughters " in Traben , where Egloff went through the usual civic education program with significantly younger classmates: language education, religion, literature , Mythology, declamation, playing the piano, drawing and dancing. After targeted indiscretions from Adolf Schöll, who was driven by pity towards Elise Egloff - who also spread the still secret story to Berthold Auerbach at an early stage - Jacob Henle initiated his sister Marie and assigned her a key role in the educational experiment : " From your hand I want her as receive or never see my bride again. “Marie Mathieu immediately traveled to Traben to find out more about those who were under protection. Her impression was unfavorable, so she tried to dampen her brother's hopes for a successful outcome of the experiment. At the intervention of Henle's sister, written contact between Jacob Henle and Elise Egloff was interrupted in August 1844, and a visit by the prominent scholar in Traben was ruled out anyway.

Heidelberg in the 19th century, the castle in the foreground ( Karl Rottmann , 1815)

After a year of the civic education program in Traben without any contact with Jacob Henle, Elise Egloff came to the house of the childless Mathieu couple in Trier in May 1845; here she was allowed to write letters to Henle again. The upbringing in the Mathieu household was marked by conflicts with Marie Mathieu, who was often overwhelmed and Egloff initially considered unsuitable; Henle later wrote to the Mathieu couple (in May 1846):

“The mistake was less in the people than in the situation, and I didn't want to advise anyone to repeat the experiment again. A less affectionate sister and a less amorous bride would not have done it. "

At times it looked as if “ [...] the educational experiment [...] had become an ongoing character test and heart research that overwhelmed everyone involved. “Henle was still of the opinion in the fall of 1845 that if the experiment failed he could pull himself out of the affair without any major problems, but his tone in the letters to Egloff became more affectionate, and he asked his reluctant sister to be more objective in reporting her pupil. At the end of September 1845 Elise Egloff wrote to Jacob Henle:

"Don't let me live in uncertainty for years [...], but I feel good about everything and know too well that you deserve a higher person who has more spirit and virtues."

In October 1845, Elise Egloff and Jacob Henle met again for the first time in a year and a half, and Henle then informed his father. Driven by another targeted indiscretion on the part of Adolf Schöll, the engagement was publicly announced in December 1845, Henle wrote (sometimes ironically):

“[…] And so I am now the groom of a girl from Thurgau, whom I met in Zurich, parentless, poor but beautiful and well-behaved and good, named Elise Egloff, who has lived with my sister for a year, to get some more from her to acquire German education, because the Swiss one was not enough for my high rank. "

In February 1846 Jacob Henle wrote to Schöll:

“I have one certainty that I am loved with such an intimacy that I can hardly keep up myself and that I have a fairly generous heart in other respects. I felt this happiness to the full in Trier, what it means to fully possess a being and to be everything to him. That is why I look forward to the future with joyful confidence. "

In March 1846 the wedding took place in Trier. Already on her honeymoon in Vienna the bride suffered from coughing fits and "coughing up blood" ( tuberculosis ). The couple lived at the Henles training center in Heidelberg. The son Karl Henle was born in December 1846 and the daughter Elise Henle on January 20, 1848. Her mother died on February 21, 1848 of an exacerbation of pulmonary tuberculosis. Even at the time, people wondered whether the “ test arrangement of this educational experiment ” had an unfavorable influence on the course of the disease. The Henle biographer Friedrich Merkel reports:

"If she [Elise] had perhaps already carried the germ of this around with her for a long time, it is very possible, even probable, that the excitement and the tremendous intellectual work of the last two years had accelerated the ominous outbreak of the suffering."

Jacob Henle himself made great reproaches in relation to the two-year apprenticeship that he had expected of his late wife to "achieve social competence":

“He was tortured by the regret that he hadn't spared Elise the two-year detour and that she had married straight away, and he was tormented by the idea that her body was weakened and not by the longing that she suffered during the Trier period [with Marie Mathieu] was more resilient to fight off the insidious disease. "

On the day of his death, the physician Jacob Henle wrote to his siblings:

"Faster than I expected, I must say, I was allowed to hope, death has redeemed my dear poor Elise from her sufferings and saved her worse." Today at 5 o'clock she died in my arms […]. Now, in fact, I do not feel my abandonment so much as the happiness of seeing my poor beloved escape some of the horrors of the disease that still lay ahead. "

After Elise Egloff's death, there seemed to have been repeated discussions within the Henle family about the "educational experiment". Merkel wrote that Henle himself and his family often asked themselves whether his marriage to Elise would have been "satisfactory" in the long term if she had not died giving birth to the second child. At least the chronicler Merkel answers the question like this:

“Although it is now humanly understandable to us that this question arose, it is of course an idle one. Nobody knows how she would have developed if she had lived longer. It possessed three qualities which would have been able to continually educate, promote, and elevate it. Above all, she fulfilled an unlimited love for her husband and she could never find enough evidence of how warmly she was to him, to please him, nothing was too much for her [...]. A second quality that adorned Mrs. Elise was her quite extraordinary energy, and one can be sure that with the same one that she had already raised so high, she would have continued to fill in the gaps that naturally still remained in her education. She felt it very vividly that she was not yet fully at the height of her husband and once a little battle of words took place in her presence, which was waged with all weapons of intellect, wit and erudition, then she became silent and was angry that she couldn't follow it. She would undoubtedly have put all her ambition into it to get to the point where she could have given up the role of the silent listener just in case. A third quality that she had to bring her husband closer to was the ability to enjoy life in a serene way, which was so completely his own and which he also had to treasure in his wife. "

Elise Egloff was buried on February 23, 1848 in the Bergfriedhof in Heidelberg in the presence of the witnesses Reinhard Blum and Ludwig Häusser, both professors and colleagues of Jacob Henle at the University of Heidelberg. Henle himself was unable to attend his wife's funeral due to illness. The purchase grave book contains an entry from February 24, 1848 about the purchase of the grave for "Henle, Anna, Frau Hofrat, grave row E, grave 21." In 1958 the grave of Elise Henle - according to the decision of February 25, 1958 - was confiscated and dissolved The reason for the dissolution was overgrowth.

Literary precipitation

Berthold Auerbach: The woman professor

Berthold Auerbach around 1881

As early as 1845, Berthold Auerbach learned from Adolf Schöll the then still secret story of the relationship between Elise Egloff and Jacob Henle, he later got to know Elise Egloff personally. Auerbach was inspired by the story Die Frau Professorin (1846) as part of his Black Forest village stories, in which Reinhard, a professor at the art academy, and Lorle, a landlord's daughter from a rural village, fall in love. They get married and move to a residential city. This shows, however, that the fresh natural child Lorle does not find her way around in the urban environment and in the courtly educated middle class, and that she looks rough and simple-minded. Reinhard, who initially raved about the naturalness of village life and the essence of his wife, is increasingly falling for city life and the residential cabal and is getting tired of " spelling out the ABC of education to his wife ." “He withdraws from her inwardly and increasingly takes refuge in alcohol. The attempt to find a balance between the worlds of life fails, Lorle draws the conclusions and returns to her village. - The Black Forest village stories are considered to be the definitive founders of the genre of village history .

Charlotte Birch-Pfeiffer: Village and City

Charlotte Birch-Pfeiffer, lithograph 1831

Charlotte Birch-Pfeiffer worked on Auerbach's village history in 1847 and made Die Frau Professorin a successful stage play entitled Dorf und Stadt. Auerbach sued Birch-Pfeiffer (unsuccessfully) for infringement of copyright. Despite, or perhaps because of, the excitement caused by it, the play contributed significantly to the popularity of this village history. Auerbach had meanwhile moved to Heidelberg and was on friendly terms with Jacob Henle, he was staying at the same time as Elise Henle (née Egloff) for a cure in Badenweiler (July 1847). After Elise's death, he became closer to Jacob Henle because Auerbach had lost his wife in childbirth around the same time. It was only through the success of the village and town that Henle found out about Auerbach's story and felt betrayed:

“I was really outraged by the way he [Auerbach] used my tragic marriage almost exclusively for jewelry and ancillary work. That does not mean to rise above human suffering, but to make a profit out of them. "

In his pain, Henle had apparently not noticed that Auerbach had completed the story before Elise's death.

The lost handwriting (1864) by Gustav Freytag , a friend of Auerbach's, is thematically related to Auerbach's story : A professor wins a farmer's daughter as a partner, and the problem of the farmer girl transplanted into the city and in court circles arises.

Ludwig Anzengruber tells a story in Der Sternsteinhof (1885), probably deliberately intended as a contrast to Auerbach and probably also to Die Frau Professorin : A poor girl sets her mind on becoming the mistress of the rich Sternsteinhof, and she realizes her dream hard and ruthlessly then becomes an exemplary farmer. - The naturalistic, neither romantic nor sentimental portrayal of a peasant character stands in contrast to Auerbach's tendency (especially after 1848) to transfigured village romanticism, in whose tradition the local novels are still popular today as trivial literature.

Gottfried Keller: Regine

Gottfried Keller, drawn by Ludmilla Assing in 1854.

Gottfried Keller's Regine in the novel of the same name is considered a “poetic monument” of Elise Egloff in literary research. Keller had met Henle and his wife in Zurich in 1846 and made a rather bizarre impression on the couple. Two years later, Keller attended Henle's anthropological college in Heidelberg, which he described in Der Grüne Heinrich (Keller about the lecture: “From the first hour I felt that I forgot the purpose that brought me here, and everything, and was all alone on the approaching experience ”).

Like other authors, Keller viewed the village stories of Auerbach critically in part. In 1851 he began in Berlin with conceptions for a cycle of Galatea novellas, which turned against “this miserable Reinhard” and also referred generally polemically to Auerbach, who in the later literary criticism “enthusiasm for nature”, “clichéd-trivial basic constellations” in the plot and a characteristic "shielding against the problems of the time" ( Fritz Martini ) was accused. Above all, Keller originally turned against the irreconcilability of culture and nature or town and village, which was dealt with in The Professor . However, Keller held back the story for 30 years, perhaps because he met Berthold Auerbach in 1856 , made friends with him and received literary support from Auerbach, who was still better known at the time. It was not until 1880 that, at the urging of his publisher, he began to work on it, and the series of novellas The epitome was created :

Keller contrasts the art professor Reinhard with the natural scientist Reinhart, the "Frau Professor" Lorle with his artistic creations Lucie and Regine. The framework narration begins with the natural scientist Reinhart deciding in his laboratory, due to signs of fatigue, to ride into the open country and to try out an epigram of Friedrich von Logau - The Epiphany - in reality: “How do you want to turn white lilies into red roses? / Kiss a white gala tea : she will laugh and blush ”(from: Deutscher Sinngetichte drey thousand , 1654). The Pygmalion- Galatea complex is thus created as a basic theme, but is then resolved in the eighth chapter (of a total of 13) with Regine . Lucie involves her interlocutor Reinhart in a narrative contest about problems of partner choice and the understanding of gender roles. As part of the competition, Reinhart tells the story of Regine , among other things , who comes much closer to the true events of Elise Egloff and Jacob Henle than Auerbach's Die Frau Professorin : The legation attaché Erwin Altenauer, a wealthy and art-loving American of German origin, falls in love with it Maid Regine. Erwin successfully promotes Regine's catch-up education when he is suddenly called back to America. However, he does not want to take Regine with him and introduce him to his demanding parents until she knows how to behave appropriately in every respect. She is subjected to an educational program to overcome class boundaries, he leaves Regine for her further education to the society of three women who are zealous in the art and cultural scene, but of whom Keller paints a rather negative image. After Erwin's return, the experiment fails due to distrust and alienation, which for the time being have nothing to do with the educational experiment itself, but above all - as Keller emphasizes - are determined by fate: Regine's shame because of her brother's murder and Erwin's suspicion that Regine was Unfaithful to him, as well as the inability to speak about both, lead to tragedy. In her perplexity, the "beautiful climber" ( Gunhild Kübler ) gives herself to death. Kübler interprets as follows:

"Behind Altenauer's attempt to train a woman according to his own ideas of noble femininity, a multicolored, shimmering mythical figure becomes visible in the 'epitome': Galatea, the statue created by the ancient sculptor Pygmalion and animated by the goddess of love at his request - the woman, that exists by the grace of man. With Galatea-Regine's death, the myth is torn apart, and in the breaks of the narrative duel between Reinhart and Lucie it is passed as out of date. As a model of a relationship between man and woman, it has had its day, because the role instructions corresponding to it can no longer be reproduced for both genders. In its place are new, enlightening-egalitarian ideas of eroticism and conjugal love, as they are unique in the literature of this time "

George Bernard Shaw: Pygmalion

Shaw taking notes during the production of Pygmalion

The comedy Pygmalion by George Bernard Shaw was premiered in German on October 16, 1913, Shaw published the play in England in 1913 initially anonymously. Against Shaw's express will, it was reworked into the musical My Fair Lady after Shaw's death . Shaw himself gave no indication of a reference by Pygmalion to the historical incident around Elise Egloff or to the literary German-language implementations. A coincidental analogy of content seems to some authors rather improbable in view of the many similarities, the flower girl Eliza Doolittle takes on the role of the sewing girl Elise Egloff in Shaw in this interpretation ( Elise Egloff, Eliza Higgins, objects of civil education ).

Shaw wrote in his preface to Pygmalion that the character of Professor Higgins was related to the English linguist Henry Sweet . Sweet specialized in Germanic languages ​​and studied several times in Germany, in 1864 also at the University of Heidelberg (later Dr. phil. Hc), where the Henle couple had lived and where he learned the well-known and literarily mirrored love story of Elise Egloff and Jacob Henle could have.

Shaw may have stumbled upon the material by reading Gottfried Keller's epic poem or its review: The London weekly Saturday Review , for which Shaw later worked (from 1895 to 1898), published a lengthy review of the entire work in 1882, with Regine being the most powerful narrative highlighted. Another British weekly magazine, The Spectator , reviewed the epiphany in greater detail a little later and said:

A new book from the pen of Gottfried Keller is an event not to be passed over […] He is, besides, the most genial, original novel-writer at present wielding the German language.

Pygmalion and Galatee by Etienne-Maurice Falconet (1763) in the St. Petersburg Hermitage.

Both in the English press and in Germanic circles, superlatives were used very early on, and Keller called the greatest German-speaking author after Goethe. Comparisons were initially made with Berthold Auerbach , who was already well-established in England and America , and the success of his village stories is largely due to the positive readiness to accept Keller's novellas. Auerbach's Die Frau Professorin appeared several times in English (for the first time in 1850). In contrast to Auerbach, interest in Keller did not wane even after his death, even the term " Shakespeare of the novella " coined by Paul Heyse on Keller was adopted.

It has not yet been proven, but it is quite conceivable, that Shaw's attention was drawn to the material, especially since he spoke German well: For the premiere in Vienna, Shaw translated the text by Pygmalion himself into German, but Siegfried took care of the translation of the printed book version Trebitsch .

In the comedy Pygmalion , the linguist Professor Henry Higgins noticed the pronounced street jargon of the flower girl Eliza Doolittle. Convinced that the social position of an Englishman depends solely on his accent, he bets his colleague Colonel Pickering that he can make Eliza appear as a fine lady in good company, just by freeing her from her Cockney accent and her poor manners . The comfort in Higgins' bachelor household does not hide the humiliating fact that the high-handed Higgins misuses her as a guinea pig without thinking about the consequences for Eliza. The company debut at a reception shows that Higgins has only given her the accent and manners of a lady, her vulgar phrases uttered in the best pronunciation shock and amuse those present, including Freddy Eynsford Hill, who is charmed by Eliza's naturalness. It is less thanks to the rowdy Professor Higgins than to the gentleman Pickering - whose role resembles that of Adolf Schöll in the historical incident - that the experiment still succeeds: it passes the decisive test, a message reception, brilliantly. Higgins basks in his triumph and is utterly unable to understand Eliza's desperation. Eliza realizes that she is now unfit for her previous livelihood and that Higgins is also indifferent to her future. She takes refuge in Freddy, settles accounts with her "creator" Higgins in a large scene and demonstrates that it is not education, but self-respect that defines her personality. For the first time, Higgins abandons his selfish, high-handed attitude. However, Shaw avoids a happy ending in order not to (partially) reverse the emancipation of his Galatea - much to the disappointment of theatergoers and readers, who expected a final domestic idyll between Higgins and Eliza. This wish of the audience was only granted - against the express will of Shaw - with My Fair Lady .

Letter editions

The earliest surviving letter from Elise Egloff dated February 6, 1843: “Most honored Professor.” (Sic!). In it she informed Jacob Henle u. a. about when the caretaker was absent and Henle could therefore visit you without causing a stir.

During Elise Egloff's “apprenticeship”, the lovers, the “educators” and other relatives and friends conducted a lively correspondence that not only shows the development of Egloff, but also reflects a cultural image of their time and the civil society of that time. The letters were in the possession of Jacob Henle's last surviving daughter from the second marriage, Emma Henle, in the 1930s. She found a publisher for her idea of ​​editing these letters and worked on the first edition of the letters until her death in October 1937, which was published in Zurich in 1937. Another edition by Gunhild Kübler from 1987 (republished in 2004 with a new title) extended the period of the reproduced letters, which were now in the possession of Jacob Henle's great-granddaughter Marie-Liesel vom Stein. The educational program was reflected in the progressive changes in the writing style and orthography of Elise Egloff, if her first received letter from 1843 is awkward and flawed, her writing two years later is stylistically better than that of the Jacob Henles sisters and especially in their train of thought of an engaging naturalness and clarity.

Gunhild Kübler summarized the correspondence as follows:

“The educational program worked out for her was reflected in the changes in Elise's letter style. The amazing adaptations she has made over time can be seen step by step. And yet it works right down to the deformation, which is meant to be aesthetically pleasing, and particularly touching in the heartfelt confession of love, in its rebellion and in the press sound of its suppressed complaint. Elise's ascension path leads to the forum of a family who belonged to a class that set the tone in the development of bourgeois self-confidence. Their behavioral norms are made clear in every detail in these letters on an educational experiment. This not only applies to the cult of 'inner values', through which the bourgeoisie demarcated themselves upwards from the nobility and downwards from the petty bourgeoisie, but also especially the implementation of the bourgeois ideal of women. Elise, who had trained as a sewing girl and thus enabled a job and thus a modest family-independent existence, now has to learn the salon skills of a senior daughter and practice her demonstrative idleness. She must - like Marie [the sister v. Jacob Henle] put it clearly - stop wanting to do something useful, because 'once in a while you don't have to be able to do anything decently if you want to claim education' […] Elise struggled to learn her inner life to be highlighted in writing in the service of the family. The letters expected from her were tickets entitling her to enter the family space, where love, trust, and solidarity were cultivated and where the laws of the market and competition that determined working life were at least in idea repealed. Precisely because the bourgeois family saw itself as a community of private individuals who loved one another, it was important that the new family member won the respect and affection of the rest. Origin and financial circumstances made this much easier, even in circles that understood each other as liberal and free of prejudice. Elise, lacking both, truly served 'on the knees of her heart' for the affection of Jacob Henle's relatives for two years. "

literature

  • Fritz Dross, Kamran Salimi (ed.): Henle. Bourgeois life and "rational medicine" (= series of publications by the City Archives and City Museum Fürth. Vol. 2). Fürth 2009, ISBN 978-3-940889-01-0 .
  • Fritz Dross, Iris Ritzmann : Blush, anatomy and love letters: Jacob Henle, a passionate rationalist. For the 200th birthday of an important physician . In: Swiss Medical Journal . Vol. 90 (2009), No. 30/31, p. 1182 f. ( PDF; 452 KiB accessed March 2, 2017).
  • Gunhild Kübler : Tested love: from sewing girl to professor's wife. Jacob Henle and Elise Egloff in family letters (1843–1848). Artemis, Zurich / Munich 1987, ISBN 3-7608-0715-1 .
  • Gunhild Kübler: “My beloved, bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl, a story in letters. Zurich 2004, ISBN 3-293-00341-9 .
  • Alexander Mayer: My Fair Lady - wife of an anatomy professor from Fürth? In: Monti Carlo. Magazine of the Montessori Center Nuremberg. Issue 1/2012 (main topic: music). Nuremberg 2012, p. 44 f.
  • Friedrich Merkel : Jacob Henle: A German learned life, based on records and memories. Braunschweig 1891 (on Elise Egloff: pp. 215–243).
  • Paula Rehberg: Elise Egloff, The story of a love in her letters. Zurich / Leipzig 1937.
  • Victor Robinson: The Life of Jacob Henle , New York 1921, pp. 59 ff. ( Online ).
  • André Salathé: Egloff, Elise. In: Historical Lexicon of Switzerland .
  • Isa Schikorsky: From maid to professor's wife . Problems in acquiring middle-class language behavior and language awareness. In: Dieter Cherubim, Siegfried Grosse and Klaus J. Mattheier (eds.): Language and bourgeois nation. Contributions to the German and European language history of the 19th century. Berlin / New York 1998, pp. 259-281.

Individual evidence

  1. Peter Giger, Erich König, Margrit Surber: Tägerwilen - A Thurgau village through the ages . Tägerwilen 1999, p. 296 .; Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 39.
  2. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 8 ff.
  3. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 206.
  4. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 10.
  5. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 117.
  6. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 178.
  7. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 193.
  8. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 18.
  9. Friedrich Merkel: Jacob Henle: A German learned life, according to records and memories. Braunschweig 1891, p. 234 f.
  10. ^ Paula Rehberg: Elise Egloff. The story of a love in her letters. Zurich / Leipzig 1937, p. 215.
  11. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 222.
  12. ^ Friedrich Merkel: Jacob Henle. A German scholarly life. Braunschweig 1891, p. 240 ff.
  13. ^ Volume I, year 1846–1912
  14. Kaufgräberbuch, Volume I, year 1846–1912, p. 3.
  15. The original story Die Frau Professorin was first published in: Urania. Paperback for the year 1847. NF Vol. 9, 1846, pp. 283–446.
    Reviews: Europa (Lewald) 1846, Vol. 2 b, pp. 126–127. - Reading room. In:  Wiener Zeitschrift für Kunst, Literatur, Theater und Mode , Nr. 3, January 4th 1847, p. 11 f. (Online at ANNO ).Template: ANNO / Maintenance / wzz
  16. Berthold Auerbach: Lorle, the woman professor. Stuttgart 1885. Berthold Auerbach: Black Forest village stories. Stuttgart 1984. pp. 307 ff. (Afterword by Ed. Jürgen Hein ); Fritz Dross, Kamran Salimi (ed.): Henle. Bourgeois life and "rational medicine". Series of publications by the City Archives and City Museum Fürth. Vol. 2. Fürth 2009. SS 56 f .; Gunhild Kübler: “My beloved, bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl, a story in letters. Zurich 2004. p. 12 f.
  17. output z. E.g .: Charlotte Birch-Pfeiffer: Village and City. Acting in two departments and five elevators. Loosely based on Auerbach's story "The Frau Professorin". Leipzig 1921
  18. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004. p. 12 f.
  19. ^ Friedrich Merkel: Jacob Henle. A German scholarly life, based on records and memories. Braunschweig 1891, p. 242.
  20. ^ Herbert A. and Elisabeth Frenzel : Dates of German poetry. Chronological outline of German literary history. Volume II. Munich 1977. 14th edition, p. 438 f.
  21. ^ Herbert A. and Elisabeth Frenzel: Dates of German poetry. Chronological outline of German literary history. Volume II. Munich 1977. 14th edition, p. 469 f.
  22. Gottfried Keller: The Green Heinrich. Düsseldorf 2006, p. 579 ff. (Fourth part, chapter 1 "The Borghesian fencer"). Quote p. 580.
  23. cf. z. B. Kindler's Literature Lexicon. Volume VI, Zurich 1984, pp. 8541 f.
  24. ^ Herbert A. and Elisabeth Frenzel: Dates of German poetry. Chronological outline of German literary history. Volume II. Munich 1977, 14th edition, p. 422 u. 448 f.
  25. Gottfried Keller: The epitome. Reclam, Stuttgart 1966, pp. 46–115 and in the afterword by Louis Wiesmann, pp. 344 ff .; Kindler's Literature Lexicon. Volume VI, Zurich 1984, p. 8749; Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 13 f.
  26. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 14 f.
  27. Peter Giger, Erich König, Margrit Surber: Tägerwilen - A Thurgau village through the ages . Tägerwilen 1999. p. 296.
  28. ^ G. Baltzer, HG Ohm, J. Nikolay: Jakob Henle. A scholarly life in the 19th century. In: Kidney and Hypertension Diseases. Volume 32, No. 3/2003, p. 116.
  29. Saturday Review. 53, Jan. 21, 1882, p. 92
  30. The Spectator 55, March 4, 1882. pp. 298-300.
  31. The Professor's Lady. Transl. by Mary Howitt. New York: Harper & Brothers 1850. New Ed. 1870; The Professor's Wife. From the German. [Translator: William Whewell]. London: Parker 1851; Professor's Lady. New York: G. Munro 1882. (Seaside Library.); The Professor's Wife. A Tale of Black Forest Life. Transl. by FE Hynan. London: HJ Drane 1903; Lorley and Reinhard. Two Village Tales. Transl. by Charles T. Brooks. New York / London 1877.
  32. cf. on this: Waltraud Kolb: Gottfried Keller's reception in the English-speaking area until 1920. Viennese contributions to comparative literature and Romance studies. Vol. 2. Eds. By Erika Kanduth, Alberto Martino, Alfred Noe. Frankfurt a. M. 1992. p. 43 and p. 222 f.
  33. cf. z. B. Kindler's Literature Lexicon. Volume VI, Zurich 1984, p. 7916; Bernard Shaw: Pygmalion. Frankfurt a. M. 1990, p. 121 ff. (Editorial note by Ursula Michels-Wenz)
  34. Gunhild Kübler: “My beloved, bad treasure!” The anatomist and the sewing girl, a story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 5 ff .; Paula Rehberg: Elise Egloff. The story of a love in her letters. Zurich / Leipzig 1937, p. 211 ff.
  35. Gunhild Kübler (Ed.): “My dear bad darling!” The anatomist and the sewing girl. A story in letters. Zurich 2004, p. 15 ff.