Battle of Bornhöved (1227)

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Battle of Bornhöved
Depiction of the battle in the Saxon World Chronicle (manuscript from the 14th century)
Depiction of the battle in the Saxon World Chronicle (manuscript from the 14th century)
date July 22, 1227
place near Bornhöved , Holstein
output Defeat of the Danes
Parties to the conflict

Denmark and German allies

North German coalition of princes

Commander

King Waldemar II

Count Adolf IV.

Troop strength
14,000 men 10,000–11,000 men and around 1,000 defectors from Dithmarschen
losses

6,000–8,000 dead

3,000–4,000 dead

The Battle of Bornhöved on July 22, 1227 was a military conflict between the Kingdom of Denmark under Waldemar II and Count Adolf IV (Schauenburg and Holstein) with a coalition of north German sovereigns and cities. These included the Bremen Archbishop Gerhard II , Duke Albrecht of Saxony , Count Heinrich von Schwerin and the Wendish lords as well as a Lübeck contingent.

The severe defeat of Waldemar II at Bornhöved decided the conflict over control of the areas between the Elbe and Eider , which had simmered on the Cimbrian peninsula and on the southern Baltic coast since the fall of Henry the Lion ; it meant the end of the Danish hegemony in the north and a failure of the great Danish colonial plans. The victory, on the other hand, enabled the northern German sovereigns and cities to expand their sphere of activity, trade and power without hindrance. The outcome of the battle created the prerequisites for Lübeck's rise to become the leading Hanseatic city , the development of the German monastic state, and later the constitutional unification of Schleswig and Holstein (1460).

background

Political starting point in the Baltic Sea region 1219

The Kingdom of Denmark becomes the northern hegemonic power

After the Guelph Duke Heinrich the Lion had gradually lost control of his duchies of Saxony and Bavaria in the second third of the 12th century, a power-political vacuum developed in the north of the Holy Roman Empire . The Schauenburg Count Adolf III pushed into this free space . who returned to his former counties in Holstein , as well as the Danes under King Canute VI. or his successor King Waldemar II.

Adolf III. after he had dealt with eliminating the internal opposition and securing his rule in the first years of his return, he succeeded in asserting himself against Henry the Lion in the long term, integrating Lübeck and Wagrien economically and Stade (with Dithmarschen ) as an archbishop's fief from Hartwig II . In doing so, he tried to form a lordly union between the Elbe and Eider for the first time. In fact, the attempts by the Archbishop and Count to subdue the Dithmarschen peasant republic were costly and unsuccessful. It maintained its independence until 1559. The Danes under King Knud VI. The overthrow of the mighty Guelph Duke made it possible to expand their domain to include the (Baltic Sea) Slavs. So had Bogislaw I. , Duke of Pomerania, and the two Mecklenburg Prince Nikolaus I. and Henry I. Borwin recognize as lord of the Danish king.

Such a constellation - two expansionist factions - inevitably led to a conflict of interests between the two parties. A campaign of Adolf III undertaken in the winter months of 1198/99. and Margrave Otto II of Brandenburg against the Baltic Sea Slavs let the dispute escalate in the end. Erich Hoffmann sees the main reason for this differently from Walther Lammers in the support of Bishop Waldemars von Schleswig's anti-kingship by Adolf III. Favored by the dispute within the empire, which arose after the double election of Elector Philip of Swabia and Otto IV of Braunschweig as King of the Holy Roman Empire , the Danes succeeded in taking action against the Count of Schauenburg. In the summer of 1200 Knut VI acquired. the Rendsburg . On January 25, 1201, the army of Adolf III. and his ally Adolf I. von Dassel near Waschow in the county of Ratzeburg defeated by the troops of Nikolaus I. and Heinrich Borwin. Finally, the brother of Knuts VI, Duke Waldemar II, succeeded in subjugating the whole of northern Elbingen - the areas between the Elbe (southern border) and Eider (northern border) - in autumn and winter of the same year . At the end of November 1201, Adolf III coveted up again, but had to quickly recognize the hopelessness of his endeavor and enter into negotiations. With the indirect recognition (marriage contracts) of the status quo by the German King Otto IV. At the beginning of 1202, the political situation in the north was ultimately considered to be regulated: While the time of the Danish great power began, Adolf III went. emerged from this conflict as a clear loser. In the same year he had to give up his possessions and leave the county of Holstein . He then returned to his family's ancestral home on the Weser.

In the following years Waldemar II succeeded, after the death of Knut VI. on November 12, 1202 had risen to king, to further consolidate and expand the rule of the Danes. Internally, the Count Albrecht II of Orlamünde, who he appointed , was able to rapidly advance the absolutist transformation of Old Holstein society into a feudal aristocratic society in the continental sense. In terms of foreign policy, Waldemar II achieved the official renunciation of the Holy Roman Empire to the territories occupied by Denmark at the end of 1214. Just like his predecessor, the king made clever use of the disputes within the empire by taking the side of his successor Friedrich II after the death of Philip of Swabia: he was dependent on the support of the Danish king to protect the reigning king to overthrow German king and Roman emperor, Otto IV. In return, Frederick II had a document issued in Metz towards the end of 1214, in which the Holy Roman Empire officially renounced the corresponding areas of northern Germany.

Waldemar reached the zenith of his power around the year 1220, when he also occupied or conquered Pomerania (1214), Estonia (1219) and Ösel (1220) and his colonial influence extended to both Sweden and Norway .

The turning point in the north

The political turnaround in the north occurred in 1223 when Waldemar II and his son Waldemar III. was captured by a plot by Count Heinrich I von Schwerin on May 7th of that year. The subsequent negotiations on the release of the king, in which imperial representatives were also involved, were unsuccessful, since the Danish side rejected the demands of the German side, which would have meant the failure of the great Danish policy. When, however, Count Albrecht von Orlamünde also defeated Count Adolf IV in a battle at the end of January 1225, who had invaded the North Elbe territories at the end of 1224, and was taken prisoner, the Danish side had to give in to the demands of the German princes for the foreseeable future Waldemar II and his son are set free. The Danish king then had to swear primal feud , pay ransom, deliver precious objects, textiles and horses, take hostages and - and these were the most serious obligations - all areas between the Eider and Elbe as well as the Slavic countries (except for Rügen) again to cede to the Holy Roman Empire. The Rendsburg passed into the possession of Adolf IV. After recognizing these demands, Waldemar II gained freedom on December 21, 1225.

Outbreak and course of conflict up to the Battle of Bornhöved

Even contemporary witnesses felt that the price for his release was very high - too high for King Waldemar II. Hardly had he returned to his kingdom (Christmas 1225), when he prepared to recapture the lost territories and restore his supremacy in the north. After his son was also released at Easter 1226, he was able to put his plans into action:

First he had to break away from the oath of the original feud that he had made in 1225. Waldemar II turned to Pope Honorius III for this . In a letter dated June 26, 1226 from the Lateran, the latter assured him, "[...] that he need not keep a promise of loyalty to an unfaithful man that had been blackmailed." The original feud had thus been declared invalid, whereby Waldemar II. Was able to take legal action against the current situation.

The Danish king did not hesitate and started the reconquest campaign that same year, in autumn 1226: A North Frisian contingent marched into Dithmarschen . Waldemar II himself camped in front of the Rendsburg, where the North Elbian army assembled. The battle broke out, and King Waldemar II won this first battle despite great losses. Encouraged by the victory, he entered Dithmarschen in the spring of 1227. From there, the Danes attacked the core areas of the county of Holstein, subjugated the unpaved landscape and besieged the castles of Itzehoe and Segeberg . Waldemar II also succeeded in uniting his army with that of his most important German ally, Duke Otto I of Braunschweig-Lüneburg.

On the north German side, too, they began to regroup, although after the defeat of Rendsburg they were forced to look for further allies. The desired partner was finally found in Duke Albrecht I of Saxony, but he had its price.

Favored by this new constellation, the war situation in the north gradually began to change. King Waldemar II was soon forced to give up the siege of Itzehoe and Segeberg. He then withdrew with his army to the Bornhöved area, where he waited for the decisive battle. The North German coalition of princes and cities was formed in Lübeck. Allegedly, the royal barg is said to have served the Danish king as a general hill, from which he directed the battle.

The Battle of Bornhöved

After the preparations on the north German side had been completed, the army left Lübeck on the morning of July 22nd, 1227. As expected, the coalition came across the Danish contingent at Bornhöved. The decision in the north was now imminent. As Paul Hasse was able to prove in 1877, however, we have no reliable information about the exact course of the bloody battle that broke out. In principle, it is only certain that the Danish army has lost the battle. Nevertheless, the description of the course of the battle in the two most important Lübeck chronicles, the Detmar Chronicle and the Chronica Novella by Hermann Korners, will be discussed below.

Detmar begins his extremely sober presentation of the battle events with a list of the actors involved on the north German side, with Lübeck, together with the Counts of Holstein and Schwerin, forming the core of the coalition. Then it says:

“[...] They came together on the Bornhöved heath on the day of St. Mary Magdalene. There was so much quarrel that day that there was never a greater quarrel in the country. The king was victorious [lost the battle] and fled; Duke Otto was captured; the king's people were for the most part slain and taken prisoner [...] "

When describing the battle, Detmar obviously limited himself to the essentials. He emphasizes their importance again, but otherwise gives no further information about the course of the battle. He only describes the outcome of the battle: The Danish army was defeated, Waldemar II had to flee, Duke Otto von Lüneburg was captured and a large number of Danes were killed or taken prisoner.

In contrast, "Korner creates a true battle painting, which he continued to expand in the course of his work." In the Hanoverian manuscript, the review H, which was written between 1438 and 1447, Korner and Detmar begin the description of the battle with a list of the northern Germans involved Coalitionists. In addition to the people or groups of people already mentioned in the Detmar Chronicle, a certain Alexander von Soltwedel appears for the first time on the Lübeck side, who is referred to as "en helt vul modes". This is followed by a detailed presentation including a description of the formation of the exodus of the coalition army from Lübeck, before the prayer of the Lübeck council members is reported:

"The whole Lübeck council came to the field in the morning to worship the dear God and the dear Mrs. Saint Maria Magdalena, so that the city, with great merit of the grace of God and the holy woman, could win the victory [...]"

As a result, the Lübeck council members came together on the morning of the battle to ask God and Saint Mary for help. In the event of a victory, they promised to build a monastery in honor of God and St. Mary, the latter also becoming its patroness. In addition, the poor should be fed on Mary Magdalene Day every year.

This is followed by the actual description of the battle, which Korner begins with the defection of the Dithmarschers:

“When the Dithmarschers saw the Liibeck army so powerfully strengthened with many princes and lords, banners and traditional costumes, they all stepped resolutely and sat under the Liibeck banner. Also because the city gave them all and had a long good and they [the Dithmarscher] had not renounced them either, but that they were brought there against their will. "

Korner cites a total of three causes for the Dithmarscher change of sides: strength of the Lübeck army, coercion and reference to the past. In his opinion, the most decisive aspect is the strength of the Lübeck army, which on the one hand makes the Dithmarschers think and on the other hand makes them fear a fight against the Lübeckers more than the Danish king.

Apparition of St. Mary Magdalene in the Battle of Bornhöved, medieval fresco in the auditorium of the Lübeck town hall

Although the defection of the Dithmarscher Waldemar II visibly unsettled him, he decided to attack:

“When the king saw this and noticed from the banners how many helpers the people of Lübeck had, he became very unsteady. But then he seized courage and both sides sent their vanguard [literally: pikes.] And pulled against each other with free courage. There you could see a great miracle from God. The Lübeck Army had the sun in their eyes and that was a very big disadvantage. Immediately one saw a woman visibly in the air, who sat down between the sun and the Lübeck Army, and the sun's rays were turned against the eyes of the Danes. This sight pleased and strengthened the Germans and they attacked the Danes with great boldness. There was male fighting on both sides and many proud heroes fell here and there. In the end, God gave the citizens of Lübeck the victory and they defeated the Danes on that day and beat an unspeakable number of them to death and also captured many. The Crown [the King of Denmark] left the field and narrowly escaped with a few people. "

The focus of the depiction of the battle is the miracle of Mary. After Korner reports the beginning of the battle, he points out that the sun shone in the eyes of the Lübeckers, which was "ene vil groth hinder" (a very big disadvantage). Only with divine help in the form of St. Mary Magdalene, who pushed herself in the form of a cloud in front of the sun, could the course of the battle be turned in favor of the north German coalition. Thanks to this fortunate turn, the coalition army finally managed to put the Danish king to flight after a battle that cost both sides. Korner assigns the decisive battle moment to the supernatural intervention. On the other hand, he regards the defection of the Dithmarschers only as a favorable, but not decisive, factor for the victory.

In summary, however, it should be emphasized once again that, as Paul Hasse was able to prove, apart from the date, the parties involved and the outcome of the battle, there is no reliable information about the Battle of Bornhöved - not even about the alleged defection of the Dithmarscher, which was the first is mentioned in the Annales Ryenses.

Results and effects of the Battle of Bornhöved

After the northern German territories had repeatedly seen themselves more or less helplessly exposed to the Danish expansionist efforts for several decades, the battle of Bornhöved marked a far-reaching turning point in northern Germany. The defeat of Waldemar II was not caused by an imperial army, but by a north German coalition army. For this reason, among other things, the balance of power in the north, which from then on remained “remote from the Reich”, should change fundamentally.

The sources report unanimously about the immediate results of the battle that in addition to many soldiers, Duke Otto I of Braunschweig-Lüneburg was captured. For example, Detmar says:

“[...] Duke Otto was captured; the king's people were for the most part slain and taken prisoner [...] "

Or at Korner:

"Among the prisoners were Mr. Otto von Lüneburg and two Danish bishops, with many knights and squires [...]"

Furthermore, the sources unanimously describe the construction of a monastery in Lübeck and an annual feeding of the poor in honor of St. Mary Magdalene as a result of the battle. In the »Chronica Novella« it is written:

“When they came to the city [Lübeck], they marched with the army in front of the castle [the Danish fortress] and won [conquered] it with great work and tore it to the ground. So they built a monastery on the spot, as they had promised God and Saint Mary Magdalene, and had the preachers fetched from Magdeburg and Bremen and gave them the monastery in the honor of Saint Mary Magdalene. Even so, in an eternal gratitude of blessing and devotion, the citizens gave a lot of donations every year on St. Mary Magdalene Day, all poor people a penny, and the brothers in their monastery give a jug to all poor people on the same day every year Beer, in honor of God and Saint Mary Magdalene. "

Viewed in the medium and long term, the Danish defeat also meant a failure of Great Danish politics. Waldemar II recognized Bornhöved's decision and shortly afterwards began "[...] to look for tomorrow's allies in the previous opponents." This soon found the Archbishop of Bremen, Count Adolf IV of Holstein and Duke Albrecht von Saxony among its allies. An attack via the Eider no longer played a role in Waldemar II's considerations. Instead, the Danish king concentrated on domestic political reforms. With the introduction of the famous "Jutish Lovs" he achieved a special and decisive success in the field of legislation.

For the county of Holstein, the Battle of Bornhöved ended a period of constant external threat from the Danish kingdom. Even more - the direction of advance on the Cimbrian peninsula even began to turn: From then on it was no longer the Danes who pushed south, but the Holsteiners who tried to expand their influence on the northern areas. In 1460 this development culminated in the constitutional unification of Holstein and Schleswig, which is still visible today, an event that would certainly not have happened in this form without the Battle of Bornhöved.

For Lübeck, too, the loss of Danish supremacy opened up new, comprehensive opportunities to expand power and trade. For example, the freedom of the empire was secured, the Barbarossa privilege confirmed and the so-called freedom letter, which considerably increased the city's land ownership and trade rights, was achieved. In addition, the Lübeck merchants managed to prevail decisively against the Scandinavian competition and gain a foothold in countries like Norway and Sweden. Fritz Rörig aptly describes Lübeck's perspective after the battle: "On the Bornhöved field, not only was the freedom of the Baltic Sea area fought for for the later development of the Hanseatic League, but at the same time its ultimate leader was predestined: that was Lübeck and the Lübeck Council."

In summary, it can be said that the defeat of Waldemar II at the Battle of Bornhöved created a completely new constellation in the north of Europe. The great Danish plans had failed and from then on the kingdom was limited to internal consolidation. However, others immediately pushed into the resulting free space of power. While Holstein succeeded in "[...] gaining a dominant position in the transition zone to the north, far from the influence of the German monarchy", Lübeck was able to rise to the leading power and economic metropolis in the later Hanseatic region. But not only German princes and cities benefited from the overthrow of Waldemar II. Countries like Norway and Sweden were able to gain autonomy and to break away from the Danish influence to a considerable extent.

Lore history

As with almost all high medieval events, the sources of the Battle of Bornhöved are extremely poor. In addition to annalistic entries, which due to their structure mostly do not reflect more than a mere fact, it is primarily chronicles from which the knowledge about what happened comes from. The knowledge relating to the Bornhöved battle is essentially based on three chronicles from the 14th and 15th centuries: the so-called "Stadeschronik" or "Detmar Chronicle" and the "Chronica Novella" by Hermann Korners . Other chronicles, which were written in the following centuries, basically only take up these three main sources, although they do tend to reinterpret and embellish them. Not least because of this, they should also be briefly examined below.

If one takes the two oldest works, the » Stadeschronik « and the » Detmar-Chronik «, as a starting point, you can already see in the »Chronica Novella« "[...] a religious and warlike charge [...]" . The reasons for this lie in the clearly more embellished depiction of the battle as well as in the considerable appreciation of the divine help, to which the decisive moment is now assigned. Only a century later, in the 16th century, this interpretation began to dissolve again. In his »Wandalia«, Albert Krantz carefully tries to correct the meaning of the apparition of Mary and Alexander von Salzwedel. Instead, it offers a military explanation for the victory over the Danes, centered around Count Adolf IV of Holstein. Other chroniclers of his time, such as Hermann Bonnus or Reimar Kock, followed this line of argument . In contrast to Krantz and Kock, who only colored the Krantz variant with national aspects, Bonnus goes one step further: In his "Chronika der vörnemlikesten Geschichte vnde handel der Keyserliken Stadt Lübeck" (probably 1539), on the one hand, divine help finds form the apparition of Mary is no longer considered, and on the other hand almost all warlike details are dispensed with in the representation of the battle. This shows the clearly "[...] Reformation attack on the apparition of Mary, which Poeck and Möhlenkamp locate."

In addition to such radical reinterpretations, there was also a moderate trend among the chroniclers of the time, represented by Heinrich Rehbein . Unlike Bonnus and Kock, "[he] did not turn head-on against" Catholic "traditions, but took them up and reinterpreted them in a Protestant way." This becomes particularly clear when describing the apparition of Mary. Here Rehbein makes use of "[...] Korner's Marienmirakel [back] in the translated words of the review D - but without mentioning Maria Magdalena". On the actual, i.e. H. the military description of the battle, however, the Protestantization has no significant influence. His account begins with an extravagant account of the conquest of the Danish castle in Lübeck. Then the battle at Bornhöved is described, with Rehbein demonstrably relying on Korner (garbage of the Dithmarscher), Krantz and Kock (description of the battle) or receiving them.

In the 17th and 18th centuries, the chroniclers from Kirchring and Müller ("Compendium Chronicae Lubecensis", 1678) connected with Jacob von Melle ("Thorough message from the Kayserlichen, Freyen and the H. Römis. Reichs Stadt Lübeck", 1713 ) admittedly to the Rehbein approach, but changed it decisively in many ways. The most drastic changes concern the elements "main actor", "darkening the sun" and "battle decision": The main actor is no longer Alexander von Salzwedel, but Count Adolf IV von Holstein. This also means that no prayer from Alexander is or can be responsible for the darkening. Instead, a completely unmotivated cloud - a purely meteorological phenomenon - is described in the descriptions, which moves in front of the sun and thus decisively influences the course of the battle. The crux of this change is the secularization of the battle, which was no longer won by God but by man himself. In this context, the upgrading of the Dithmarscher waste also falls, which is now assigned the decisive moment in the battle.

In summary, it can be said that in almost all relevant chronicles the central elements »hero«, »invocation of God«, »beginning of battle«, »darkening of the sun«, »defection of the Dithmarscher«, »end of battle / victory of the north German coalition« as well as »monastery donation and Feeding the poor «are available. Due to the different conditions and times of creation of the chronicles, however, the content-related representations of the individual aspects sometimes differ significantly from one another. Nevertheless, the common origin - the "Stadeschronik" or "Detmar Chronicle" as well as the "Chronika Novella" - of all chronicles created from the 16th century onwards can be clearly demonstrated, which is not least due to these structural similarities.

swell

  • Detmar Chronicle . In: The chronicles of the German cities from the 14th to the 16th century . Volume 19. 1st edition. Leipzig 1884.
  • Hermann Korner: Chronica Novella . In: Jakob Schwalm (Ed.): The Chronica Novella of Hermann Korner . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1895.

literature

  • Erich Hoffmann: The importance of the battle of Bornhöved for German and Scandinavian history . In: Journal of the Association for Lübeck History and Archeology . Vol. 57, 1977, ISSN  0083-5609 , pp. 9-37.
  • Walther Lammers : The High Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved . Wachholtz, Neumünster 1981, ( History of Schleswig-Holstein . Volume 4, 1).
  • Sascha Möbius: Wars and unrest in the Lübeck chronicle and culture of remembrance of the late Middle Ages and the early modern period . unpublished Manuscript, chap. 3, pp. 1-60.
  • Walter Westphal: From Bornhöved to storming the Düppeler Schanzen , Books on Demand, 2004, ISBN 9783831123056

Web links

Commons : Schlacht bei Bornhöved (1227)  - Collection of images, videos and audio files
Wikisource: Battle of Bornhöved (1227)  - Sources and full texts

Coordinates: 54 ° 4 ′ 11.3 "  N , 10 ° 12 ′ 14.8"  E

Remarks

  1. ↑ Walther Lammers: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved (= History of Schleswig-Holstein, Vol. 4/1). Neumünster 1981, p. 374
  2. ↑ Walther Lammers: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved , p. 374 ff.
  3. ↑ Erich Hoffmann: The importance of the battle of Bornhöved for German and Scandinavian history. In: Journal of the Association for Lübeck History and Antiquity 57 (1977), p. 15.
  4. ↑ a b Erich Hoffmann: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved , p. 16
  5. ↑ W. Lammers
  6. ↑ Walther Lammers: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved , p. 387 ff .; Erich Hoffmann: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved , p. 20 f.
  7. ↑ Walther Lammers: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved , p. 393 .; Erich Hoffmann: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved , p. 21f.
  8. ↑ Cf. Lammers, Walther: Das Hochmittelalter bis zur Schlacht von Bornhöved, p. 393 ff.
  9. ↑ Lammers, Walther: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved, p. 398.
  10. ↑ Cf. Lammers, Walther: Das Hochmittelalter bis zur Schlacht von Bornhöved, p. 398.
  11. ↑ In addition to Count Adolf IV and the general Holsten contingent, this also included the Counts of Schwerin, Dannenberg and Hallermund, citizens of Lübeck, the bishop, provosts and abbots of the country; see. Lammers, Walther: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved, p. 398.
  12. ↑ See Lammers, Walther: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved, p. 398 f.
  13. ↑ Cf. Möbius, Sascha: Wars and riots in the Luebeck chronicle and culture of remembrance of the late Middle Ages and early modern times. unpublished Manuscript. Cape. 3, p. 5.
  14. ↑ These are the Bishop of Bremen, Duke Albert of Saxony, Count Adolf von Holstein, Count Heinrich von Schwerin, the Wendish lords and the citizens of Lübeck; Detmar Chronicle. In. CDS. Vol. 19, p. 307.
  15. ↑ Detmar Chronicle. In. CDS. Vol. 19, p. 307 f .: “[...] se quemen tosamende group of the heath to Bornehovede in sunte Marien Magdalenen daghe, darwart in deme daghe en strid zo grot, darwart in deme land ny groter strid en wart. de koningh de wart seghelos unde untvloch; hertoge Otte wa ghevanghen; of the Koning people was almestighe slaghen unde vanghen [...] ”; Translation after Möbius, Sascha: Wars and riots. Cape. 3, p. 9.
  16. ↑ Möbius, Sascha: Wars and unrest. Cape. 3, p. 14.
  17. ↑ Schwalm, Jacob (ed.): The Chronica Novella, p. 538: "A hero full of courage."; Translation after Möbius, Sascha: Wars and riots. Cape. 3, p. 16.
  18. ↑ Schwalm, Jacob (ed.): Die Chronica Novella, p. 538: “De ganthze rad van Lubeke quam to hope des morghens, alo dat her wolde utthen, unde laveden gode unde der werden vrouwen sunte Marien Magdalenen, dat ville id so van gode's grace and the hilghen vrouwe vordenste, dat de stad den seghe wunne [...] "
  19. ↑ See Schwalm, Jacob (Ed.): Die Chronica Novella, p. 538.
  20. ↑ Schwalm, Jacob (ed.): Die Chronica Novella, p. 538: “Do de Ditmerschen seghen the Lubesschen her so mighty ghesterket myt velen vorsten unde heren, banneren unde trachten, ok dat avers, dat de city all tiid ene wol those konde unde langhe denet hadde unde se en ok not dessecht hadden, sunder dat se any sake darto ghebrocht weren, but treden se all endrachtlyken aver unde set sik under the Lubesschen banner. "
  21. ↑ Schwalm, Jacob (ed.): Die Chronica Novella, p. 538: “Also dat de koningh sach unde markde ok der Lubesschen hulpere in the banners, do wart he sere unsted. But so grep he enen mod, unde send the ere spyssen to both siiden unde toghen to hope myt vryeme mode. Dar loved men do sen en grod miracles by gode. The Lubesschen her hadde do de sunnen under oghen unde dat was ene vil groth hinder. Tho hand sach men och sunliken came ener vrouwen people in the lucht unde sik set twisschen de sunne unde dar Lubessche, unde der sunnen stralen kereden sik each of the denen oghen. On the other hand, the Dudessschen ale ghevrouwet unde ghesterket and the villas do an de Denen in groter drysticheyt. Dar wart do ghevocht menlyken to both siiden unde storten vele heldes both here unde. To deme lesten ghaf god den seghe den borgheren van Lubeke unde se vorwunnen de those in deme daghe unde slughen er untellyken vele dot unde vinghen er ok vele. De krone rumede dar dat velt unde quam kume van dar myt kleynen luden. ”; Translation after Möbius, Sascha: Wars and riots. Cape. 3, p. 16.
  22. ↑ Cf. Hoffmann, Erich: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved, p. 28 f.
  23. ↑ Detmar Chronicle. In. CDS. Vol. 19, p. 308: “[...] hertoge Otte wart ghevanghen; of the Koning people was almestighe slaghen unde vanghen [...] ”; Translation after Möbius, Sascha: Wars and riots. Cape. 3, p. 9.
  24. ↑ Schwalm, Jacob (ed.): Die Chronica Novella, p. 538: "Dar wart do ghevanghen de here Otte van Lunenborch unde twe bisschoppe van Dennenmarken myt velen ridderen unde knapen [...]"
  25. ↑ Schwalm, Jacob (Ed.): Die Chronica Novella, p. 538: “Do se do in de stad weren ghekamen, do toghen se myt deme here before dar slot ande wunnen dat sunder grot arbeyt unde worpen id to grunde dale. Dar buweden se do uppe de stede en monnicke kloster, also se gode unde sunte Marien Magdalenen ghelavet hadden, unde leten de Predikerbrodere halen van Meydeborgh ande van Bremen unde gheven den dat kloster in de ere sunte Marien Magdalenen. Ok so gheven de borghere in ene etwighe danknamicheyt des seghes unde dechtnysse alle jar uppe sunte Marien Magdalenen dach ene mene donation, all poor invited enen penningh, unde de brodere in ereme klostere gheven des sulven dages all jar all poor invited ene Gode beres kann unde sunte Marien Magdalenen to eren. "
  26. ↑ Hoffmann, Erich: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved, p. 30
  27. ↑ Cf. Hoffmann, Erich: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved, p. 30 f.
  28. ↑ a b cf. Lammers, Walther: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved, p. 401.
  29. ↑ Cf. Hoffmann, Erich: The meaning of the battle of Bornhöved, p. 32.
  30. ↑ Lammers, Walther: The high Middle Ages up to the Battle of Bornhöved, p. 401.
  31. ↑ Since the representation of the Battle of Bornhöved in the city chronicle and the Detmar chronicle is identical, the former was not used for reasons of availability. See: Möbius, Sascha: Wars and unrest. Cape. 3, p. 8.
  32. ↑ Möbius, Sascha: Wars and unrest. Cape. 3, p. 53.
  33. ↑ Cf. Möbius, Sascha: Wars and Unrest. Cape. 3, p. 54.
  34. ↑ Cf. Möbius, Sascha: Wars and Unrest. Cape. 3, p. 54 f.
  35. ↑ Möbius, Sascha: Wars and unrest. Cape. 3, p. 55.
  36. ↑ Möbius, Sascha: Wars and unrest. Cape. 3, p. 40.
  37. ↑ Möbius, Sascha: Wars and unrest. Cape. 3, p. 41.
  38. ↑ Cf. Möbius, Sascha: Wars and Unrest. Cape. 3, p. 40 f.
  39. ↑ Cf. Möbius, Sascha: Wars and Unrest. Cape. 3, p. 55 f.