Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

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Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI; Bengali বাংলাদেশ জামায়াতে ইসলামী , Bāṃlādeś Jāmāẏāte Islāmī ), until 2008 Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh , also called Jamaat for short , is the largest Islamist party in Bangladesh . She fights for the Islamization of the political system in Bangladesh and a reunification of the country with Pakistan . The BJI emerged from the East Pakistani branch of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan . The party experienced its greatest electoral success at national level in the parliamentary elections of 1991, in which it achieved 12.13 percent of the vote, after which its share of the vote gradually decreased. Between 2001 and 2006 the Jamaat was involved in government. However, a large part of the party's leadership was sentenced to death and executed between 2013 and 2015 for war crimes committed during the 1971 War of Independence . Due to a ruling by the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, the party lost its registration with the National Electoral Commission on August 1, 2013 and has since been banned from parliamentary elections. In the Upazila elections in 2014, however, it was the third strongest party after the Awami League and the BNP .

Ideological orientation

The ideology of the Jamaat is based on the political philosophy of Abū l-Aʿlā al-Maudūdī . She fights for the establishment of an Islamic state based on Sharia law , but wants to achieve this goal through constitutional means.

From 1993 to 1994 the party, together with other Islamists, propagated a policy of censorship that led to a state ban on the writings of Taslima Nasrin . The party also introduced a draft blasphemy law into parliament, which was not adopted. In its 2008 election manifesto, the party again called for a blasphemy law to be put into effect. It says: "A blasphemy law is to be promulgated in order to prevent and prosecute anti-religious propaganda and to prevent blasphemous remarks in books as well as in print and electronic media."

organization structure

The party is led by an Ameer who is assisted by a general secretary. The current Ameer is Motiur Rahman Nizami . Since he has been detained since 2014, he is temporarily represented by Maqbul Ahmed. The Jamaat controls a large number of facilities. This includes 500 mosques , 256 madrasas , 82 kindergartens and 32 colleges in larger cities (as of 1995). An important means of spreading the Jamaat ideology are the so-called waz mahfil , public lectures held in various parts of the country by leaders of the party and which can last up to five days.

The BJI has several sub-organizations, such as the Bangladesh Sramik Kalyan Federation ("Bangladeshi Federation for Workers' Welfare"), founded in 1968, as well as the student organization Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir (BICS) and the Bangladesh Chashi Kalyan Samity ("Bangladesh Organization for Peasant Welfare"), both in 1977 were founded. BICS is represented at several colleges and universities in the country, such as the International Islamic University Chittagong , and is also very influential in the madrasa system. Internationally it is involved in the World Assembly of Muslim Youth . Notorious are the often bloody clashes between Islami Chhatra Shibir and the corresponding student organizations of secular and left-wing parties, as well as their riots against Hindus.

history

Establishment phase in East Pakistan

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami emerged from the Jamaat-e-Islami founded in 1941 by Abul Ala Maududi . This organization was initially relatively weakly organized in East Pakistan. At the time of the partition of India in 1947, it had only one member, Abdul Rahim from Barisal . In 1946 he took part in the Allahabad conference of the Jamaat-i Islami and joined the association at the end of the year. Maulana Mohammed Rafi, the Ameer of the Jamaat branch of Indore , came to East Pakistan in April 1948. Together with other Indian Muslims who had gone the same way, he founded the first branch of the organization in Dhaka , which held its first meeting on May 4, 1948. From 1948 to 1950 the number of members of the Jamaat in East Pakistan rose from four to 13, while the organization was able to gain 35 sympathizers in the same period. When the East Pakistani branch of the Jamaat held a meeting in March 1951, the number of its members had fallen back to nine.

To increase the popularity of the organization in East Pakistan, the West Pakistani Jamaat headquarters dispatched a delegation led by Ali Ahmed Khan to travel through the region in 1952. Ali Ahmed Khan himself was named Qaiyam ("Managing Director") of the Jamaat in East Pakistan in February 1953 and later rose to Ameer. The work progressed greatly under his guidance. By 1954 the organization had grown to 35 members, and the number of sympathizers rose to 500. The Jamaat now had twelve full-time employees and four offices. In 1954 the East Pakistani Jamaat held its first conference in the city of Gaibandha. By 1955, the branch had published 20 books in Bengali. Encouraged by the upswing that the Jamaat had experienced in the east Pakistani province in the past two years, the Jamaat headquarters sent a second management cadre, Asad Jilani, to Dhaka in 1954. He remained active until 1956, took his seat in Rangpur and acted as ameer of the four northern districts of Dinajpur, Rangpur , Rajshahi and Bogra. In 1956, the political scientist Ghulam Azam was elected the new Ameer in East Pakistan.

In the fight against the autonomy movement and secession

The Jamaat turned against the East Pakistani autonomy movement early on. In 1952, Maududi's magazine Tarjuman al Quran criticized East Pakistan's call for Bengali to be recognized as Pakistan's second national language alongside Urdu . The magazine argued that the recognition of Bengali would result in the Bengals no longer making an effort to learn Urdu. In this way, they would no longer really get to know Islam, move away from West Pakistan and come closer to the Hindus .

After the Awami League- led coalition of the "United Front" toppled the ruling Muslim League in the 1954 elections , the Jamaat partially revised its course. Maududi, who visited East Pakistan in 1955 or 1956, admitted that some of the Bengalis' complaints were justified and took the view that Bengali should immediately be recognized as the second national language. However, he criticized the United Front as an "unholy alliance". When East Pakistan decided in 1956 to vote for a common constituency system under the 1956 Constitution, the Jamaat also strongly disapproved of this move, arguing that it violated the concept of nationality on which Pakistan was founded and its proponents of Bengali nationalism pave the way to power. In this way, as early as the 1950s, the Jamaat brought itself into a front line with Bengali nationalists, communists and Hindu minorities.

During the reign of Muhammed Ayub Khan (1958–1969), the Jamaat-e Islami was temporarily banned. When she was re-admitted in 1968, Ghulam Azam was re-elected Ameer in East Pakistan. In East Pakistan, the organization now had 425 members and 40,000 associate members. In contrast to many other parties in East Pakistan, the party also had its own budget thanks to membership fees amounting to 5 percent of its own income and zakāt payments.

After General Yahya Khan announced elections for October 1970, the Jamaat in East Pakistan tried to form a common front made up of Islamic parties. On January 18, 1970, she held a public meeting in Dhaka's famous Paltan Maidan Square. Antagonism to the secular Bengali nationalists and socialists intensified when Ghulam Azam, together with Farid Ahmad, leader of the Nezam-i-Islami party, publicly denounced their ideologies on February 8, 1970 at an Islamic conference in Dhaka. Ghulam Azam reiterated his criticism of them at a press conference in Dhaka on May 31st, saying that Bengali nationalism posed a grave threat to Pakistan's integrity and solidarity. In the elections, the Jamaat cut off as the second largest party and received about ten percent of the vote. That was very little compared to the 76 percent who won the Awami League that led the independence movement a few months later.

The Jamaat resolutely rejected the state of Bangladesh, proclaimed by the Awami League in March 1971, as a further division of the South Asian Muslim community. During the War of Independence , the Jamaat supported the Pakistani army in their genocide against the Bengali . Ghulam Azam sided with the central government and helped organize paramilitary groups, the so-called Badr Brigades. During and after the war, they took part in the targeted murder of Bengali intellectuals. After the war, the Jamaat tried to cover up the atrocities committed by the army.

New party founded in Bangladesh

After East Pakistan gained independence in December 1971 under the name of Bangladesh, the state there was given a clearly secularist orientation under the government of Mujibur Rahman . Jamaat-e-Islami was formally dissolved due to the 1972 constitution of Bangladesh, which in Article 38 prohibited organizations based on religious identity and the use of religion for political purposes. The party was unable to take part in the 1973 elections, which brought the Awami League, led by Mujibur Rahman, a brilliant election victory. However, the party began to reorganize as early as May 1972. By the end of the year she was able to set up 120 local circles that held weekly meetings and worked to "tie Bengali Muslims back to their Islamic heritage" and "educate the people against the secular nationalism" that is the ideological basis of the new constitution State formed.

The Jamaat's rehabilitation began in 1975 after the assassination of Mujibur Rahman and the rise of General Ziaur Rahman to power. When Ziaur Rahman's military government approved the Islamic Democratic League (IDL) as a new party in 1976 , Jamaat activists began to become active in their ranks. The league was headed by Maulana Abdur Rahim, the Ameer of the Jamaat. The Jamaat and other Islamic-oriented parties continued to gain ground when Ziaur Rahman replaced secularism in the Bangladeshi constitution with "absolute trust and belief in God" in 1977. In the same year the Jamaat founded its student organization Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir and its farmers' organization Bangladesh Chashi Kalyan Samity . Ghulam Azam himself was able to return to Bangladesh in 1978 with a Pakistani passport.

Some Jamaat leaders ran as IDL candidates in the 1979 general election, and six of them were elected. During the election campaign, they declared war on the Awami League and called for it to "keep Islam safe in the hands of President Ziaur Rahman". When Ziaur Rahman lifted the ban on religion-based political parties in May 1979, the Jamaat-e-Islami was officially re-established in Bangladesh. Her first Ameer was Maulana Abbas Ali Khan. Ghulam Azam could not officially take over the leadership of the party because he was not a Bangladeshi citizen, but he pulled the strings behind the scenes.

Development of the organization during the 1980s

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the Jamaat believed it was a predominantly urban party targeting the religiously educated electorate. The number of full members was 650, the associate members over 100,000. 90 percent of them came from the lower middle class .

In the controversial elections for the Jatiya Sangsad 1986, the Jamaat won ten seats and 4.61 percent of the vote. However, during this time the party was less concerned with the country's political and economic issues than with building up its organizational network and popularizing its ideology. Maududi's works were translated into Bengali and distributed among the population. In 1989, the resurgent Jamaat in Bangladesh had 5,000 full members, 50,000 staff, 500,000 associate members, 68 district offices, 5,000 local offices, 500 schools and 200 hospitals. In the course of the 1980s, the already high proportion of management members with Western training increased again sharply. There were also some women among the full members (1987: 79 women).

At the end of the 1980s, the Jamaat fought alongside the secular national parties with demonstrations and strikes against the autocratic government of Hossain Mohammad Ershad . In protest against Ershad's military dictatorship, the ten members of the Jamaat gave up their seats on December 3, 1987. Her political agenda at this time focused on the following topics: a) Formation of an alliance of parties to restore democracy, b) Resistance to the hegemony of India, c) Strengthening relations with "Islamic countries" such as Pakistan, d) Active engagement Of Bangladesh in affairs of the Islamic world. To solve the Bangladeshi health crisis, the Jamaat suggested building an army of paramedics based on the model of the Chinese barefoot doctors . The Jamaat's involvement in the anti-Ershad movement and in campaigning for democratic elections earned the party great popularity during this period.

As a "kingmaker" in the early 1990s

After the transition to democracy in the early 1990s, the party began to play the role of "kingmaker". In the Jatiya Sangsad elections in February 1991, in which the Jamaat ran for 222 parliamentary seats, it achieved a considerable electoral success. It won a total of 12.13 percent of the vote and was able to secure 18 parliamentary seats. For the first time, the party was able to win over rural constituencies in these elections. After the election, both the Awami League and the BNP campaigned for support for the Jamaat. The Jamaat eventually supported the BNP and secured two of 30 seats in the Sangsad that were reserved for women.

Ghulam Azam, from 1991 to 2000 the Ameer of the BJI

In December 1991, the Jamaat officially elected Ghulam Azam to their Ameer, arguing that he was a national of Bangladesh by birth. Subsequently, liberal-secular activists founded the Ekattorer Ghatak-Dalal Nirmul Committee (GhaDaNiC) in 1992 to bring Ghulam Azam to justice for his role as a collaborator with the Pakistani army during the 1971 war of liberation . In return, the Jamaat supported the Committee for the Annihilation of the Collaborators of India , which aimed to discredit liberal-secular political activists as Indian agents. On March 24, 1992, the government arrested Ghulam Azam on charges of violating Article 38 of the Constitution by assuming the Ameer office in the Jamaat, despite his lack of nationality.

Thereupon the Jamaat entered into a political alliance with the Awami League and the Jatiya Party and joined the movement led by the Awami League to introduce the Non-Party Caretaker Government (NPCG), which aimed to replace the BNP government from Khaleda aimed Zia . The Jamaat justified its support of this trustee system of government by stating that it was originally an idea of ​​Ghulam Azam. The Jamaat first introduced this model into the political debate in 1983. After the Bangladesh Supreme Court granted Ghulam Azam citizenship in 1994, the Jamaat's Sangsad MPs resigned in December of the same year to strengthen the Caretaker movement. The Jamaat also organized a series of national Hartals and anti-government demonstrations with the Awami League . The cooperation between the Awami League and Jamaat was so close that in 1995 Sheikh Hasina , the leader of the Awami League, even opposed attempts by liberal-secular activists to prevent the Jamaat from meeting in Chittagong. The struggle of the party alliance finally led to the resignation of Khaleda Zia in March 1996.

The 1996 election defeat

An important issue in the Jamaat's election campaign for the Jatiya Sangsad elections of June 12, 1996 was the privatization of state-owned companies. In its 1996 election manifesto, it called for government-owned companies to be gradually transferred into private hands, taking into account the interests of the people, employees and workforce. She also campaigned for the promotion of small businesses and the protection of domestic capital, which she saw threatened by the penetration of multinational corporations into the domestic market.

Overall, however, the Jamaat was only able to secure three seats and 8.61 percent of the vote in the 1996 elections, although it ran for considerably more seats than in 1991. Maidul Islam attributes this to the fact that the Jamaat, with its ambiguous position vis-à-vis the BNP had unsettled a large part of its traditional electorate. Elora Shehabuddin, on the other hand, thinks that the general perception of the Jamaat as a misogynist party was a key reason for its poor performance. Many rural women had feared that if the Jamaat grew stronger, they would lose the work and training opportunities provided by the NGOs . During the election campaign, the Jamaat itself proposed a number of reforms to create jobs for women. However, she had not nominated any female candidates for the elections. Another factor influencing the elections were the state campaigns to "educate voters" in the run-up to them. In some regions, these campaigns urged voters not to vote for the Jamaat under any circumstances.

After the elections, the Jamaat returned to the side of the BNP and worked with them to push the Awami League government that came to power in the elections from office. Ghulam Azam, who was blamed for the 1996 election defeat by some younger party cadres, resigned from office in December 2000, and Motiur Rahman Nizami , the former general secretary, became the new Ameer of the Jamaat.

Participation in the BNP government (2001-2006)

In the parliamentary elections of October 2001 , the Jamaat again entered into a tactical alliance with the BNP. Together with the Islami Oikya Jote ("United Islamic Front") and yet another Islamic party, it joined the four-party alliance led by the BNP. Due to the electoral debacle of 1996, the Jamaat made a preliminary election agreement with the BNP and only ran for 31 seats. In this way she was able to secure 17 seats, although she only received 4.28 percent of the vote. Overall, the four-party alliance won more than two thirds of the seats in the elections and was thus able to provide the government. Two Jamaat ministers were admitted to the cabinet led by Khaleda Zia , Motiur Rahman Nizami as Minister of Agriculture and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujahid , his Secretary General, as Minister of Social Welfare. In 2003, Nizami changed departments and became Minister of Industry.

Other Islamic groups in Bangladesh disapproved of the Jamaat's participation in the Khaleda Zia-led government because they refused to allow women to assume political leadership positions. The Jamaat officially kept its distance from militant Islamic groups such as the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), which carried out a series of bomb attacks across the country on August 17, 2005, but the interrogations after the attacks showed that several of the terrorists maintained close relationships with the top management of the Jamaat. The government of Khaleda Zia, in which the Jamaat was involved, remained in office until October 2006, after which a trustee government, supported by the military, followed from January 2009 under the independent Prime Minister Fakhruddin Ahmed .

In the general election of December 2008 , the Jamaat ran in 39 constituencies. Important topics in her election manifesto were the development of the private sector, the promotion of foreign investment and the depoliticization of educational institutions. The party was only able to secure two seats in the elections, although it gained 4.6 percent of the vote. The election debacle plunged the Jamaat into a deep crisis. Representatives of the party attributed the electoral defeat to the fact that both the media and the trustee government had publicly supported the Awami League, but also admitted that the four-party alliance is fighting against inflation , terrorism and problems with electricity supply had not been sufficiently successful. Other authors point out that even before that, the unwillingness of the Jamaat leadership to acknowledge its mistakes in 1971 had widened the gap between the party and the population. In 2008 Ghulam Azam justified the Jamaat's stance during the War of Independence with the slogan "Socialism" and "Secularism" being used in this war.

War crimes trials against the top management of the Jamaat from 2009

Trials of Jamaat-e-Islami politicians for human rights crimes in the 1971 Bangladesh war
person judgment Ref.
Abul Kalam Azad Death sentence (absent) Jan 21, 2013
Abdul Quader Mollah Life imprisonment February 5, 2013
Death sentence Sept 17, 2013
Enforced Dec 12, 2013

Delwar Hossain Sayeedi Death sentence Commuted
to life imprisonment Feb 28, 2013 Sep 17, 2014
Muhammad Kamaruzzaman Death sentence May 9, 2013
carried out April 11, 2014
Chowdhury Mueen Uddin Death sentence Nov. 3, 2013 (in absentia)
Ashrafuzzaman Khan Death sentence Nov. 3, 2013 (in absentia)
Ghulam Azam Death sentence Jul 15, 2013
Natural death Oct 23, 2013
Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujahid Death sentence Jun 16, 2015
carried out Nov 21, 2015
Abul Kalam Muhammad Yusuf arrested May 12, 2013
natural death Feb 9, 2014
Motiur Rahman Nizami Death sentence October 29, 2014
carried out May 11, 2016
Me quasem Ali Death sentence November 2, 2014,
carried out September 3, 2016

The new government of the Awami League under Sheikh Hasina from 2008 kept an election promise and installed the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh (ICT-BD, "International Crimes Tribunal"), which deals with the processing of human rights crimes during the Bangladesh War in 1971 should deal. Nine Jamaat leaders were charged. One of the first judgments was against Abdul Quader Mollah, a member of the Badr Brigades during the War of Independence. He was sentenced to life imprisonment on February 5, 2013 for crimes against humanity and war crimes . On July 15, 2013, former Jamaat party leader Ghulam Azam was sentenced to 90 years in prison. On July 17, 2013, Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed , the secretary general of the Jamaat, was sentenced to death. Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, Vice Secretary General of the BJI, was sentenced to death on May 9, 2013 for multiple murders, rape, torture and kidnapping. Even against the party leaders Motiur Rahman Nizami one was death sentence pronounced, which was confirmed on appeal on 6 January 2016th

Districts of Bangladesh that were affected by the Jamaat's riots against Hindus in 2013.

The processes divided the Bangladeshi public. Some empathically viewed it as the long-awaited justice for the victims of the human rights crimes of 1971, while others saw it as a revenge campaign by the Awami League government against opposition members. When Abdul Quader Mollah was sentenced to life imprisonment in February 2013, secular activists organized a mass rally in Shahbagh Square in Dhaka demanding the death penalty for Mollah. Under public pressure, the government then passed a law with its parliamentary majority on February 17, 2013, which in future not only allows the defense but also the government to appeal against the judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal. On March 3, 2013, the government pleaded for the death penalty in the Mollah case, while the defense pleaded for acquittal the following day . Ultimately, the Bangladesh Supreme Court, acting as an appellate body, followed the government's motion and sentenced Mollah to death. He was executed on December 12, 2013 . Conversely, in February and March 2013 the Jamaat acted brutally against the Hindu minorities in several districts of Bangladesh in response to Sayeedi's death sentence. Several Hindu temples and numerous Hindu homes went up in flames, with at least 40 fatalities across the country. One of the main charges against Sayeedi was the terrorization of Hindus with expulsions and forced conversions to Islam. On appeal, the Supreme Court downgraded Sayeedi's death sentence to life imprisonment. Kamaruzzaman's death sentence in May 2013 resulted in serious street fighting in Dhaka , in which several dozen people were killed.

On May 11, 2016, the incumbent Emir, Motiur Rahman Nizami, was executed in Dhaka after years of trial. Jamaat called for a nationwide hartal on May 13, 2016 .

International observers welcomed the fact that the serious human rights crimes had finally been dealt with legally, but criticized them with concern that some of the litigation procedures did not comply with the rule of law.

Withdrawal of registration in 2013

In 2008, the then incumbent interim government under Prime Minister Fakhruddin Ahmed introduced the rule that political parties had to register with the Bangladesh election commission to participate in elections. The Jamaat then submitted the application for registration to the electoral commission. However, this motion has been challenged by a number of competing Islamic but not Islamist parties, including the Bangladesh Tariqat Federation , the Jaker Party and the Sammilita Islami Jote. The Jamaat opponents made four points: 1. On the one hand, Jamaat did not recognize the will of the people as the supreme principle of legislation, 2. According to the electoral code, communal parties that only represented certain particular interests were prohibited, 3. A registered political party was not allowed to Practicing discrimination based on gender and religion; however, at Jamaat women and non-Muslims are excluded from leadership positions, and 4. Jamaat is a subdivision of a foreign organization that has its roots in India and branches around the world.

On August 1, 2013, the Bangladesh Supreme Court revoked the Jamaat's registration as a political party. As a result, the Jamaat could not stand for the 2014 general election . The party appealed the verdict. In addition, in July 2013 and January 2014, together with the BNP, she participated in nationwide Hartals , blockades and strikes that paralyzed the economy in order to back up her call for the resignation of the Awami League government and the holding of new elections under a Caretaker government .

The party was not banned as an organization. She was able to participate in the Upazila elections held in February and March 2014 . It emerged from these elections as the third strongest party after the Awami League and the BNP and won 35 of the 457 chairman posts. However, in March 2014, the government made a push to ban religious parties, which could also affect the Jamaat.

List of seas of the BJI

  • Ghulam Azam (1956-1971)
  • Abdul Khaleque (1971–1972)
  • Maulana Jabbar (1972–1973)
  • Maulana Rahim (1973-1979)
  • Abbas Ali Khan (1979–1991)
  • Ghulam Azam (1991-2000)
  • Motiur Rahman Nizami (2000-2016)
  • Maqbul Ahmed (2016–)

Previous election results

The following table shows the election results (seats won and share of votes) in the parliamentary elections in Bangladesh. As a rather small party, Jamaat is fundamentally disadvantaged by the current relative majority voting system and has usually received fewer parliamentary seats than its share of the vote.

choice Share of votes (%) Seats (number) Seats (%)
1973 no admission to election
1979 no candidacy under the party name
1986 4.61%
10/300
 3.3%
1988 Election boycott
1991 12.13%
18/300
 6.0%
1996 (Feb.) Election boycott
1996 (June) 8.61%
3/300
 1.0%
2001 4.28%
17/300
 5.7%
2008 4.61%
2/300
 0.7%
2014 no admission to election

literature

  • Kalim Bahadur: "The Emergence of Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh" in Sukha RS Chakravarty (ed.): Society, polity and economy of Bangladesh . Har-Anand Publ., New Delhi, 1994. pp. 27-38.
  • Razia Akter Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh: challenges and prospects" in Hussin Mutalib and Taj ul-Islam Hashmi (eds.): Islam, Muslims, and the modern state: case studies of Muslims in thirteen countries . Macmillan [u. a.], Basingstoke, Hampshire: 1994. pp. 80-99.
  • Ishtiaq Hossein, Noore Alam Siddiquee: "Islam in Bangladesh politics: the role of Ghulam Azam of Jamaat-I-Islami" in Inter-Asia cultural studies 5 (2004) 384-399.
  • Maidul Islam: Limits of Islamism: Jamaat-e-Islami in Contemporary India and Bangladesh. Cambridge University Press, Delhi, 2015. pp. 190-235.
  • Bhuian Md. Monoar Kabir: Politics and development of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh . South Asian Publ., New Delhi, 2006.
  • Bhuian Md. Monoar Kabir and Anwara Begum: "The Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh's electoral setback in 1996 and the aftermath" in Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 29 (2005) 1-35.
  • Humayun Kabir: "Beyond Jamaat-e-Islami: The Political Rise of Deobandis, the Mystic Leaders, and Islamism in Bangladesh" in Ingrid Mattson (ed.): Religion and representation: Islam and democracy . Cambridge Scholars Publ., Newcastle upon Tyne, 2015. pp. 50-77.
  • Anand Kumar: "Jamaat and its agenda of Islamic state in Bangladesh" in Strategic analysis 33 (2009) 541–552.
  • Smruti S. Pattanaik: "Ascendancy of the religious right in Bangladesh politics: a study of Jamaat Islami" in Strategic analysis 33 (2009) 273–286.
  • FM Mostafizur Rahman: "Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh" in Banglapedia Online
  • Elora Shehabuddin: "Beware the bed of fire: gender, democracy, and the Jama'at-i Islami in Bangladesh" in Journal of women's history 10 (1999) 148-171.
  • Elora Shehabuddin: "Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh: Women, Democracy and the transformation of Islamist politics" in Filippo Osella (ed.): Islamic Reform in South Asia . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2013. pp. 445-471.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 202.
  2. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 226f.
  3. ↑ See Pattanaik: "Ascendancy of the religious right". 2009, p. 273.
  4. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 210.
  5. ↑ a b See Kabir: "Beyond Jamaat-e-Islami". 2015, p. 67.
  6. ↑ See Pattanaik: "Ascendancy of the religious right". 2009, p. 276f.
  7. ↑ See Shehabuddin: "Beware the bed of fire". 1999, p. 154.
  8. ↑ See Hans Harder: "Bangladesh" in Werner Ende and Udo Steinbach: Islam in the Present . 5th ed., Pp. 363–371, here 369
  9. ↑ See Bahadur: "The Emergence of Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 32f.
  10. ↑ See Bahadur: "The Emergence of Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 33f.
  11. ↑ a b c Cf. Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 81.
  12. ↑ See Bahadur: "The Emergence of Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 34.
  13. ↑ See Bahadur: "The Emergence of Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 35.
  14. ↑ a b c See Bahadur: "The Emergence of Jamaat-i Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 36.
  15. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 193f.
  16. ↑ See Hossein / Siddiquee: "Islam in Bangladesh politics". 2004, p. 386.
  17. ↑ a b cf. Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 86.
  18. ↑ See Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 93.
  19. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 194.
  20. ↑ See Shehabuddin: "Beware the bed of fire". 1999, p. 150.
  21. ↑ a b c cf. Hossein / Siddiquee: "Islam in Bangladesh politics". 2004, p. 387.
  22. ↑ See Harder: "Bangladesh" in Werner Ende and Udo Steinbach: Islam in the Present . 5th ed., Pp. 363–371, here pp. 368f
  23. ↑ a b See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 212.
  24. ↑ a b c d e f Cf. Rahman: "Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh" in Banglapedia .
  25. ↑ a b Cf. Kumar: Jamaat and its agenda of Islamic state . 2009, p. 542.
  26. ↑ See Pattanaik: "Ascendancy of the religious right". 2009, p. 284.
  27. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 214.
  28. ↑ a b See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 215f.
  29. ↑ a b c d See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 203.
  30. ↑ See Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 89.
  31. ↑ See Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 85.
  32. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 217.
  33. ↑ See Shehabuddin: "Beware the bed of fire". 1999, p. 164.
  34. ↑ See Kabir: "Beyond Jamaat-e-Islami". 2015, p. 58.
  35. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 217f.
  36. ↑ Cf. Kumar: Jamaat and its agenda of Islamic state . 2009, p. 544.
  37. ↑ See Hossein / Siddiquee: "Islam in Bangladesh politics". 2004, p. 385.
  38. ↑ a b cf. Banu: "Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh". 1994, p. 82.
  39. ↑ Kabir / Begum: "The Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh's electoral setback in 1996". 2005, p. 9f.
  40. ↑ See Pattanaik: "Ascendancy of the religious right". 2009, p. 279.
  41. ↑ a b See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 219f.
  42. ↑ See Hossein / Siddiquee: "Islam in Bangladesh politics". 2004, p. 395.
  43. ↑ See Pattanaik: "Ascendancy of the religious right". 2009, p. 278.
  44. ↑ a b See Hossein / Siddiquee: "Islam in Bangladesh politics". 2004, p. 396.
  45. ↑ Kabir / Begum: "The Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh's electoral setback in 1996". 2005, p. 33.
  46. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 207.
  47. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 209.
  48. ↑ See Islam: Limits of Islamism . 2015, p. 219.
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  68. ↑ a b Udisa Islam: Verdict on Quader Molla appeal any day. Dhaka Tribune, July 23, 2013, accessed February 14, 2016 .
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  79. ↑ Bangladesh hangs Chowdhury and Mujahid over 1971 war crimes. BBC News, November 21, 2015, accessed February 13, 2016 .
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  83. ↑ Mohammad Jamil Khan, Arifur Rahman Rabbi: Barbarous Nizami hanged. Dhaka Tribune, May 11, 2016, accessed May 10, 2016 .
  84. ↑ Kamal Talukder, Abul Hossain: Jamaat's Mir Quasem Ali hanged for war crimes as Al-Badr chief of Chittagong. bdnews24, September 3, 2016, accessed on September 3, 2016 (English).
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  87. ↑ See Farid Hossain: Backlash feared as Bangladesh sentences Islamic politician Muhammad Kamaruzzaman to death , May 9, 2013.
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