Baqī ibn Machlad

Abū ʿAbd al-Rahmān Baqī ibn Machlad al-Qurtubī ( Arabic أبو عبد الرحمن بقي بن مخلد القرطبي, DMG Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Baqī ibn Maḫlad al-Qurṭubī ; born 817 in Cordoba ; died October 29, 889 ibid) was an Islamic hadith scholar and Koran exegete who held a leading position among the scholars of Cordoba under the Umayyad emirs Muhammad and al-Mundhir . He is assigned a key role in introducing hadith scholarship to al-Andalus . The traditions and teachings spread by him, however, initially aroused fierce resistance from the Malikite scholars of Cordoba and led to his being accused of heresy .

Life

Origin and early years

Baqī was born in Ramadan 201 (March / April 817) and was the descendant of a Maulā of a woman from Jaén . His father Machlad ibn Zaid was Qādī of Reyyo in the time of Abd ar-Rahman II (r. 822-852) and, like many of his contemporaries, traveled to the Orient in search of knowledge.

He first worked for a while in the cloth trade in the souq of Córdoba. He is said to have paid the ruler the tax payment twice for the shop in which he worked. As this caused him problems of conscience, he donated the same amount to those in need. He later studied with Muhammad ibn ʿĪsā al-Aʿschā and the well-known Mālik disciple Yahyā ibn Yahyā Ibn Abī ʿĪsā al-Laithī (d. 849).

Travel in the Orient

From 833 he made extensive trips to the Orient . On these trips he heard from numerous well-known traditionalists and legal scholars such as Sahnūn ibn Saʿīd in Ifrīqiya , Yahyā ibn Bukair (d. 844) in Egypt, Hischām ibn ʿAmmār (d. 859) in Damascus , Abū Musʿab az-Zuhrī (d. 856) in Medina , as well as Ahmad ibn Hanbal and Ahmad ibn Ibrāhīm ad-Dauraqī (died 860) in Baghdad, Chalīfa ibn Chaiyāt (died 854) in Basra and Ibn Abī Shaiba in Kufa . At ad-Dauraqī he studied a work with reports on the caliph ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz , which he also copied himself. Overall, he is said to have met 284 scholars from different countries on his travels and heard from them hadith. He met most of them in Iraq, in the cities of Basra, Kufa, Baghdad and Wāsit. ML Ávila made an annotated list of the masters of Baqī in 1985.

According to a lengthy report, which is attributed to Baqī's grandson ʿAbd ad-Rahmān ibn Ahmad, Baqī went to Baghdad with the dedicated aim of hearing hadith from Ahmad ibn Hanbal. There he first met the traditionalist Yahyā ibn Maʿīn (d. 847) and then went to see Ahmad ibn Hanbal in his house. Since Ahmad ibn Hanbal was forbidden to teach because of the Mihna , Baqī visited him daily in the form of a beggar and had him dictate two or three hadiths. In this way he was able to collect about 300 hadiths from Ahmad ibn Hanbal over time. Ahmad ibn Hanbal is said to have visited him once he was ill with his students in his inn ( funduq ). Ibn Hazm similarly speaks of the fact that Baqī had a particularly close relationship with Ahmad ibn Hanbal. Adh-Dhahabī , on the other hand, doubted that Baqī had heard hadiths from Ahmad ibn Hanbal, since Baqī's own collection of hadiths, of which he was able to inspect two volumes, did not contain a single hadith in whose chain of narration Ahmad ibn Hanbal appeared. He also argued that Ahmad ibn Hanbal had already broken off teaching hadith in 228 (= 842/43 AD), but that Baqī did not join him until 230 (= 844/45 AD) . He therefore assumed that Baqī had only received teachings ( fawāʾid ) and answers to disputes ( masāʾil ) from Ahmad ibn Hanbal , but not hadiths.

How long Baqī stayed in the Orient is not entirely clear. The Andalusian scholar Ibn al-Hārith al-al-Chushanī (d. 971) speaks of having made two trips to the Orient. The first trip is said to have lasted ten years, the second 25 years. However, this does not match the statement made by the Andalusian historian Ibn Haiyān (d. 1076), according to which Baqī was already back in Córdoba at the beginning of the reign of Muhammad ibn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān (r. 852-886).

During his time in the Orient, Baqī made pilgrimages to Mecca every year . He himself described the time of his studies as very hard of privation. On some days he only had discarded cabbage leaves ( waraq kurunb ) to eat. He made all the trips to his various teachers on foot. On the way back to al-Andalus he again visited his former teachers Yahyā ibn Bukair in Egypt and Sahnūn in Ifrīqiya, who in turn had him recite hadiths that had just been heard.

The books that Baqī brought with him from the Orient included a copy of the Mudauwana of Sahnūn , the Muīannaf of Ibn Abī Shaiba , the great Fiqh book of asch-Shāfiʿī (adh-Dhahabī suspected that behind it was Ash-Shāfidīs Kitāb al- Umm hides), the historical work and the Tabaqāt work by al-Chalīfa ibn Chaiyāt and two works by Ahmad ibn Ibrāhīm ad-Dauraqī (d. 860).

Heresy process

After his return to al-Andalus, Baqī settled in Córdoba and taught there in his mosque. the knowledge acquired in the Orient in the fields of hadith and law. The city's Maliki scholars were offended by the fact that he introduced traditions to them that contradicted their doctrinal views and sought after his death. In particular, they detested the Muṣannaf of Ibn Abī Shaiba used by Baqī in lessons because it contained a lot of information on the dissent of the legal scholars . So they incited the masses against him and prevented him from using the book in class. They accused him of succumbing to the bidʿa , accused him of heresy ( zandaqa ) and heresy ( ilḥād ), and collected testimony that he was spreading “reprehensible teachings” ( manākīr ).

The main scholar responsible for these actions against Baqī was ʿAbdallāh ibn Chālid, the head of the Malikites in Cordoba. He was joined by Muhammad ibn Hārith, head of public prayer and police, the Malikit Abū Zaid ʿAbd ar-Rahmān ibn Ibrāhīm and ʿUbaidallāh, the son of Baqī's former teacher Ibn Abī ʿĪsā. Muhammad ibn Harith had anyone who came to the mosque to see baqi thrown into prison. Hadith scholar Muhammad ibn Waddāh, who actually held the same views as Baqī, was also persuaded to testify against Baqī through threats from ʿAbdallāh ibn Chālid. Eventually they brought the collected testimony to the Qādī al-Jamāʿa ʿAmr ibn ʿAbdallāh, who found the evidence to be sufficient to arrest Baqī. Ibn ʿIdhārī reports that the scholars also addressed the Emir Muhammad, demanding Baqī's execution and urging him to pass the sentence quickly.

Baqī, who feared for his life, hid and developed plans to escape from al-Andalus. Finally, he turned to Hashim ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (d. 886), the general and vizier of the emir, for help. He himself stayed for a while with the mother of Hashim's brother al-Aslam. The vizier asked the emir for security for the life of Baqī and suggested that he invite him and his opponents to an open dispute at his court. The emir accepted this suggestion. During the disputation, those present went through the musannaf of Ibn Abī Schaiba chapter by chapter until the end. While Baqī's opponents had the expectation that the emir would agree with them in their rejection of the book, he was delighted with the book, called his librarian ( ḫāzin al-kutub ) and instructed him to have the book copied. The Qādī ʿAmr ibn ʿAbdallāh, who had previously ordered Baqī's arrest, was dismissed in connection with this affair.

According to Ibn al-Hārith al-Chushanī, the news of this "ugly incident" ( nāzila šanʿāʾ ) spread to distant lands, so that people in the various cities began to talk about it.

Relationship with the emirs and scholars

Following the public disputation, the Emir Muhammad is said to have given Baqī the task of disseminating his knowledge and bringing it to the public, while conversely he forbade his opponents to oppose him further and publicly humiliated them. Everyone who had previously testified against Baqī had to apologize to him. Ibn ʿIdhārī reports that the emir ordered Baqī to be admitted to the group of legal scholars and to raise his rank so that he "climbed the summit of knowledge" ( fa-ʿtalā ḏarwat ʿilmi-hī ) and among the people and with the Emir bis to whose death stood in the highest esteem.

To al-Mundhir , son of the Emir Muhammad Baqi was already a close relationship before he ascended the throne. He is said to have foretold the rule to al-Mundhir based on a dream he told him. When al-Mundhir finally ascended the throne in 886, he was showing great benevolence to Baqī and attaching great importance to him. He also asked him to take over the Qādī office , but Baqī refused. In the end he even wanted to force him to take over the office. When Baqī indignantly refused to do this, he forced him to at least name a suitable substitute who could take over the office. He then named a certain ʿĀmir ibn ʿAbdallāh of the Āl Ziyād as a substitute. This also accepted the office. Baqī did not think it necessary to display the privileged position he enjoyed with the Emir al-Mundhir, except in relation to personal enemies such as the scholar Walīd ibn Ghānim. Even at the beginning of the rule of the emir ʿAbdallāh ibn Muhammad , who came to power in 888, Baqī was still considered an important authority. He was asked by ʿAbdallāh on the question of "killing the heretic" ( qatl az-zindīq ).

Baqī ibn Machlad had numerous disciples who came from different cities of al-Andalus. Among them were Aslam ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (d. 931), the brother of Baqī's protector Hāschim ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and the well-known traditionalist and philologist Qāsim ibn Asbagh (d. 951/2). The relationship with Muhammad Ibn Waddāh (d. 900), the other great Andalusian hadith scholar of his time, was frosty. Baqī repeatedly reproached Muhammad ibn Waddāh for accusing him of heresy. The matter went so far that Baqī broke off contact with disciples who had associated with Muhammad ibn Waddāh. Conversely, Ibn al-Waddāh also broke off contact with students who had contact with Baqī. The well-known disciples of Ibn Waddāh are therefore said to never have heard from Baqī.

Baqī is said not to have resented the other people who denounced him. When later a man from Ibn al-Waddāh's circle, who had testified against him in the heresy trial, came to him and asked him to lobby for the release of a prisoner, Baqī is said to have helped him immediately and made sure that he Man was released. He is also said to have helped people more often who had suffered state injustice.

Death and offspring

Baqī died on the night of the 29th Jumādā th-thāniya 276 (= 29 October 889) and was buried in the cemetery of the Banū l-ʿAbbās.

Baqī had at least two sons: ʿAbd ar-Rahmān and Ahmad. The latter worked as a scholar of hadith, held the office of Qadi al-Jamada from 926 to 936 and was appointed advisor by the Abdallah . Also the caliph Abd ar-Rahman III. kept him in this office for ten years. A son of Ahmad named ʿAbd ar-Rahmān (d. 976) was highly respected among the scholars of his time and wrote a book about the Fadā'il of his grandfather and the names of his teachers. Descendants of Baqī ibn Machlad - in the sources they are referred to as Banū Machlad - can be found in various cities of al-Andalus up to the early 13th century.

Works

Baqī ibn Machlad left several larger books. Its main narrator is ʿAbdallāh ibn Yūnus al-Murādī. The following works are mentioned in detail:

• a commentary on the Qur'an which, according to Ibn Hazm, was more important than that of at-Tabarī .
• Musnad , a collection of traditions in which the hadiths were arranged alphabetically according to the companions of the Prophets . A total of over 1,300 Prophet Companions were listed. Within the individual entries, the traditions were arranged according to the names of the legal problems, so that it was a combined Musnad-Musannaf. According to Ibn Hazm , this principle of order has not been applied by anyone before him. The collection earned him the enmity of the two sons of his former teacher Yahyā ibn Yahyā because he had put Abū Musʿab az-Zuhrī and Yahyā ibn Bukair, his two teachers in Medina and Egypt, before their father.
• A third work, entitled Ḏikr mā li-ṣ-ṣaḥāba min al-ḥadīṯ min al-ʿadad, was a compilation of the Prophet 's Companions who narrated a thousand hadiths down to those who only heard eight.
• In Ibn Hazm a Musannaf plant also is the report mentioned the Prophet's companions and followers, in the Baqi on the Musannaf works of Ibn Abi Shaybah, 'Abd al-Razzaq (d. 827), and Sa'id ibn Mansūr (842 d.) Gone should be.

Ibn Hazm praised the works of Baqī ibn Machlad overall as unique and declared that they had become "the foundations of Islam" ( qawāʿid li-l-islām ).

Posthumous assessment

His importance as a scholar

The Andalusian scholar Ibn al-Faradī (d. 962) stated that it was only through Baqī's work that the science of hadith spread in al-Andalus, while the majority there previously limited themselves to memorizing the doctrinal conception of Mālik ibn Anas and his companions have. Adh-Dhahabī added that through Baqī's work al-Andalus had become a "home for the hadith" ( dār al-ḥadīṯ ). Baqī himself is quoted in this connection with the words: "I planted a plant for the Muslims in al-Andalus that will not be torn out until the emergence of Dajāl ." Ibn Hazm said that Baqī, as a scholar of hadith, could well have rivaled al-Buchari , Muslim ibn al-Hajaj and an-Nasari .

Baqī's son Ahmad is quoted as saying that although his father never acted contrary to the Malikite madhhab , he always based his judgments on deliberation ( naẓar ) and hadith and never followed the doctrine of another scholar if he did not believe it corresponded to the truth. Ibn Hazm said that Baqī practiced Tachaiyur ("adopting the doctrines of other schools of law") but never completely submitted to any particular discipline . Al-Maqqarī later expressed himself similarly in his biographical entry about Baqī ibn Machlad: He never practiced Taqlīd , but always practiced idschtihād himself and based his legal opinion on tradition ( aṯar ). The historian Ibn Haiyān also interpreted Baqī's conflict with the legal scholars of Cordoba in this sense. These were followers of Ra'y and Taqlīd, had not made use of the sciences of verification ( taḥqīq ) and refused to expand their knowledge.

His piety and miracles

Baqī ibn Machlad was also praised for his piety of conscience ( warʿ ) and asceticism ( zuhd ). According to his grandson, Baqī is said to have fasted continuously, except on Fridays, and to have recited the entire Koran once a day. When he saw a sick, unclothed poor man in the streets of Córdoba, he is said to have taken off his upper garment and wrapped it around him. His frequent participation in jihad is also emphasized. In total, according to adh-Dhahabī, he took part in 72 campaigns .

There were also some miracle reports about Baqī ibn Machlad. It was said that he had the ability to foretell the future and to offer supplications that God would answer. Al-Qushairī is quoted as saying that a young Muslim fighter who had been abducted into Christian territory was released through Baqī's supplication. The moment the Baqī said the supplication, the prisoner's chains were released. After this happened several times, his Christian guards let him emigrate to Muslim territory. Muhyī d-Dīn Ibn ʿArabī said that Baqī had the ability to perform various kinds of miracles of grace ( karāmāt ) and was a "companion of Chidr " ( ṣāḥib al-Ḫiḍr ). It is said of Baqī's wife that she saw Chidr with her husband in the form of a very tall man.

ʿAbdallāh, the son of ʿAbd ar-Rahmān III. , wrote a work on the Fadā'il by Baqī ibn Machlad, which was also directed against Muhammad ibn al-Waddāh.

Interpretation in modern research

María Luisa Ávila sees the Baqī ibn Machlad case as a prime example of how al-Andalus opened up to cultural influences from Iraq around the middle of the 10th century. The difficulties that he was faced with on his return to his homeland can be seen as a "test of resistance" emanating from certain milieus in al-Andalus who opposed these influences. At the same time, the eventual victory of Baqī reflects the triumph of a political conception in the Umayyad emirate, which emanated from Hashim ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the main protector of Baqī. During the reign of Muhammad I, he held the actual reins of power in his hands and gave the emirate an absolutist orientation.

literature

Arabic sources

• Shams ad-Dīn aḏ-Ḏahabī : Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. Ed. Shuʿaib al-Arnaʾūṭ and ʿAlī Abū Zayd. Beirut 1986. Vol. XIII, pp. 285-96. Digitized
• Shams ad-Dīn aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. 261-280h. Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī 1992. pp. 311–321. Digitized
• Shams ad-Dīn aḏ-Ḏahabī: Taḏkirat al-Ḥuffāẓ. Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-ʿUṯmānīya, Hyderabad, 1955. Vol. II, pp. 629–631. Digitized
• Abū ʿAbdallāh al-Ḥumaidī: Ǧaḏwat al-Muqtabas bi-taʾrīḫ ʿulamāʾ al-Andalus. Ed. Baššār ʿAuwād Maʿrūf u. Muḥammad Baššār ʿAuwād. Dār al-Ġarb al-islāmī, Tunis, 2008. pp. 251-254. Digitized
• Ibn Ḥāriṯ al-Ḫušanī: Aḫbār al-fuqahāʾ wa-l-muḥaddiṯīn. Ed. María Luisa Ávila and Luis Molina. Madrid 1992. pp. 49-62. - The text is also printed in Ávila: "Nuevos datos", 1985, pp. 325–339.
• Ibn ʿAsākir : Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq . Ed. ʿUmar ibn Ġarāma al-ʿUmarī. Vol. 10. Dār al-Fikr, Beirut, 1995. pp. 354-359. Digitized
• Ibn Baškuwāl : Kitāb al-Ṣila . Ed. Francisco Codera y Zaidin. Madrid 1882. Vol. I, pp. 121-4, no. 277. Digitized
• Abū l-Walīd ʿAbdallāh b. Muḥammad Ibn al-Faraḍī: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿulamāʾ wa-r-ruwāt li-l-ʿilm bi-l-Andalus. Ed. ʿIzzat ʿAṭṭār al-Ḥusainī. 2 vol. Cairo 1954. vol. I, pp. 107-109. Digitized
• Ibn Hazm : Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. Ed. Iḥsān ʿAbbās. Al-Muʾassasa al-ʿArabīya, Beirut, 1987. pp. 171-188. Here p. 178f. and 192f. Digitized
• Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī : al-Bayān al-muġrib fī aḫbār al-Andalus wal-Maġrib . 2 Vols. Brill, Leiden, 1849 - 1851. Vol. II, p. 112f. Digitized
• Al-Maqqarī : Nafḥ aṭ-ṭīb min ġuṣn al-Andalus ar-raṭīb . Ed. Iḥsān ʿAbbās. Dār Ṣādir, Beirut, 1968. Vol. II, pp. 518-520. Digitized
• Abū l-Ḥasan an-Nubāhī: al-Marqaba al-ʿulyā fī-man yastaḥiqqu l-qaḍāʾ wa-l-futyā. 5th ed. Dār al-Āfāq al-Ǧadīda, Beirut, 1983. pp. 18f. Digitized
• Yāqūt ar-Rūmī : Kitāb Iršād al-arīb ilā maʿrifat al-adīb al-maʿrūf bi-Muʿǧam al-udabāʾ wa-ṭabaqāt al-udabāʾ. Ed. by DS Margoliouth. Brill, Leiden, 1907-1926. Vol. II, pp. 368-371. Digitized

Secondary literature

• María Luisa Ávila: "Nuevos datos para la biografía de Baqī b. Majlad" in Al-Qanṭara 6 (1985) 321-68.
• Isabel Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus durante el periodo Omeya . Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, Madrid, 1987. pp. 80-88.
• Carl Brockelmann : History of Arabic Literature. Brill, Leiden 1937-1949. Vol. I², p. 172, Supplementary Volume I, p. 271.
• Maher Jarrar: The biography of the prophets in Islamic Spain. A contribution to the tradition and editorial history. Peter Lang, Frankfurt / Main, 1989. pp. 88-91.
• Manuela Marín: "Baqī b. Majlad y la introducción del estudio del ḥadīt̲ en al-Andalus" in Al-Qanṭara 1 (1980) 165-208.
• Muʿammar Nūrı̄: Al-Imām Abū-ʿAbd-ar-Raḥmān Baqı̄ Ibn-Maḫlad. Maṭbaʿat ʿUkāẓ, Ar-Ribāṭ, 1988.
• Muʿammar Nūrī: Muʿǧam Šuyūḫ Abī-ʿAbd-ar-Raḥman Baqī Ibn-Maḫlad al-Qurṭubī al-Andalusī (t 276 h) . Maṭbaʿat al-Hidāya, Tiṭwān, 1996.
• Charles Pellat : Art. "Baḳī ibn Ma kh lad" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Vol. I, pp. 956b-957a.
• ANM Raisuddin: "Baqī b. Makhlad al-Qurtubī (201-276 / 818-889) and his contribution to the study of ḥadīth literature in Muslim Spain" in Islamic Studies 27/2 (1988), 161-8.
• Akram Ḍiyāʾ al-ʿUmarī: Baqī Ibn-Maḫlad al-Qurṭubī wa-Muqaddimat Musnadihī. Beirut 1984.
• Walter Werkmeister: Source research on the Kitāb al-ʿIqd al-farīd of the Andalusian Ibn ʿAbdrabbih (246/860 - 328/940): a contribution to the history of Arabic literature . Schwarz, Berlin 1983, pp. 267-270. Digitized

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Faraḍī: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿulamāʾ wa-r-ruwāt . 1954, Vol. I, p. 109.
2. ↑ See Marín: "Baqī b. Majlad". 1980, p. 173.
3. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, pp. 331f.
4. ↑ Cf. Werkmeister: Source investigations . 1983. p. 267.
5. ↑ Cf. Jarrar: The biography of the prophets in Islamic Spain. 1989, p. 88.
6. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Faraḍī: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿulamāʾ wa-r-ruwāt . 1954, Vol. I, p. 107.
7. ↑ Cf. Werkmeister: Source investigations . 1983. p. 267.
8. ↑ Cf. Raisuddin: "Baqī b. Makhlad al-Qurtubī". 1988, p. 161.
9. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Faraḍī: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿulamāʾ wa-r-ruwāt . 1954, Vol. I, pp. 107f.
10. ↑ Cf. Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, pp. 331f.
11. ↑ Cf. Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, pp. 341-367.
12. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 326.
13. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 179.
14. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. Vol. XIII, p. 294.
15. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. Vol. XIII, pp. 285f.
16. ↑ See the excerpt from Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 325.
17. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, p. 85.
18. ↑ Cf. Yāqūt ar-Rūmī: Kitāb Iršād al-arīb ilā maʿrifat al-adīb. Vol. II, p. 369.
19. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 317.
20. ↑ Cf. Raisuddin: Baqī b. Makhlad al-Qurtubī . 1988, p. 162.
21. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, p. 331.
22. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. Vol. XIII, p. 287.
23. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Faraḍī: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿulamāʾ wa-r-ruwāt . 1954, Vol. I, pp. 108f.
24. ↑ Cf. Werkmeister: Source investigations . 1983. p. 269.
25. ↑ On Baqī's mosque cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 334.
26. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, p. 333.
27. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 192f.
28. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿIḏārī: al-Bayān al-muġrib . Vol. II, p. 112.
29. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, p. 334.
30. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, pp. 81-83.
31. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 334.
32. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿIḏārī: al-Bayān al-muġrib . Vol. II, p. 112.
33. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿIḏārī: al-Bayān al-muġrib . Vol. II, p. 112.
34. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 336.
35. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, p. 85.
36. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm : Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 193.
37. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, p. 85.
38. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 333.
39. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm : Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 193.
40. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, p. 85.
41. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿIḏārī: al-Bayān al-muġrib . Vol. II, p. 113.
42. ↑ See Marín: Baqī b. Majlad . 1980, p. 170.
43. ↑ Cf. an-Nubāhī: al-Marqaba al-ʿulyā . 1983, p. 18f.
44. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, pp. 335f.
45. ↑ See Ibn Baškuwāl: Kitāb al-Ṣila . 1882, Vol. I, p. 122.
46. ↑ See the list in Marín: Baqī b. Majlad . 1980, pp. 191-201.
47. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, p. 336.
48. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 314.
49. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos". 1985, p. 332.
50. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Faraḍī: Taʾrīḫ al-ʿulamāʾ wa-r-ruwāt . 1954, Vol. I, p. 109.
51. ↑ See Marín: "Baqī b. Majlad". 1980, pp. 173f.
52. ↑ See Marín: "Baqī b. Majlad." 1980, p. 174.
53. ↑ See Marín: "Baqī b. Majlad." 1980, p. 175f.
54. ↑ See Ibn Baškuwāl: Kitāb al-Ṣila . 1882, Vol. I, p. 123.
55. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 178.
56. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 178f.
57. ↑ Cf. Yāqūt ar-Rūmī: Kitāb Iršād al-arīb ilā maʿrifat al-adīb. Vol. II, pp. 369f.
58. ↑ Cf. Brockelmann: History of Arabic Literature . 1937, Supplement I, p. 271.
59. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 179.
60. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 179.
61. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 314.
62. ↑ Quotation from aḏ-Ḏahabī: Taḏkirat al-ḥuffāẓ . Vol. II, p. 630.
63. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 179.
64. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 331.
65. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥazm: Risāla fī Faḍl al-Andalus wa-ḏikr riǧāli-hā. 1987, p. 179.
66. ↑ Cf. Al-Maqqarī: Nafḥ aṭ-ṭīb min ġuṣn al-Andalus ar-raṭīb . 1968. Vol. II, p. 518.
67. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, p. 85.
68. ↑ See the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 332.
69. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 320.
70. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: "Nuevos datos . 1985, p. 337.
71. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 314, 317f.
72. ↑ Cf. the excerpt from al-Ḫušanī in Ávila: Nuevos datos . 1985, pp. 332f.
73. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. Vol. XIII, pp. 285f.
74. ↑ See Ibn Baškuwāl: Kitāb al-Ṣila . 1882, Vol. I, p. 123.
75. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 314.
76. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Tāʾrīḫ al-islām. P. 320.
77. ↑ Cf. Fierro Bello: La Heterodoxia en Al-Andalus . 1987, p. 82.
78. ↑ Cf. Ávila: "Nuevos datos." 1985, p. 324.