Lamine Bey

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Lamine Bey

Lamine Bey , actually Muhammad VIII. Al-Amin , ( Arabic الأمين باي بن محمد الحبيب, DMG al-Amīn Bāy bin Muḥammad al-Ḥabīb ) (born September 4, 1881 in Carthage ( Tunisia ); † September 30, 1962 in Tunis ) was the last Bey of Tunis and King of Tunisia. The name form "Lamine" is a French shortening of his name.

Lamine Bey was the last ruler of the Husainid dynasty that had ruled Tunisia since 1705 . On May 15, 1943, he succeeded his cousin Moncef Bey , who was deposed by the French General President Henri Giraud after the Free French Troops de Gaulle occupied Tunisia. Only after Moncef Bey's death in 1948 was his legitimacy recognized by the Tunisian population. He tried to ally himself with the Tunisian independence movement against the French protectorate , but in 1952, under pressure, accepted the decrees issued by the Frenchwhile the leader of the independence movement, Habib Bourguiba , was still in custody. He was not involved in the negotiations on autonomy and ultimately the country's independence.

When Tunisia gained independence in 1956, Lamine Bey remained head of state , but was deposed on July 25, 1957 at Habib Bourguiba's instigation.

Before the accession to the throne

Muhammad al-Amin Bey at a young age

Muhammad al-Amin was the son of Beys Muhammad VI, who ruled from 1922 to 1929 . al-Habib . When Ahmad II died on June 19, 1942 and was succeeded by Moncef Bey , Muhammad al-Amin became heir to the throne in accordance with tradition, which usually followed the principle of seniority . At the same time he was appointed division general.

The French protectorate administration was after the French campaign to the 1940 established Vichy regime remained loyal. During the North African Campaign of the Axis Powers Tunisia was in November 1942 by German and Italian troops occupied . Moncef Bey sympathized with the Tunisian independence movement and was neutral towards both the Vichy government and President Roosevelt's demands for the free passage of Allied troops, but informally let Roosevelt know that Tunisia would support the Allies.

At the end of the Tunisian campaign, the Axis Powers were about to be defeated in May 1943 and General Alphonse Juin , commander of the Eastern Sector of the French troops in North Africa, arrived in Tunis with the order to repair Moncef Bey because of attempts to collaborate with the Axis Powers and to deal with the nationalist destour - Dismiss party. Trying to abdicate, the Bey shut itself off. Juin turned to the heir to the throne, Muhammad al-Amin, and ensured his readiness to take up the post of Bey in the event of a change of the throne. Since Moncef Bey continued to refuse to abdicate, General Resident Giraud removed him from office on May 14, 1943.

Early reign

Muhammad VIII. Al-Amin was declared the new Bey on May 15, 1943 by General Juin in the Bardo Palace . On the same day, the previous Prime Minister M'hamed Chenik resigned and was replaced by Slaheddine Baccouche . As usual, the Bey was not consulted when selecting ministers. It was not until the beginning of July that Moncef formally declared his abdication, which legitimized Muhammad VIII al-Amin's accession to the throne. For most Tunisians, however, he initially remained a usurper and bey by the grace of France.

General de Gaulle, Muhammad VIII. Al-Amin and General Resident Mast

In the public appearances of the new Bey, which were rare at first, indifference or even vehement rejection by the Tunisian population was noticeable. On May 7, 1944, Charles de Gaulle visited Tunis on the first anniversary of the liberation. De Gaulle's rivalry with Giraud was well known, so the Moncefists hoped that de Gaulle would undo the dethronement of Moncef. Instead, he awarded Lamine Bey the Gold Cross of Lorraine , an award he had created as the Order of Liberation (Ordre de la Liberation) in 1940.

The hostility towards the Bey continued and even extended to his own kin. Princes of the Husainid house stayed away from the celebration when the Bey visited the mosque for the festival of the breaking of the fast . To raise his reputation, he was invited to Paris and attended de Gaulle's side in the military parade on France's national holiday on July 14, 1945. In August 1946, Tunis was paralyzed by a general strike called in protest against the arrest of several supporters of the independence movement, and Muhammad al-Amin decided not to appear publicly at the festival of the breaking of the fast, ostensibly for health reasons. Business owners used the anniversary of the accession to the throne to keep their shops closed and to hang up portraits of his predecessor Moncef Bey.

When the new French General President Jean Mons arrived in Tunis in early March 1947, the political situation had essentially remained unchanged since the end of the Second World War. The Destour party and the neo-Destour split off from it agreed that Lamine Bey should be removed from office and his predecessor reinstated. Mons tended to give in to this demand, while French Prime Minister Paul Ramadier refused, out of consideration for the mood of the French settlers in the country. Mons appointed Mustapha Kaak as the new Prime Minister on July 19, 1947 . For the first time, the French and Tunisians were represented equally in the cabinet.

Moncef Bey died in exile in France on September 1, 1948. His remains were transferred to Tunis four days later and buried with the participation of thousands of Tunisians. Lamine Bey stayed away from the ceremony under pressure from Moncef's family.

For Lamine's government, however, the death of his predecessor marked a turning point as he could now be considered a legitimate ruler.

Cooperation with the independence movement (1948–1951)

Moncef's death led to political shifts on several sides. On the one hand, the Neo-Destour accepted Lamine as a conversation partner and possible ally in the struggle for Tunisian independence; on the other hand, the Bey was no longer permanently worried about being deposed in favor of its predecessor. Salah Ben Youssef , Secretary General of Neo-Destour since 1948, met several times with the Bey and assured him of his support if he refused to enact laws enacted by the President-General, which were necessary to make them legally valid. Indeed, this led to delays in the legislative process. In addition, on October 1, 1948, the Bey filed a formal protest against the election of French settlers to the French National Assembly . Mons realized that the Bey was now ready to cooperate with the independence movement and distanced itself from its previous political line. This turnaround in Beylical politics was evident on May 15, 1949, Lamine's jubilee on the throne, when a demonstration was jointly led by Ben Youssef and Lamine's eldest son Chedly. Shortly afterwards, despite Mons' protests, the Bey received a delegation from the still officially banned Neo-Destour. In September 1949, its chairman Habib Bourguiba returned to Tunisia from exile in Egypt and very soon visited the Bey.

In March 1950, Muhammad VIII sent diplomatic notes to President General Mons and, after a meeting with Bourguiba, in April to President Vincent Auriol , in which he called for greater participation of Tunisians in a significantly expanded autonomous administration, which increased his popularity. He visited Kairouan and Sousse in April and was enthusiastically welcomed in both cities. The French side reacted with nervousness and dispatched a new General Resident , Louis Périllier , who took office in June and brought with him the clear mandate of Foreign Minister Robert Schuman to initiate internal autonomy for Tunisia.

The Chenik cabinet

Another step towards emancipation was the appointment of a new government under M'hamed Chenik in August 1950, who had already been head of government under Moncef Bey. For the first time, the President-General did not succeed in placing ministers of his choice in the cabinet as intended.

When, after the adoption of a reform package in February 1951, which was generally positively received as a first step towards further improvements, no further negotiations took place on its further development, Chenik refused to submit a budget and thus de facto paralyzed the work of the government. In his speech from the throne on May 15, 1951, the Bey set a clearly nationalist direction and expressly agreed to the decisions of his government. Unlike before, this speech was not transmitted to the President-General beforehand, which caused an outcry among the French settlers in the country who saw "the honor of France" violated. Four days later, Périllier appeared in full uniform and accompanied by an escort to an audience with the Bey to lodge his official protest and to demand the dismissal of Chenik and Ben Youssef. None of these demands were given in.

Tunisian ministers traveled to Paris in October 1951 at the invitation of the French government. Chenik presented Robert Schuman with a memorandum that summarized Tunisia's core demands for internal autonomy and that the French government rejected in toto on December 15 . Neither the Bey nor his government showed any willingness to compromise, Périllier saw his mission as a failure and resigned on December 24th.

The approach of the Beys to the nationalists is viewed critically in the research. The historian Clement Henry Moore describes his actions as hesitant and states that the Bey sought to join forces with the independence movement out of fear of unpopularity rather than out of inner conviction.

General Resident de Hauteclocque (1952–1953)

Elimination of the Chenik cabinet

Tunisian delegation to the UN, 1952

The term of office of the new General President Jean de Hauteclocque began with a dispute over a memorandum which the Chenik cabinet had sent to the UN and which expressed the protest against French rule. The day after his arrival, on January 14, 1952, Hauteclocque called at the Bey and demanded, initially in vain, that the petition be withdrawn and two ministers responsible for submitting it to the UN, Salah Ben Youssef and Hamadi Badra, to be dismissed.

The memorandum was preceded by talks between Chenik and the Bey's eldest son, Chedly Bey, in which Chedly insisted that his father should not be involved. Bey, who was then visited by Chenik, stated that it was a matter of the government and did not actively support it, but did not raise any objections either. Thus, although the memorandum was signed by all cabinet ministers, it did not bear the Bey's seal. Ben Youssef and Badra were eventually forced to resign under French pressure.

A little later, a planned congress of the Neo-Destour was banned and many of its supporters were arrested, which led to riots. On January 24th, Hauteclocque asked the Bey to appeal for calm in the country, but the latter refused on the grounds that Bourguiba and his colleagues were being held in custody. After Hauteclocque again demanded the resignation of the cabinet in March and was again rejected, all ministers were arrested within a few hours. Forced in this way, the Bey dismissed the Chenik cabinet on March 28 and appointed Hauteclocques' preferred candidate, Slaheddine Baccouche , as the new head of government.

Baccouche cabinet

The installation of the Baccouche government led to violent protests and increasingly militant actions. Although the Bey expressed his displeasure with Baccouche at the circumstances of his appointment, he did nothing to restore his authority, especially since he was put under pressure by the arrest of his daughter, Princess Zakia, who had been arrested at the end of April for allegedly preparing for sabotage .

Gradually, the detained ministers of the Chenik government were released, some of whom offered their assistance to the Bey. He relied more and more on a few advisors, including his son Chedly and other activists he trusted such as Mohamed Salah Mzali, Farhat Hached , Hédi Nouira and Sadok Mokaddem .

Imposed reform proposals, escalation and terror

The Gathering of Forty and Lamine Bey

Reform proposals drafted in Paris, including the holding of local elections, were submitted to the Bey on July 28 and submitted for signature. Lamine decided to treat the matter dilatorily and told Hauteclocque that it would take two or three months to review. Just four days later, on August 1st, he called a meeting of 40 Tunisian notables and asked for their comments on the proposals. After a month, the "Congregation of Forty" rejected this as insufficient. According to Ahmed Mestiri , the strings were pulled by the underground leadership of the Neo-Destour. On September 9, 1952, the Bey refused to implement the proposals in a letter to the President-General. The latter increased the pressure on Lamine, whose nationalist advisors were either in exile or in prison, and at the end of November had the Palace des Beys cordoned off by troops on the pretext of protecting it from feared mass demonstrations. During these days the ruler only had regular personal contact with the union leader Farhat Hached , who supported him in his adamant attitude.

Farhat Hached

On December 5, 1952, Hached was murdered by the 'Main Rouge' , a terrorist organization operated by the foreign branch of the French secret service. The Bey, now completely isolated and even cut off from telephone connections, finally signed the decrees formulated months earlier in Paris.

Bourguiba, interned at La Galite , expressed understanding for the Bey's decision made under such extreme circumstances and said literally that no stones should be thrown at the honorable elderly gentleman who, under almost desperate conditions, is fighting alone against an unscrupulous opponent.

The planned local elections pushed through by French pressure were sabotaged by the nationalists with a new wave of terror against candidates and voters. The acts of violence did not stop at the Huzainid family either: on July 1, 1953, the heir to the throne Azzedine Bey was assassinated in his palace because he was accused of weakening the Beys position through arbitrary negotiations with the general resident.

In early September 1953, Jean de Hauteclocque, whose attempt at authoritarian pacification had failed, was dismissed from his post.

Relaxation Efforts and the Mzali Cabinet (1953–1954)

Mohamed Salah Mzali

The assumption of office by the new French General President Pierre Voizard initially led to a rapid easing of the situation. On the one hand, Lamine issued a call for calm to the population - a step he had refused to take in the days of Hauteclocque - and on the other, thousands of prisoners were released and censorship was relaxed. Voizard's instructions from the French government to negotiate only with the Bey and not with the independence movement of the Neo-Destour and thus drive a wedge between the rulers and the nationalists, of course, prevented the situation in the country from stabilizing. Lamine was aware of this and was reluctant. As a further concession, prominent leaders of the independence movement were released from prison on New Year's Day 1954. Bourguiba, however, whom the French viewed as extremely dangerous, remained interned at La Galite.

On November 24, 1953, the Bey instructed Mohamed Salah Mzali to negotiate a new reform package with the President-General. This was a first step in getting rid of the unloved Prime Minister Baccouche. In January 1954, proposals were made: the majority of ministers should be Tunisians, regulations issued by the government should no longer require the approval of the President-General, and instead of the President-General, the head of government would appoint governors and mayors. Lamine entrusted Mzali with the formation of the government and Baccouche resigned from office. Some nationalists, including Hédi Nouira , saw this as an opportunity for progress, but the refusal to release Bourguiba overshadowed implementation. The latter, recently brought to France, turned away from his previous statements in a sharp tone against the Bey: “The failure of an old man who is afraid of deportation and exile [...] threatens to deprive Tunisia of the only one that remains with him: the status of a state, an international legal subject ”.

Mzali resigned with his cabinet on June 17, 1954, without a direct successor being appointed.

Negotiations for independence (1954–1956)

Lamine Bey with Mendès France, July 31, 1954

On July 31, 1954, the French Prime Minister Pierre Mendès France came to Tunis, was received by the Bey in the Palace of Carthage and announced internal autonomy for Tunisia. As surprising as this was for the Bey, who immediately published a message to the people in which he spoke of "a new phase" in the life of the country, it also quickly emerged that, according to the will of the previous protectorate power, the Bey, but the representatives of the independence movement would be the preferred contact after the experiment of negotiations with the Mzali government had failed. This made the decisive shift in political power, which made the Bey increasingly a marginal figure and which was also wanted by the French, evident.

Tahar Ben Ammar, Lamine Bey and Habib Bourguiba 1955

After six months of negotiations, an agreement on autonomy was signed on June 3rd. Bourguiba had returned to Tunis two days earlier and was received triumphantly by the population. He visited Lamine in Carthage and assured him of the popular support for the rule of the Beys. A new government under Tahar Ben Ammar was formed on August 7th without consulting the palace. The selection through the cabinet was made by Bourguiba. The Bey tried to get itself back into the game by placing its seal on the agreement with France that had come about without any action on the same day, but three days later proposed to the French government that the establishment of the Beylicate should be replaced by a full monarchy. In return, he was ready to secure a permanent presence in Tunisia for the French side. At the same time, he made contact with Salah Ben Youssef, who was still in exile and had a considerable following in the south of the country and who opposed the increasing concentration of power on Bourguiba. The question of the form of government had not arisen until then, as the leading representatives of the Neo-Destour had always publicly expressed their support for a constitutional monarchy.

Arrival of Salah Ben Youssefs in Tunis, September 13, 1955

The Bey's power continued to wane after Salah Ben Youssef returned from exile in September 1955, but soon fell out with Bourguiba over the formalities of electing a constituent assembly. Even against internal party opposition, he pushed through the election based on a rigid list instead of a personality choice, thereby marginalizing possible opponents who, like Ben Youssef, had local supporters. By relying on Ben Youssef, the Bey further isolated himself, because the violent clashes that broke out between supporters of Ben Youssef and Bourguibas were in favor of the latter. Ben Youssef lost his post as General Secretary of Neo-Destour in October and was expelled from the party in November. In a further swing at the beginning of December, the Bey tried to persuade the French to take over the sovereignty over the police, which had long since passed to the Tunisian side and thus to Bourguiba's followers. As a final attempt to influence the course of events, he initially refused to sign the ordinance for the implementation of the elections, which Ben Youssef supported, but distanced him even further from Bourguiba. Since in the meantime his advance concerning the disposition of police violence had become known to the French General Resident, Lamine found himself in a hopeless situation and signed the decree on December 29, 1955. Ben Youssef fled Tunisia on January 28, 1956.

On March 20, 1956, the Franco-Tunisian Protocol on the country's independence was signed by Prime Minister Ben Ammar and French Foreign Minister Christian Pineau . This event is considered to be the beginning of Tunisian sovereignty, although the planned further bilateral negotiations have not been conducted and the protocol has not been ratified by either the Bey or France.

King on call (1956–1957)

Lamine Bey welcomes the first French ambassador to independent Tunisia, right: Bourguiba, March 1956

Tunisia gained its independence as a monarchical state on March 20, 1956, with the previous Bey as head of state. In terms of protocol, his new position corresponded to that of a king .

Elections to the Constituent Assembly took place on March 25th . The unified list enforced by Bourguiba won 98.7% of the vote and all seats, but the election was boycotted in some areas, such as in Ben Youssef's homeland Djerba , where only 29% of the electorate took part. Two weeks later, the assembly was constituted under the chairmanship of Lamines, who, however, was excluded from further debates on the intervention of Prime Minister Ben Ammar. Bourguiba took over the post of prime minister.

Lamine Bey and Prime Minister Bourguiba

Further steps to disempower the monarch followed. A decree of May 31, 1956 abolished all privileges and immunity of the royal family from prosecution and made them ordinary citizens. Although this provision marked the abrupt end of the civil list and placed the Crown's property under government control, Lamine signed the ordinance without protest. Another decree, published on June 21, affected the country's coat of arms and removed any reference to the Husainid dynasty, and two months later the monarch's right to legislate was transferred to the prime minister, Bourguiba.

It became clear that these decisions ultimately aimed at Lamine's ousting, especially when a press campaign was sparked later in the year about the acquisition of various possessions of the ruling family and served to undermine the rest of the prestige that the Bey enjoyed . The fact that the monarch was the first person ever to be awarded the newly created “Order of Independence” on December 19, 1956, did nothing to change that.

Six months later, the removal of the monarch was initiated. On July 15, 1957, the Tunisian army replaced the royal guard around the palace and deprived the Bey of its freedom of movement. Three days later, his youngest son, Salah Eddine, was arrested on false charges made by the police. As part of the Eid al-Fitr celebrations , Bourguiba paid a courtesy visit to the wife of the Beys on July 19, during which he refused to approach the king's throne and instead said, “I did not come here as I used to but as head of government. You should come towards me to greet me and not sit on your throne. "

On July 25, the constituent assembly voted by acclamation to abolish the monarchy and establish a republic with Bourguiba as president. Immediately afterwards, a delegation led by Ali Belhouane, Minister of the Interior Mehiri and Minister of Justice Mestiri visited the palace in Carthage and informed the Bey of this decision in a conversation that lasted only a few minutes and that he and his family had to leave the palace immediately.

Last years

The now 75-year-old Lamine and his immediate family, consisting of his wife Djeneïna, his three sons, his son-in-law and the previous heir to the throne Husain Bey, were initially assigned an old, abandoned palace in Manouba as their place of residence, in which there was no water and There was electricity and its equipment consisted of mattresses lying on the floor.

A few weeks later, his eldest son, Chedly, and his son-in-law, and three months later, his youngest son, Salah Eddine, were arrested again, while the rest of the family were gradually released. Only the former Bey and his wife remained in Manouba and were under house arrest until October 1958. When Lamine's health deteriorated dramatically, he and his wife were transferred to a small house in La Soukra , where at least a kitchen, a bathroom and two other rooms were available, and they were granted a pension of 80 dinars, which at the time was about that Income of a high school teacher. They remained under the strictest house arrest and were not even allowed to enter the garden of the house.

On September 8 of the same year, a trial of former Prime Minister Tahar Ben Ammar ended in relation to missing jewelry that belonged to the Bey's wife and whose whereabouts were allegedly unknown. Two years later, in 1960, the search was resumed and the former Bey and his wife were interrogated. After three days of tough interrogation at the headquarters of the security authorities in the Ministry of the Interior, the Beya suffered a stroke, which resulted in her death two days later. She was buried in the cemetery of Sidi Abdelaziz in La Marsa ; Lamine was not allowed to leave the house on the occasion.

Shortly thereafter, house arrest provisions for the former monarch were relaxed. He left the apartment in La Soukra, first moving to the apartment of a Jewish friend on rue de Yougoslavie in Tunis and finally to a two-room apartment on rue Fénelon in the Lafayette district, where he spent his last years, still under permanent Guarding, spent.

Muhammad VIII. Al-Amin died on September 30, 1962 at the age of 81 and was buried next to his wife in the Sidi Abdelaziz cemetery. Victor Sebag, the only one who documented this event photographically, was taken into police custody overnight.

Muhammad VIII was succeeded by the former Crown Prince Husain Bey as head of the family and pretender to the throne.

progeny

His marriage to Djeneïna Beya († 1960) in 1902 had twelve children, including the princes:

  • Chedly Bey (1910–2004), head of the dynasty 2001–2004
  • M'hamed Bey (1914-1999)
  • Salah Eddine Bey (1919-2003)

Muhammad al-Amin's last surviving daughter, Princess Lilia, died in exile in Morocco in February 2021.

See also

literature

  • Martin Meredith: The State of Africa . Free Press, London 2005, ISBN 978-0-7432-3222-7 .
  • Clement Henry Moore: Tunisia Since Independence. The Dynamics of One-Party Government. University of California Press, Berkeley 1965

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Omar Khlifi, Moncef Bey, le roi martyr , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2006, p. 47, ISBN 9973807243
  2. ↑ http://archive.wikiwix.com/cache/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jeuneafrique.com%2Fjeune_afrique%2Farticle_jeune_afrique.asp%3Fart_cle%3DLIN13086moncesillas0 , accessed on May 21, 2017
  3. ^ Maréchal Juin, Mémoires Alger Tunis Rome , ed. by Librairie Arthème Fayard, Nancy, 1959, p. 177
  4. ^ Maréchal Juin, Mémoires Alger Tunis Rome , ed. by Librairie Arthème Fayard, Nancy, 1959, p. 183
  5. ^ Maréchal Juin, Mémoires Alger Tunis Rome , ed. by Librairie Arthème Fayard, Nancy, 1959, p. 184
  6. ↑ Omar Khlifi, Moncef Bey, le roi martyr , ed. from MC-Editions, Carthage, 2006, pp. 196–197
  7. ↑ Omar Khlifi, Moncef Bey, le roi martyr , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2006, p. 199
  8. ↑ Omar Khlifi, Moncef Bey, le roi martyr , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2006, p. 213
  9. ↑ Roger Case Major, L'action nationaliste en Tunisie , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2009, p. 237, ISBN 9789973807984 .
  10. ↑ Roger Case Major, L'action nationaliste en Tunisie , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2009, p. 248
  11. ↑ Mohamed Salah Mzali, Au fil de ma vie , éd. Hassan Mzali, Tunis, 1972, p. 175
  12. ↑ Roger Case Major, L'action nationaliste en Tunisie , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2009, p. 250
  13. ↑ Roger Case Major, L'action nationaliste en Tunisie , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2009, p. 260
  14. ↑ Halé Eschadely, De l'ombre vers la lumière. Le combat du docteur Salem Esch-Chadely , ed. by Institut supérieur de l'histoire du mouvement national, Tunis, 2014, p. 113, ISBN 9789973944382
  15. ↑ Louis Périllier, La conquête de l'indépendance tunisienne , ed. by Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979, p. 269
  16. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, p. 216
  17. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, p. 223
  18. ↑ Roger Case Major, L'action nationaliste en Tunisie , ed. by MC-Editions, Carthage, 2009, p. 304
  19. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, p. 235
  20. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris 1981, p. 238
  21. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, p. 249
  22. ↑ Mohamed Ben Salem, L'antichambre de l'indépendance, ed. by Cérès Productions, Tunis, 1988, p. 34
  23. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, p. 251
  24. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, pp. 260-261
  25. ↑ Mohamed Ben Salem, L'antichambre de l'indépendance, ed. by Cérès Productions, Tunis, 1988, p. 42
  26. ↑ Jean Mons, Sur les routes de l'Histoire: cinquante ans au service de l'État, ed. von Albatros, Paris, 1981, p. 270
  27. ↑ Louis Périllier, La conquête de l'indépendance tunisienne , ed. by Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979, p. 73
  28. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. von Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 41
  29. ↑ Louis Périllier, La conquête de l'indépendance tunisienne , ed. by Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979, p. 81
  30. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. von Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 58
  31. ↑ Louis Périllier, La conquête de l'indépendance tunisienne , ed. by Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979, p. 102
  32. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. by Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 112
  33. ↑ Ahmed Ounaies, Histoire générale de la Tunisie , vol. IV. «L'Époque contemporaine (1881–1956)», ed. by Sud Éditions, Tunis, 2010, p. 463
  34. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. by Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 113
  35. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. von Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 131
  36. ↑ Louis Périllier, La conquête de l'indépendance tunisienne , ed. by Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979, p. 125
  37. ^ Clement Henry Moore: Tunisia Since Independence. The Dynamics of One-Party Government. University of California Press, Berkeley 1965, p. 71, note 2
  38. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. by Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 225
  39. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. von Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 206
  40. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. by Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 214
  41. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. von Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, p. 234
  42. ↑ Saïd Mestiri, Le ministère Chenik à la poursuite de l'autonomie internal, ed. von Arcs Éditions, Tunis, 1991, pp. 257-258
  43. ↑ Mohamed Ben Salem, L'antichambre de l'indépendance, ed. by Cérès Productions, Tunis, 1988, p. 72
  44. ↑ Mohamed Ben Salem, L'antichambre de l'indépendance, ed. by Cérès Productions, Tunis, 1988, p. 73
  45. ↑ Mohamed Salah Mzali, Au fil de ma vie, ed. by Hassan Mzali, Tunis, 1972, p. 271
  46. ↑ A list can be found here . Notably, two representatives of the country's Jewish minority were also appointed to the body
  47. ↑ Louis Périllier, La conquête de l'indépendance tunisienne , ed. by Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979, p. 164
  48. ↑ Mohamed Sayah, Histoire du mouvement national tunisien. Le Néo-Destour face à la troisième épreuve, 1952–1956, Volume I “L'échec de la répression”, ed. by Dar El Amal, Tunis, 1979, p. 499
  49. ↑ Ahmed Mestiri, Témoignage pour l'Histoire , ed. by Sud Éditions, Tunis, 2011, p. 57, ISBN 9789938010510
  50. ↑ Mohamed Ben Salem, L'antichambre de l'indépendance, ed. by Cérès Productions, Tunis, 1988, p. 106
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  52. ↑ http://www.webdo.tn/2013/07/08/les-archives-sur-lassassinat-de-farhat-hached-ecartent-toute-implication-tunisienne/ accessed on May 23, 2017
  53. ↑ Mohamed Salah Mzali, Au fil de ma vie, ed. by Hassan Mzali, Tunis, 1972, p. 277
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  55. ↑ Mohamed Sayah, Histoire du mouvement national tunisien. Le Néo-Destour face à la troisième épreuve, 1952–1956, Volume I “L'échec de la répression”, ed. by Dar El Amal, Tunis, 1979, p. 515
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  62. ↑ Anissa El Materi Hached, Mahmoud El Materi, pionnier de la Tunisie modern, ed. by Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2011, p. 245
  63. ↑ Mohamed Sayah, Histoire du mouvement national tunisien. Le Néo-Destour face à la troisième épreuve, 1952–1956, Volume 2 “La victoire”, ed. by Dar El Amal, Tunis, 1979, p. 193
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  65. ^ Victor Silvera, "You régime beylical à la République tunisienne" , Politique étrangère , Volume 22, 1957, p. 605.
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  67. ↑ Khalifa Chater, Tahar Ben Ammar (1889–1985) , ed. from. Nirvana, Tunis, 2010, p. 189, ISBN 9789973855206 .
  68. ^ Clement Henry Moore: Tunisia Since Independence. The Dynamics of One-Party Government . University of California Press, Berkeley 1965, p. 72.
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  74. ↑ Ahmed Mestiri, Témoignage pour l'Histoire, ed. by Sud Éditions, Tunis, 2011, p. 114
  75. ↑ Décret du 31 mai 1956 sur les droits et obligations des membres de Notre Famille, Journal Officiel de la République tunisienne , first he June 1956, p 720
  76. ↑ Décret du 21 juin 1956 sur les armoiries du Royaume, Journal officiel de la République tunisienne , June 22, 1956, p. 825
  77. ↑ Décret du 3 août 1956 modifiant le décret du 21 septembre 1955 relatif à l'organization provisoire des pouvoirs publics, Journal officiel de la République tunisienne , August 3, 1956, p. 1070
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  80. ↑ Mohamed Ben Salem, L'antichambre de l'indépendance, ed. by Cérès Productions, Tunis, 1988, p. 200
  81. ↑ Archived copy ( memento of the original from August 19, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Discours de Bourguiba à l'Assemblée constituante du 25 juillet 1957. Retrieved May 28, 2017 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / habib-bourguiba.net
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personal data
SURNAME Bey, Lamine
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Muhammad VIII. Al-Amin (real name); الأمين باي بن محمد الحبيب (Arabic)
SHORT DESCRIPTION Bey of Tunis
BIRTH DATE September 4, 1881
PLACE OF BIRTH Carthage ( Tunisia )
DATE OF DEATH September 30, 1962
PLACE OF DEATH Tunis