Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari

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Kasem Shariatmadari

Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari ( Persian محمد‌کاظم شریعتمداری, DMG Moḥammad Kāẓem Šarīʿatmadārī ; * 1905 in Tabriz ; † 1986 ) was the most influential Iranian Grand Ayatollah before the Islamic Revolution . Shariatmadari - like the Khomeini teacher Hossein Borudscherdi - was of the opinion that clergymen should not take on political offices and should not be directly involved in politics ( quietism ). As a result, he was in clear opposition to Ruhollah Khomeini .

Life

origin

Kasem Shariatmadari was born in the city of Tabriz in 1905. Shariatmadari was the eldest son of a middle-class Iranian family. His father was a tobacco dealer. At the age of eleven, he started working in his father's business. After two years he decided to pursue a career as a clergyman. In addition to Turkish and Persian, Kasem had already learned Arabic and French .

education

In 1915 Kasem Schariatmadari went to Ghom to study in the newly founded Hozey-e Elmiye. The religious school was headed by Sheikh Abdolkarim Haeri Yazdi , who was of the opinion that the clergy should primarily devote themselves to spiritual issues and leave politics to the politicians. Years later, after Sheikh Haeri and Grand Ayatollah Hossein Borudscherdi had died, Kasem Schariatmadari would become the most important proponent of this view and thus a bitter opponent of Ruhollah Khomeini .

Kasem Schariatmadari was awarded the title " Ayatollah " by Sheikh Harir at the age of 19 . He thus became a mujtahid , ie a legal scholar who is capable of independent law finding ( ijtihad ). In 1921 Schariatmadari went to Nedschef to continue his studies. He stayed there for six years and returned to his hometown of Tabriz in 1927.

First public appearance

As a young Ayatollah, Kasem Shariatmadari differed from the traditional clergy. While they regarded Arabic as the language of God and considered Persian to be "unsuitable" for discussing theological questions, Shariatmadari broke with this tradition and published his publications not only in Arabic but also in Persian. Later, as Grand Ayatollah and head of his own religious school, he insisted that his students learn not only Persian and Arabic, but at least one other foreign language.

Up until now it was customary for a clergyman to deal with only a few theological texts and to publish his thoughts on these texts, but Schariatmadari broke with this tradition too. He dealt not only with theological but also with secular texts such as Mohammad Ali Foroughi's history of European philosophy and Ahmad Kasravi's critique of Shiite theology.

Since his early days as ayatollah in Tabriz, Shariatmadari had taken a decidedly pro-Iranian stance on political issues. When, after the end of the Second World War, Jafar Pischewari declared Azerbaijan's detachment from Iran and, with the political and military support of the Soviet Union, proclaimed the Azerbaijani People's Government on September 3, 1945 , Kasem Shariatmadari was one of the most determined opponents of the communists, which led to his exile from Tabriz led. Following pressure from US President Harry S. Truman, General Secretary Josef Stalin ordered the Soviet troops back from Iran, the Azerbaijani People's Government collapsed and Iranian troops under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi marched into Azerbaijan in 1946, Shariatmadari and the people of Tabriz prepared for the Monarchs a friendly welcome.

Kasem Schariatmadari worked as ayatollah in Tabriz from 1927 to 1949. Due to its popularity, it soon had a large following among the entire Turkish-speaking population of Iran.

The years in Qom

Just a few months after Mohammad Reza Shah took over the throne from his father, he sent a messenger to Nedschef with a not inconsiderable sum of money to invite Ayatollah Hoseyn Gomi to return to Qom in Iran. The young Shah believed that all mullahs were "deeply hearted monarchists" and that the clergy were fully aware that Islam could not survive without the monarchy due to the latent communist threat in Iran. Ayatollah Gomi, who had left Iran a few years earlier in protest against Reza Shah's anti-clerical policies, accepted Mohammad Reza Shah's invitation and returned in June 1942 to the cheers of more than 100,000 Tehrans. A few years later, when Ayatollah Hossein Borudscherdi returned to Qom, Iran, the Shah broke with the protocol and visited him in the hospital. During these days he never tired of asking the clergy to become more politically active.

In 1950 Shariatmadari left Tabriz and moved to Qom, where he soon made a name for himself as a popular teacher. After Borudscherdi's return, Qom quickly became the most important center of Shiite scholarship. Shariatmadari wholeheartedly recognized Borudscherdi's leadership role among the Ayatollahs. However, when Mohammad Mossadegh became Prime Minister of Iran in 1951 and supported Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Kashani , the most important political leader of the Mossadegh clergy, Kasem Shariatmadari also decided on the side of Mossadegh. After the fall of Mossadegh, the decision of Grand Ayatollah Borudscherdi to stay out of the political disputes and support the monarchy had proven to be the better decision.

When Grand Ayatollah Borudscherdi died in 1961, Shariatmadari was preparing to succeed him as Mardschaʿ-e Taghlid and thus as the highest-ranking Ayatollah. Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi had not forgotten the support of Mossadegh by Kasem Schariatmadari and sent his condolence to the elder Grand Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim in Nedschef, who then regarded himself as the rightful successor of Borudscherdi and Marscha-e taqlid.

First arguments with Khomeini

Although Shariatmadari had not become Marjah-e taqlid, he became Grand Ayatollah and thus the highest-ranking clergyman in Qom. The year 1961 brought further upheavals in Iran's political life. Ali Amini had become Prime Minister on May 6, 1961, and had launched an extensive reform program. Amini was careful to involve the clergy in the political reform process. Because of this, he decided to go to Qom to meet the leading clergy. On this occasion, Amini also met a hitherto largely unknown clergyman, Ruhollah Khomeini , who had only made it to Hodschatoleslam and was actually not one of the higher-ranking Ayatollahs. What Khomeini lacked in academic reputation he had made up for through political activities. One of his first victims was Ahmad Kasravi . Ahmad Kasravi was the first to make the Iranian political class aware of the Iranian clergy's claim to power and to publicly deal with it. In an article entitled Message to the Tabriz Mullahs published in 1942 , Kasravi attacked the clergy's demands as unfounded. In addition, he considered the religious laws of Sharia to be completely unsuitable for governing a complex 20th century society. In 1943 Ali Akbar Hakamizadeh, who knew Kasravi well, published his book The Secrets of a Thousand Years , in which he took up Kasravi's arguments and reformulated them as questions to the clergy. In 1944 Khomeini responded with the book The Revelation of Secrets , in which he attacked Kasravi's arguments directly, but without naming him personally. Khomeini spoke only of the adventurer from Tabriz . On March 11, 1946 Kasravi was supported by two members of the of Abol-Ghasem Kashani initiated and Navváb Safavi founded Fedayeen-e Islam shot and killed with 27 stab wounds. His assistant who had accompanied him was also killed. A few months earlier, Khomeini had issued a fatwa stating that Kasravi was a “ doomed man on earth” ( Mofsed-e fel Arz ), which amounted to a death sentence. Khomeini had already risen to become the spiritual leader of Fedayeen Islam. Other clergy recruited Navvab Safavi, paid him for the trip to Tehran and ordered him to kill Kasravi.

In 1961 Khomeini suggested to the Ayatollahs that they meet regularly in the house of Kasem Shariatmadari “to coordinate their strategy”. At one of these meetings there was a heated argument between Shariatmadari and Khomeini. Shariatmadari criticized Khomeini for putting his political goals above religion. He was also against Khomeini's fundamental opposition to the Shah, seeing Iran's growing political influence in the Middle East, and accusing Khomeini of harming both Iran and Islam with his attacks on the government.

After Khomeini's speech of June 3, 1963, on Ashura Day, given against the tyrant of our time - everyone knew that he was referring to the Shah - Khomeini was arrested on June 5, 1963. Through his deliberately chosen confrontation against the Shah, he drew some moderate clerics to his side, in that they had to take sides for him. Khomeini's appeal of June 3, 1963 was primarily directed against the land reform initiated by the Shah as part of the White Revolution .

After Khomeini was arrested and sentenced, it was Hassan Pakravan , the head of the SAVAK , who advocated that Khomeini should not be executed after his arrest and conviction in connection with the violent June demonstrations in 1963 , but rather released from prison and into exile in the Turkey and later to Iraq was deported. Hassan Pakravan and Prime Minister Hassan Ali Mansour told the Shah that the clergy had to be given more time to get used to the reforms of the White Revolution and that it was better to release Khomeini from custody rather than from execution Martyrs sentenced to death . While in custody, Khomeini had allegedly promised Hassan Pakravan to stay out of politics in the future. Khomeini had simply said: "We never interfere in politics as you define it." This statement left enough room for interpretation. It was soon to be seen that Khomeini had no intention of staying out of politics. The release from prison was preceded by the appointment of Khomeini as Ayatollah by Grand Ayatollah Shariatmadari in order to grant Khomeini a kind of unwritten immunity. With this increase in his religious rank, Khomeini had jumped a step in the hierarchy of the clergy, but the majority of the clergy and the Shah agreed with this procedure.

Reform of religious schools

While leading politicians of the Islamic Republic of Iran today declare that the demonstrations in June 1963 against the Shah's reform plans were the birth of the Islamic revolution, Kasem Shariatmadari believed at the time that the appearance of Khomeini, the demonstrations and political clashes with the government were the The reputation of the clergy. He therefore began a large-scale reform and modernization of religious schools in order to eliminate the political influence of Khomeini, which was now in Iraq. Schariatmadari opened the Dar al-Tablighe, a completely new style religious school, with a rigorous selection process to only accept the best students into its college. He also introduced written and oral exams in order to be able to objectively determine the learning success of the students. In his college, it was compulsory for students to take not only Arabic, but also Persian and an additional foreign language. He was also the first to set up a wing for the education of women in his college (1973, called Dar al-Zahra). Other universities followed suit a few years later. Shariatmadari organized an annual book exhibition in Qom, published a magazine on the teachings of Shiite Islam and a children's magazine with a circulation of over 80,000 copies.

Shariatmadari was an absolute spiritual authority among the Turkish-speaking Shiites. Among his followers were, above all, many Turkish-speaking traders from the bazaar of Tabriz as well as of Tehran.

Iran and Black and Red Colonialism

On 7./8. January 1978 appeared in the Iranian newspaper Ettelā'āt an article about Khomeini . This article, published under the pseudonym Ahmad Raschidi-ye Motlagh , is considered to be the initial spark of the Islamic revolution. The author is Darius Homayun, Minister of Information in Prime Minister Jamshid Amusegar's cabinet . Khomeini is described in the article as a political opportunist who wants to implement the anti-government plans of communist conspirators and the large landowners. The article was intended by the government as a reaction to the demonstrations organized by supporters of Khomeini against the Shah's reform policies from 1977 onwards. The public's reactions were completely different from what the government had expected. A student sympathy rally held on January 9 in Qom for Khomeini was violently broken up by security forces. Four protesters died from their injuries. Rumors circulated that at least 100 protesters had died. Later there was even talk of 300 dead demonstrators.

Shariatmadari was forced to take a stand against the government in a powerful speech. Tapes of his speech have been copied and distributed across the country. Shariatmadari sent a secret message to the government demanding an immediate apology from the government to the clergy before the sporadic demonstrations grew into a wave of protests across the country. But instead of apologizing, security forces broke into the house and college of Shariatmadari, beat the students and injured two students so badly that they died from their injuries.

In June 1978, when the protests and demonstrations against the government had increased, fueled by the supporters of Khomeini, Shariatmadari sent another message to the Shah, in which he explained that from now on he would no longer support Khomeini. He suggested that some clergy should be put up as candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections in order to put the political dialogue with the clergy on a legal discussion platform and thus get them "off the streets". The Shah refused. This was preceded by another message to the Shah in which Shariadmadari complained that "Khomeini's followers were killing people with guns and grenades without being held accountable".

Cooperation with Prime Minister Sharif-Emami

After the arson attack on Cinema Rex , Jafar Sharif-Emami took over the post of Prime Minister on August 27, 1978. Sharif-Emami's family was closely associated with the clergy. He should form a government of "national reconciliation" and with political reforms win back the clergy for the constitutional monarchy under Mohammad Reza Shah. In his inaugural address, Sharif-Emami declared that "his government of national reconciliation wants to heal the wounds that have arisen, respect the constitution, uphold the rights of the population and meet the wishes of the clergy." Thus, Sharif-Emami ordered the replacement of the newly introduced Old Persian Calendar by the Islamic calendar, the dissolution of the Rastachiz Party, the Iranian Unity Party, and the closure of amusement arcades and casinos. Political prisoners close to the clergy were released from prisons. In return, people who had previously served the constitutional monarchy were sent to prison on charges of corruption and human rights violations. All officials received a raise to offset inflationary losses.

In order to enter into a political dialogue with Khomeini and to meet the demands of Khomeini's supporters for their leader to return to Iran, Kasem Shariatmadari, Prime Minister Schrarif-Emami and Mehdi Bāzargān of the National Front Party prepared a proposal with conditions under which Khomeini could return to Iran in nine to ten months if he recognized the existing constitution. But Bāzargān decided to recognize Khomeini as the supreme leader of the opposition movement. The proposal drawn up by Shariatmadari and Prime Minister Sharif-Emami was not even presented to Khomeini, as he refused to cooperate with the existing government.

Shariatmadari's last attempt to prevent Khomeini's return was the proposal to the Shah to transfer the business of government to a Privy Council in order to open up the possibility of the legal proclamation of a republic in the event that the monarchy could not be maintained. Shariatmadari made it clear that when political power falls into the “hands of the streets”, when Khomeini's radical supporters quickly gain the upper hand, and when the only winner is Khomeini and the only loser is Iran.

In the end, Kasem Shariatmadari's efforts were in vain. Khomeini returned on February 1, 1979 and left no doubt from the start that from now on he would determine the further political development of Iran. When Khomeini arrived in Qom, Kasem Shariatmadari drove to the city limits to greet him personally.

The Islamic Revolution

Even after Khomeini's return, Kasem Shariatmadari did not give up his opposition to Khomeini. He founded his own party, the Party of the Muslim People's Republic , which, under pressure from Khomeini, had to disband in 1979. In numerous interviews, Shariatmadari stated that the political model of a “ government of the clergy ” ( velayat-e fagih ), represented by Khomeini, had no basis in Shiite theology. Shariatmadari therefore flatly rejected the draft constitution on July 30, 1979. In his opinion, it would have been better to reactivate the constitution of 1906 from the time of the Constitutional Revolution .

When Iranians occupied the American embassy on November 4, 1979 and took the embassy staff hostage ( Tehran hostage-taking ), Kasem Schariatmadari was one of the few who spoke out against the violation of international law. One of the leaders of the hostage-takers had said that the embassy was looking for evidence that Shariatmadari was involved in an attempt to overthrow the United States against the government of the Islamic Republic. On the same day that the US embassy was occupied, Shariatmadari's house was stormed and his private secretary was killed. Although nothing had been found against Shariatmadari, it became clear that Khomeini was preparing the arrest of Shariatmadari. A few months later, after the Islamic Republic of Iran's first foreign minister, Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, was arrested on suspicion of a coup and links between Shariatmadari and Ghotbzadeh were established, Shariatmadari was also arrested. His bank accounts and home were confiscated. Only his eldest son was able to escape to Hamburg.

Shariatmadari, who later accused Khomeini of heresy and crimes , was placed under house arrest until his death in April 1982 after his and Sadegh Ghotbzadeh's "television confession" . Although he had prostate cancer, he was denied the necessary medical care.

After his death, neither an official nor a private funeral ceremony was permitted. He was buried in Qom.

See also

Individual evidence

  1. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, 2008, p. 368.
  2. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, 2008, p. 369.
  3. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, 2008, p. 816.
  4. a b Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, 2008, p. 370.
  5. Mohammad Ali Jazayery: Kasravi, Iconoclastic Thinker of Twentieth-Century Iran. In: Ahmad Kasravi: Shi'igari (شيعيگرى). Translation by MR Ghanoonparvan: On Islam and Shi'Ism, Mazda Pub, 1990. ISBN 0-939214-39-3 , p. 23.
  6. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, 2008, p. 371.
  7. ^ Heinz Halm: Die Schia Darmstadt 1988. Page 157
  8. Ehsan Naraghi: From Palace to Prison. IBTauris, 1994, p. 177.
  9. "SHRBaresi va Tahile Nehzate Imam Khomeini, p 575. Quoted by Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians.Syracuse University Press, 2008, pp 479th
  10. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse 2008, Vol. 1, p. 51.
  11. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse 2008, Vol. 1, p. 371.
  12. ^ Charles Kurzmann: The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran. Harvard University Press, 2004, p. 37.
  13. Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse 2008, Vol. 1, p. 373.
  14. ^ US Embassy in Tehran "Latest Developments on the Religious Front". June 21, 1978 (no.1427, NSA). Quoted from: Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse 2008, Vol. 1, p. 373.
  15. a b Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse 2008, Vol. 1, p. 374.
  16. Gholam Reza Afkhami: The life and times of the Shah. University of California Press, 2009, p. 461.
  17. ^ US Embassy in Tehran "Elements of GOI Agreement with Religious Opposition". October 24, 1978 (no.1615, NSA). Quoted from: Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracuse University Press, Syracuse 2008, Vol. 1, p. 375.
  18. a b c Abbas Milani: Eminent Persians. Syracus University Press, 2008, p. 375.