Lampsakos treasure

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Parts of the Lampsakos treasure in the British Museum

The Lampsakos treasure is a late antique silver treasure that was found by farmers in 1847 in a field near today's western Turkish village of Lapseki .

Site and history

Lapseki is the former late antique bishopric of Lampsakos on the Hellespont , the strait that connects the Aegean and Marmara Sea and is now called the Dardanelles .

Map of the Dardanelles

Lampsakos was of great importance as a port city, as it (with the crossing to Kallipolis ) represented the connection between Asia and Europe, as was also a station on the ship route to Constantinople through the Hellespont . Due to this tactically favorable location, Lampsakos was repeatedly used as a base for attacks on the capital during Byzantine times, so that there are some possibilities in which the treasure could have been hidden.

Immediately after the uplift, the treasure was torn apart. Henry Wellesley, 1st Earl Cowley (1804-1884) as envoy of the British Crown to Constantinople, bought part of the treasure in 1848 and gave it to the British Museum in London in the same year .

Scope of the treasure

Today 28 pieces are kept in various museums:

Earl Cowley brought the lamp stand, the vessel, a bowl, the poly-candelon, the mirror handle, a fitting, fragments of a folding chair or table base and six spoons to the British Museum. The treasure also includes parts of a gold chain with pendilies made of semi-precious stones and an earring. In 1886 the museum acquired another bowl and four spoons from two art dealers in London. Another three spoons were bequeathed to the museum by Augustus Wollaston Franks in 1897.

In Istanbul Archaeological Museum are two bowls and since 1887 the India-shell of a second hoard. The spoons found with them (documented by a written source, which one?) With the monogram ΆΓΙΟΥ ΓΕΟΡΓΙΟΥ (old Greek Hagiou Georgiou, "of St. George") have been lost since then.

In the Louvre there are two more spoons that belong to the treasure trove.

Another spoon is only known from written sources that show that it has been kept in the museum of the evangelical school in Smyrna , in today's Izmir , since 1877 . Salomon Reinach published this spoon in detail in 1882 in his article Une cuiller d'argent du mesée de Smyrne . Unfortunately, the spoon has been lost since a fire in 1922.

The lamp stand

It was brought to the British Museum in 1848 by Earl Cowley . It is 8-21 cm high, the width at the base is 11 cm and its weight is 333 g.

It is a tripod lamp stand with a wide apron base and a baluster-like shaft that carries a flat disc with a thorn.

The faces of the base are divided vertically by seams into six convex sections, with three edges ending in a foot. The two surfaces in between each end with symmetrically curved edges. In the area of ​​the protruding forms of the base, the surfaces bend downwards with a round curve. The shaft is profiled and articulated like a baluster and carries a flat disc with a slightly convex bottom. There is a conical mandrel with a square base on it. There are concentric lines around the mandrel resulting from being machined on the lathe .

Overall, it is a simple lamp stand without any decorations. The feet and base are hollow, the rest is made of solid silver .

Silver baluster lamp stands were often copied in less precious metal, such as tinned copper .

Dating

The Lampsakener is one of the three surviving lamp stands, the silver content of which was stamped and thus identified according to the early Byzantine control stamp system in the period between 527 AD and 630 AD. The Lampsaken lamp stand was stamped in Constantinople between 527 AD and 565 AD, the one from Antioch between 602 AD and 610 AD was also stamped there in Antioch, the third comes from the Mytilene treasure find and was stamped in Constantinople between 610 and 630.

The high correspondence of shape, size and weight suggests (according to Buckton and Mango) a high level of standardization and supports the theory that Byzantine silver was stamped in state workshops.

The Lampsaken example is the simplest of the three silver lamp stands from this period without any decorations . The specimen from Antioch, which dates later (602–610 AD), is less stocky than the other two and is the only ornament to have an engraved line along the base edge. The Mytilen specimen is the latest (610–630 AD) of the three stands and bears most of the ornamentation. The line that runs along the edge is decorated in the middle with a flower (possibly a lily) and the feet have lions' heads. The structure and profile of the baluster-like shaft is very similar in all examples.

use

The small silver stands featured were probably used for dim lighting on smaller tables. Larger lamp stands can be placed on the floor to provide more light. The stands can hold candles as well as lamps:

Examples of the use with lamps are, on the one hand, the preserved small copper lamp stands, as well as the depiction of a large copy in the Rabbula Gospels . The representations in the wall paintings of the Silistra grave serve as an example of the use with candles .

The polycandelon

It was given to the British Museum by Earl Cowley in 1848 and is 24.5 cm in diameter.

The round polycandelon has a flat, wide rim that is pierced by six holes, each 1 inch (= 2.54 cm) in diameter, which are used to hold glass containers for candles or oil. Between these are alternately a hole pattern with a Greek cross or a palmette pattern. The center is only preserved in a fragmentary state. However, six rays can be reconstructed that break through the deeper center; the spaces in between take up the palmette pattern of the edge. It was suggested that the recessed center could have been used to hold a glass container with oil to accentuate the pattern and to support the lighting effect of the six candles or lamps. The flat plate was hung on three chains with pi- shaped eyelets attached to the edge of the vertical cross arms of the hole pattern. The chains are divided into two flat narrow links, the edges of which are concave-convex-concave . They are connected by S-shaped hooks. The chains are connected at the top with hooks and rings to the star-shaped end, which in turn has a ring for suspension. The "rays" in the middle, so titled by Dalton and Mango, could also be interpreted as Iota Chi (IX, for Greek ΙΕΣΟΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ, Iesos Christos), ie as a Christogram .

Two of the original five stamps have survived, so that the polycandrel can be dated to AD 577.

Interpretation in a church context

Regarding the Lampsaken piece in an ecclesiastical context, it should be said that this

  1. due to the fragmentary state of preservation cannot be proven, as there is simply a lack of material for it and
  2. a christogram (if the rays are read as such), without a votive inscription or other information, is not sufficient as evidence to unequivocally place it in an ecclesiastical context.

An example of a polycandelon in a church context is the silver polycandelon from the Ferrell Collection, which is provided with a votive inscription. It dates only a few years later to AD 582–602 and is very similar in structure and decoration to the Lampsakener polandandelon.

A copper polycandelon of unknown origin, which is kept in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul , is also in a church context . In contrast to silver polykandela, those made of copper are preserved in higher numbers. The Istanbul piece can be dated to the 6th or 7th century based on the votive inscription. Like the Lampsakener, it is in a fragmentary state, but over a third larger.

use

It has often been suggested that polykandela were used to illuminate churches in the 6th and 7th centuries. Mango writes, however, that the relatively small dimensions of the Lampsakos polycandle could be an indication of its domestic use. However, such polykandela were also hung on large wheel chandeliers, so that very large churches, such as the Hagia Sophia in Justinian's time, could be illuminated with them. There are western written sources that even address the subject of illuminating streets. Few silver polykandela have survived from late antiquity, in contrast to those made of copper.

The mirror handle

The mirror handle was given to the British Museum by Earl Cowley in 1848 and is dated 6/7. Century. It is 18 cm long and weighs 44 g.

In the literature (in Dalton and Stefan Hauser ) it is sometimes still referred to as a vessel handle, in Mundell Mango it is identified as a mirror handle. All that remains of the hand mirror is the handle that was originally attached to the back of the mirror.

The handle is forked outwards, each of the four ends is looped once around itself and has flat, widening, rounded, spatula-shaped ends. An engraved line follows the shapes of the outer edges of the center piece. That being said, the handle is unadorned.

On the basis of comparative pieces, a silver disk with a diameter of about 30 cm can be reconstructed, on the back of which the handle was located.

Art historical classification

According to Mango, these types of hand mirrors can be divided into two groups: those with a flat strip as a handle and those with a tangled handle.

A mirror from Wroxeter dates back to the 2nd century (where Mango adds a?). Its diameter is 29 cm, two grooved strands are tied around each other in a knot and end in four leaf-shaped ends. Four flowers are attached between the knot and the end. A circumferential band is decorated with a leaf pattern and is divided into six sections by flowers.

The mirror from the Latakia treasure has a diameter of 34.4 cm and dates to the 4th / 5th. Century. Two strands form a loose knot in the middle of the handle. Its four ends loop around each other and are connected to the mirror with flat, leaf-shaped ends.

The mirror from a private collection has a central loose knot and no loops.

Based on these comparisons one can assume that the Lampsakos mirror represents a further development for the purpose of simplification.

The flowers on the handle of the Wroxeter mirror developed into the loops that can be seen on the mirror from the Latakia treasure. While the loops are left out of the mirror holder from the private collection, the knot of the handle of the Lampsakus mirror is replaced by a flat handle in one piece. The further stylistic development can be observed on the mirror with the simple straight handle from Antioch .

The container

It is 9.86 cm high and its diameter is 12.5 cm at the top. It weighs 226.8 g. It is a cylindrical vessel with a round base, which has a significantly smaller diameter. The surface of the vessel is very rough and there are hammer marks everywhere, which suggests that it was not completely processed. One side is broken off.

Dalton is considering using it as a chalice. Without a clear context or a votive inscription, however, a liturgical connection cannot be established, especially since there is no typological correspondence to known liturgical chalices.

The dome shells

Two of the four bowls are in the British Museum . They were purchased from two art dealers together with three spoons and have only been there since 1886. There are 2 other bowls in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul that are published in the Turkish article. The two bowls from the British Museum have a diameter between 16 and 18 cm and weigh between 191.5 and 260 g.

They are simple, footless bowls with a monogram in the middle. They are polished on the inside, but show a rough surface on the outside. The bowls are dated 613–626 / 630 by their control stamps. The formulation “the inscribed cross”, as one often reads it in the literature, represents an anticipated evaluation, since objectively it is about decorative ribbons. These start from the circle around the monogram and become wider towards the edge. The ribbons are reminiscent of a curly cross.

The circle around the monogram and the ribbons are bordered with double lines. The cross monogram shows the letters My , Eta , Ny and Alpha . It is read in the literature as "MENA" or "MENAS" and interpreted as a possible owner of the treasure.

Regarding the interpretation of the bowls as godparents, it can be said that they do not correspond to the typology of the flat godparents, which when they carry a cross, this is clearly recognizable as such.

Thus, without a votive inscription and with a strongly differing typology, a liturgical use cannot be proven and the ribbon cross should rather be seen as a decorative element.

The dome shells from the ship's grave at Sutton Hoo are comparable in size with a diameter between 20 and 23 cm and are chronologically classified using the Anastasius plate, i.e. dated to 491–518 AD. The form of decoration of the crossed ribbons around a circle is also present here. The ribbons are decorated with star flowers, which are created from overlapping circles. The rondel is decorated with floral patterns and a star.

The India plate

It measures 45 cm in diameter and is kept in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul . It comes from a second treasure find from 1887, where the lost "Hagioi Georgioi" St. George's spoons were found. The dating varies from the end of the 4th / beginning of the 5th century to the beginning of the 6th century and is based on the Anastasius plate from the ship's grave at Sutton Hoo.

The plate has a multi-tiered and structured edge area. In the middle there is a scene in relief. A band with overlapping geometric patterns and circles runs along the edge . The band is divided by medallions with heads and bordered with running curlicues and waves, the so-called " running dog ", a modification of the geometric meander pattern . The scene in the middle is made using the Repoussé technique and appears in relief. Some details, such as the woman's body, have niello inlays. The main scene shows a woman sitting on a throne facing the viewer, without a backrest and with tusks as legs. Her tunic is decorated with engraved stars and leaves her right breast uncovered. Her right hand is raised and her left is holding a bow. Her hair is twisted in curls and she wears a turban from which two straight horns protrude. She is surrounded by four animals: a parakeet or parrot, a guinea fowl and two monkeys. She stands with the monkeys on a baseline that separates the scene from the part below. This shows two figures (probably male) with billowing robes, which also have two straight horns, and each with a wild animal, panther or the like. keep on a leash.

Together with the animals around her, the arch probably led to her being identified in older literature with the Greek goddess of the hunt, Artemis . It was only Hans Graeven who identified her as India, as the personification of the "continent" India.

Art historical context

Due to the ornamentation, the India plate is often compared in the literature with the Anastasius plate from the ship's grave at Sutton Hoo , as it is considered the only contemporary example of this ornamentation. It is drawn more finely on the India plate and two different patterns alternate, with the medallions acting as a separating link.

The motif of heads and masks as a separating element can often be found on plates (including in the silver treasure of Kaiseraugst and the treasure of Mildenhall ).

The spoons

The spoons are divided into oblong or pear-shaped shapes and are about a third as long as the spoon as a whole. The so-called discus, a disc-shaped intermediate piece, connects the bowl and the handle, which is placed on a higher level. As the spoon got bigger over time and the spoons increased in weight, the difference in level ensures easy handling. The handle is usually soldered on. Hauser divides the Lampsaken spoons into three groups based on format attributes:

Lampsakos A: Apostle Evangelist spoon

Six spoons belong to this group, five of which (No. 380–384) are kept in the British Museum and one (No. A6) in the Louvre . They are 23.7 cm long and weigh 78.9–80.84 g.

Group A spoons have a pear-shaped bowl that is just over 9 cm long and up to 4.5 cm wide. The underside is decorated with a palm frond motif, the inside is unadorned. The connection between the bowl and the handle is a slightly convex disc, which is forged from one piece with the bowl.

On the left side of the disc is a nielloed owner monogram with Μy , Τau , Υpsilon , Εpsilon , Οmicron , theta and Ιota . Hauser suggests reading ΤΙΜΟΘΕΟΥ (= “Timotheou”, “of Timotheus”, so “belongs to Timothy”), in contrast to earlier literature, which ignores “Matthew”, although an alpha is missing for this reading. But even contemporary sources complain about the difficult legibility of monograms, which, in contrast to the West, has prevailed over the owner's inscriptions.

The right side of the disc is unadorned. The approx. 15 cm long handle is soldered to it, which is initially hexagonal on a section between 3.3 and 3.6 cm. It also has a concave-convex-concave shape, divided by rings. A small baluster with a spherical head end serves as the end. On the hexagonal section at the beginning there are various Greek men's names behind a small Greek cross:

  • 380: + ΜΑΘΘΕΟС = "Matthew"
  • 381: + ΜΑΡΚΟС = "Mark"
  • 382: + ΛΟΥΚΑС = "Luke"
  • 383: + IAKΩBOC = "Iakobus"
  • 384: + ΠΕΤΡΟС = "Peter"
  • A6: + СΙΜΩΝ = "Simon"

Since these names are in the nominative, they cannot be owner inscriptions, as suggested by Fink, for example (which would be in the genitive). The combination of the names suggests a set of spoons with the names of the apostles or the evangelists.

Lampsakus B

The two spoons in Group B are a simple edition from Group A and are in the British Museum . They are 23.6 cm long and weigh a little over 80 g.

The spoons in group B have a pear-shaped bowl shape, the bowl size and decoration are identical to those of group A. In contrast to A, however, group B has no inscriptions and a flat, hammered, arched disc. However, on the left is the same owner's monogram "Timetheou". However, the theta Θ in the cross monogram differ: Here with group B it is rhombic and not round, as is the case with group A. Hauser interprets this observation as two different craftsmen.

The simple handle increases in thickness, from about 0.4 to about 0.7 cm. Both spoons are in very good condition.

Lampsakos C: Spoon of the "Seven Wise Men" and Eclogues of Virgil

The spoons in this group are represented seven times. There are six (nos. 387–392) in the British Museum and one (C7) in the Louvre . Another spoon from the Museum of the Evangelical School in Smyrna is missing (seen by Newton in Gallipolli in 1852, published without illustration, article by Reinach on spoons in the Museum of the Evangelical School, Smyrna, since 1877).

The spoons have a longitudinally oval bowl that is more bulged than that of the other groups and is connected to the discus by a ridge that tapers on the underside. The handle is initially about 4.8-4.9 cm long in cross section, then about 10 cm long round. A high, separating ring is followed by the end baluster, which is followed by an egg-shaped end.

At the transitions between the individual handle segments, fine parallel grooves can be seen, which originate from machining in the rotating stock.

In the inside of the bowl there are nielloed hexameters , which are continued on two sides (top and side) of the square handles:

"The Seven Wise Men" spoon

The origins and sentences of the Seven Wise Men are found in Greek on five spoons , with Greek comments on the side of the handles:

  • "Chilon from the valley of Sparta (said): Know yourself" / "And encourage yourself incessantly to do so" (or "Always remember it")
  • "Look to the end of life, (said) Solon in holy Athens." / "So live your life!"
  • "Bias from Priene showed: Most people are bad." / "Those who hate joy!"
  • "Pittakos of Mytilene (meant): Not too much!" (Be moderate) / "Love your sinners!"
  • "Periander (said) in Corinth: Control your anger!" / "Especially when your loved one is angry!"

The assignment of the individual sayings to the respective wise men fluctuates in the history of ancient literature. However, there is a specific written source for precisely this assignment of the sayings to the individual wise men: an anonymous epigram in the “Anthologia Palatina” IX, 366. The comments are not included there and must be seen as an ingredient of the client.

Spoon "The Eclogues of Virgil"

On three spoons there are quotes in Latin from the Eclogues of Virgil , also with comments on the sides of the handles in Greek:

  • "Love conquers everything, and we too want to give in to love." / "Eat you who have been struck by Eros!"
  • "Oh beautiful boy, don't trust your appearance too much." / "You poor man, you are not even beautiful!"
  • "Bath, wine and love are pleasures that pass by." / "If you give in to these pleasures, watch out for your hernia!"

The first two sayings come from Virgil's eclogues. The use of the Latin language around AD 600 in the Eastern Roman region is unusual. The third saying is literally not proven, there are only similar sayings. All quotations on the Sentences of the Seven Wise Men , as well as on Virgil's Eclogues, point to an educated person who is more likely to be sought in the client than in the silversmith.

The names of the apostles are not uncommon as an ornament on Byzantine spoons, but the complex writing on the bowl and handle and the sophisticated selection of texts are unique in this treasure trove.

Episcopal monogram

The disc is flat and decorated on both sides. On the left (facing a right-hander) there is a complicated box monogram with an inscribed cross in a garland, also nielloed , to be read as ANΔPEOY EΠICKOΠOY (= “ANDREOU EPISKOPOU”, “of Bishop Andreas”, so “belongs to Bishop Andreas”). On the right there is a stylized plant motif in niello .

Regarding the lost spoon from Smyrna, it can be said that Reinach's drawings are contradictory. One can only clearly say that it belongs to type C.

The thesis of the Eucharistic spoon emerged as early as the end of the 19th century and was in some cases fiercely championed, although Braun had already proven in 1932 that it did not appear in the Orthodox Church until the late 8th century.

What did the treasure originally belong to?

Hauser's approach is to analyze the weights by the dozen, since all the spoons considered (not only in the treasure of Lampsakos) show a strong approximation of simple Roman weights. His thesis: Spoons were bought based on the weight of the metal. Group B, as it represents a simplified variant of group A, could have served as a replacement for lost spoons. It is also suspected that personalized decorations such as monograms and inscriptions could be commissioned from the silversmith, so that a selection of ready-made spoon sets seems sensible as a basis. This explains the high degree of standardization and the lack of evangelist and apostle spoons. In addition, the lost spoons of "St. George" were included, which were found with the India plate in a second treasure trove.

In addition, the mirror disc belonging to the mirror holder is missing, the appearance of which can only be understood using contemporary comparative pieces. The hand mirror is a specifically female object, but more can only be speculated about.

It is still unclear how many parts originally belonged to the treasure and how many may be in private collections or undiscovered in museums. Some pieces can be reconstructed as likely from the existing ones, such as the complementary spoons and the mirror discus.

Was the Lampsakos treasure a church or private treasure?

Research into Byzantine spoons often seeks evidence of liturgical use. This interpretation of the spoons is unlikely, however, since Joseph Braun had already shown in 1932 that spoons for communion in the Orthodox liturgy did not appear until the end of the 8th century at the earliest. On the contrary: a written source ( Trullan Synod of 706) confirms the receipt of communion with crossed hands. Also, no spoons can be found in the representations of the Lord's Supper in the 6./7. Century find. The theory of the sage spoon has been discussed in research on spoons from the ship's grave at Sutton Hoo .

The episcopal monogram also indicates private property rather than church treasure, especially since the proverbs and their comments have a very secular connotation. It is also known that high church dignitaries, often without descendants, bequeathed their property to a church.

How do the objects date, especially the spoons?

Six parts of the treasure belong to the so-called Pentasphrágiston , which means they are marked with the 5 state control stamps and can be dated above: the lamp stand, the polycandrel and four bowls.

The monogram MHNA (C) ("Mena" or "Menas") on the dome shells could indicate a Menas, but due to the poor source of information on Lampsakos, no historical person can be associated with it. It is also written with the cross monogram of "Timothy" on the discs of the apostle and evangelist spoons.

Regarding the "Andreaoi episkopoi" Bishop monogram is to say that it is for the bishops Lampsacus unfortunately between 458 n. Chr. And 787 n. Chr. A large gap in the tradition of the conciliar and Synodallisten are. At the 5th and 6th Ecumenical Councils in 553 AD and 680/81 AD in Constantinople, the Lampsaken bishops are missing. So there is little evidence of the dating of the spoons, as they cannot be assigned to any known bishop. Only the cross monogram gives a terminus post quem with the 6th century , as this was only introduced then. It should be noted that in the period relevant to us there are not sufficient sources on the basis of which an exact dating of the spoons would be possible.

literature

  • François Baratte : Vaiselle d'argent, souvenirs littéraires et manières de table: l'example des cuillers de Lampsaque , in: Cahiers Archéologiques 40, 1992, pp. 5-20.
  • Rupert Bruce-Mitford: The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial 3rd Late Roman and Byzantine silver, London 1983.
  • Byzantium. Treasures of Byzantine art and culture from British Collections , ed. by David Buckton, London 1994.
  • OM Dalton: Catalog of Early Christian Antiquities and Objects from the Christian East in the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnography of the British Museum , London 1901 full text .
  • Erica Cruikshank Dodd: Byzantine Silver Stamps. Washington DC 1961.
  • Erica Cruikshank Dodd: The location of Silver Stamping. Evidence from newly discovered stamps , in: Susan A. Boyd (Ed.): Ecclesiastical silver plate in sixth-century Byzantium. Papers of the symposium held May 16-18, 1986. Washington 1993, pp. 217-224.
  • Stefan Hauser : Late antiquity and early Byzantine silver spoons. Comments on the production of luxury goods in the 5th to 7th centuries , Münster, 1992 (Yearbook for Antiquity and Christianity, Supplementary Volume 19).
  • R. Hobbs: Late Roman precious metal deposits c. AD 200-700. Changes over time and space , Oxford 2006.
  • JPC Kent, KS Painter (Ed.), Wealth of the Roman World AD 300-700, London 1977.
  • Marlia Mundell Mango: The Purpose and Places of Byzantine Silver Stamping , in: Susan A. Boyd (Ed.): Ecclesiastical silver plate in sixth-century Byzantium. Papers of the symposium held May 16-18 , 1986. Washington 1993, pp. 203-216.
  • Marlia Mundell Mango: The Significance of Byzantine Tinned Copper Objects , in: Thymiana ste mneme tes Laskarina Mpoura, Athens 1994, pp. 221-227.
  • Marlia Mundell Mango: Three illuminating objects , in: Through a glass brightly. Studies in Byzantine and Medieval art and archeology. Festschrift for David Buckton, ed. by Chris Entwistle, Oxford 2003, pp. 65-75.
  • Jocelyn Toynbee , KS Painter: Silver picture plates from late antiquity , in: Archaeologia - 108, 1986, pp. 19-20, p. 39.
  • A. Sorlin-Dorigny: Patère d'argent émaillé trouvée à Lampsaque , in: Gazette archéologique 3, 1877, pp. 119–122.

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Salomon Reinach: Une cuiller d'argent du mesée de Smyrne. In: Bulletin de correspondance hellénique , 1882, p. 353 ff.
  2. ↑ Mundell Mango: Three illuminating objects in the Lampsacus treasure. 2003, pp. 65-67.
  3. ↑ On the importance of tinned copper in Byzantine times: Mundell Mango: The Significance of Byzantine Tinned Copper Objects , 1994, pp. 221–227.
  4. ↑ a b c d Erica Cruikshank Dodd: Byzantine Silver Stamps. Washington DC 1961 [Dodd deals extensively with the Byzantine stamping system in her work].
  5. ^ Ioannis Touratsoglou , Eugenia Chalkia: Kratigos, Mytilene Treasure. Coins and valuables , Athens 2008.
  6. ^ Marlia Mundell Mango: Three illuminating objects in the Lampsacus treasure. In: Through a glass brightly. Studies in Byzantine and Medieval art and archeology. Festschrift for David Buckton, ed. by Chris Entwistle, Oxford, 2003, pp. 68-71.
  7. ↑ Mundell Mango: Continuity of fourth / fifth century silver plate in the sixth / seventh centuries in the Eastern Empire , 1997, p. 90.
  8. ↑ M. Mundell Mango: Three illuminating objects in the Lampsacus treasure , 2003, pp. 71-74.
  9. ^ OM Dalton: Catalog of Early Christian Antiquities ans Objects from the Christian East in the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnography of the British Museum , London 1901, p. 82.
  10. ^ E. Cruikshank Dodd: Byzantine Silver Stamps. , Washington DC 1961, pp. 166-169.
  11. ↑ JMC Toynbee / KS Painter: Silver picture plates from late antiquity . In: Archaeologia 108, 1986, p. 39.
  12. ↑ Hans Graeven: The representations of the Indians. In: Yearbook of the German Archaeological Institute. 15, 1900, p. 203.
  13. ↑ On the classification criteria Hauser: Spätantike und earlybyzantinische Silberlöffel , 1992, pp. 13-14, 21-22.
  14. ↑ Hauser deals with the three Lampsakos groups: Spätantike und earlybyzantinische Silberlöffel , 1992, pp. 36–40.
  15. ^ Numbering according to Dalton: OM Dalton: Catalog of Early Christian Antiquities ans Objects from the Christian East , 1901, pp. 82–85.
  16. ↑ Hauser assigns this spoon to the numbers 380–384 by Dalton, which are in the British Museum: Hauser: Spätantike und earlybyzantine Silberlöffel , 1992, p. 39.
  17. ^ Hauser: Spätantike und earlybyzantinische Silberlöffel , 1992, p. 38.
  18. ^ Hauser: Spätantike und earlybyzantinische Silberlöffel , 1992, p. 40, illustration of the drawings by Reinach in the panel part.
  19. ↑ This is known from Bishop Desiderius, who bequeathed 165 kg of silver to his church in Auxerre in 614 AD, as well as from Somnatius, who bequeathed 12 spoons to the episcopal church in Reims: Hauser: Spätantike und earlybyzantine Silberlöffel , 1992, p. 85.

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