Ethnic riots in Târgu Mureș

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Demolished buses in Târgu Mureș during the "Black March"

Târgu Mureș (Romanian until 1993: Tîrgu Mureș, Hungarian: Marosvásárhely, German Neumarkt am Mieresch) is a city in Transylvania , Romania with a mixed ethnic population, which after the fall of the communist regime in December 1989 almost equal shares in Hungary and Romanians distributed. In March 1990 there were short-lived but violent clashes between the city's two population groups, in which ethnic Romanians from the surrounding areas and Hungarian-speaking Roma also took part. These clashes (also known as the “Black March” or “Pogrom of Marosvásárhely” by Hungarian authors) resulted in 5 deaths and almost 300 injured. The riots were broadcast nationwide on Romanian television and received attention in the media around the world. To this day, one can only speculate about the exact cause of the riots. The role of the Romanian government and that of the western media is questioned.

Human Rights Watch's position in the 1990 and 1993 report

Human Rights Watch reported:

“In March, violent attacks between ethnic Hungarians and Romanians broke out in the Transylvanian city of Târgu Mureș. On March 19, the headquarters of the Democratic Union of Hungarians of Romania (UDMR) was attacked by a large group of ethnic Romanians. Despite repeated calls for help from the UDMR, the police and the army did not intervene until a few hours after the attack had started. Many Hungarians trapped in the building were seriously injured.
The next morning around 15,000 ethnic Hungarians gathered in the town square to demonstrate against the events of the previous day. A group of around 3,000 ethnic Romanians, hostile to the Hungarians' demands for autonomy, began to gather on one side of the market. Tensions escalated when rumors began to circulate that buses carrying ethnic Romanians from the surrounding areas were approaching the city to assist the Romanians in the town square. At 2:30 p.m., the chief of police gave the leaders of the two groups in the square assurances that the police would block access to the city. However, according to unconfirmed reports, the police let buses carrying ethnic Romanians pass through the road blockade. Romanian farmers from outside Târgu Mureș reached the square long after the roads should have been closed and joined the Romanians on the square.
At 5:00 p.m., violence broke out between ethnic Romanians and Hungarians, breaking the line of 50 police officers sent by the authorities to separate the groups from one another. Although the Romanian and Hungarian leaders warned the police and the army of a possible outbreak of violence through some reports of escalating tensions on the square, the authorities were again unable to protect the residents of Târgu Mureș. "

Hungarian organizations sharply criticized the Romanian authorities and the judiciary, which dealt with the suspected perpetrators, because significantly more Hungarians and Roma than Romanians were convicted after the unrest. According to the US State Department Human Rights Report for 1993:

“The UDMR sentenced the Supreme Court on June 7th to dismiss an appeal in the case of Pál Cseresznyés, an ethnic Hungarian who was serving a ten-year prison sentence for attempted murder for his involvement in the March 1990 incidents in Târgu Mures. Cseresznyés took part in the brutal beating of an ethnic Romanian, which was filmed by an international journalist. The UDMR's complaint related to the length of his sentence and the fact that he was the only one filmed to be brought to justice. The court insisted that regardless of the fate of the accomplices, Cseresznyés received a fair trial and was found guilty as charged. "

Course of events

prehistory

László Tőkés 2007

Under Ceaușescu, Hungarians were exposed to strong assimilation pressure and discrimination. Although there was a Hungarian autonomous region between 1952 and 1968, it had a more symbolic or propagandistic value. However, since the 1956 popular uprising in Hungary, with which the Hungarian population of Transylvania sympathized, the course of the Romanian government towards the Hungarians tightened. From the end of the 1960s, Romanians were specifically settled in originally purely or predominantly Hungarian areas. The formal right to use the Hungarian language as the language of instruction was increasingly being eroded, management positions in public life were systematically filled with Romanians, and instead of multilingual signs, signs in Romanian were put up. In the course of the 1980s the nationalist course of the regime intensified again and in 1988 resulted in the emigration of 20,000 Hungarians. As a result, many Hungarians combined the turnaround and the subsequent democratization process with the hope of more minority rights.

At the end of December 1989 the revolution broke out in Romania , as a result of which the couple Nicolae Ceauşescu and Elena Ceauşescu were sentenced to death and executed. The revolution began when the dissident Hungarian pastor of Timișoara , László Tőkés , refused to obey his transfer to the remote village of Mineu (Hungarian: Menyő). As a result, he was supposed to be forcibly relocated, but his congregation gathered at his home and held vigils. The regime tried to break up the crowd by force, including shots. The exact number of deaths is still controversial today. The next day, December 18, 1989, tens of thousands of Timisoara industrial workers took up nonviolent resistance, and by December 20 the whole city was in an uproar. 20,000 workers from other parts of Romania were put by the regime in uniforms of the party militia "Patriotic Guard" and brought to Timisoara to put down the uprising. Even these rebels were presented to the workers as Hungarians, among others, who would have usurped power in Timișoara. However, these workers could be intercepted and informed in good time. Instead of quelling the uprising, they spread the truth about the state lie. The revolution also reached Bucharest , and in the further course of the revolution the new power elite formed under the publishing director and former communist politician Ion Iliescu with the Council of the Front for National Salvation . After the revolution, Iliescu became the first president of free Romania.

Ion Iliescu 2004

The UDMR (Hungarian RMDSZ) party was founded on December 25, 1989 and has since been campaigning for more autonomy for the Hungarians of Transylvania. On December 26th, Károly Király, a former communist politician who had been critical of the regime since the 1970s, became Vice President of the National Salvation Front. On January 2, 1990, the Council of the Front of the National Salvation of Mureș County was elected, whose President in turn Károly Király and Vice-President Előd Kincses, the former lawyer of László Tőkés, were.

In 1990 there were also a number of gatherings, demonstrations and sit-in strikes by the Hungarian population of Transylvania and their political representatives. The aim was to grant more minority rights, especially the establishment of the Hungarian language as the language of instruction. At the same time, however, incidents hostile to Hungary also increased. Hate pamphlets appeared in the form of a telex that reported anti-Romanian actions on the part of the Hungarian population of Târgu Mureş. Furthermore, a “constitutional draft” appeared, which called for the exclusive use of the Romanian language in all areas of life. With the Vatra Românească (German Romanian stove or Romanian homeland) a chauvinist (i.e. anti-Hungarian and anti-Semitic) association was formed on February 7, 1990 in Târgu Mureş, which still exists today. On March 1, Colonel Ioan Judea, then Chairman of the Provisional Council of National Unity of Târgu Mureș and later President of the Vatra Românească, expressed at the Civil Defense meeting that the population had to be prepared because of the news from some foreign radio stations had shown that one would prepare for actions against the territorial stability of Romania. According to Judea, several drafts had been worked out, for example to force the surrender of Transylvania by moving large crowds. Another variant would be a military intervention, so Judea. Overall, the tensions between the Hungarian and Romanian population increased.

First clashes

On March 15, 1990, the peaceful commemorative events held by the Transylvanian Hungarians in honor of the revolution of 1848/49 against the House of Habsburg were disrupted in several cities by supporters of the Vatra Românească.

In Satu Mare (Hungarian Szatmárnémeti or Szatmár, German Sathmar) Hungarians registered a memorial service for the Bălcescu statue for March 15 . The Vatra Românească then called for protest meetings on March 14th, where they decided with chauvinistic slogans that they would prevent Hungarians from celebrating March 15th. The next day they occupied the area around the Bălcescu statue. The Hungarians then laid their wreaths in the courtyard of the Catholic cathedral. The chauvinist Romanian crowd stormed the Hungarian celebrations, disrupted the wreath-laying ceremony and beat up one person.

In Târgu Mureş on March 15th, the Avram Iancu statue was smeared by strangers. On the pedestal was written “LE VED” in bad Hungarian - “vedd le” means “take off”. The Romanian police suspected Hungarians behind, trying to get the statue removed.

Also on March 15, the Petőfi statue in Ardud (Erdőd in Hungarian, Erdeed in German) was damaged by unknown persons. Local residents did not dare to speak in front of the media because they feared reprisals. The local Brigadier General Sergeant Ardeleanu knew nothing about it. The UDMR filed a complaint against unknown persons.

On March 16, the first violent acts took place in the Tudor neighborhood in Târgu Mureș, which was predominantly Romanian. Rioters objected to a Hungarian pharmacy name, in a short time hundreds of people were involved in brawls, apartments broken into and the Hungarian labels removed from the town hall. One drove into a crowd and alleged Hungarian provocation.

András Sütő

In Târgu Mureș there was a demonstration against László Tőkés and Smaranda Enache, the mob demanded Hungarian blood and the rope for Károly Király, László Tőkés and András Sütő , a Hungarian writer and then a leading member of the UDMR. The provisional council of the national federation did not react to the situation reports of the UDMR.

On March 19, a crowd demonstrated against the Hungarians in Târgu Mureş. The organization Vatra Românească brought demonstrators to Târgu Mureș by bus from the surrounding area - above all from the Gurghius Valley (Görgény in Hungarian), Ibănești (Libánfalva in Hungarian) and Hodac (Görgényhodák in Hungarian). First, Hungarian lettering was torn down. It was requested that the Târgu Mureș radio station should cease its Hungarian-language service. Előd Kincses gave in to pressure and resigned from his post as Vice-President of the Council of the Mureș County National Salvation Front. The mob stormed the headquarters of the UDMR with axes and clubs. 75 people were locked in the building, including András Sütő. The police initially held back, only later police and army units reached the scene. Their commander was Colonel Ioan Judea, who now personally guaranteed safe conduct for Sütő and the other enclosed Hungarians. As the trapped people left the building, they were attacked with chains and sticks while the army watched. As a result of the attacks, András Sütő went blind in one eye and suffered several broken ribs and bruises on his left arm. He was transported by truck to Bucharest and from there to the Budapest Military Hospital.

The riots

On March 20, around 15,000 Hungarians demonstrated in the city's main square, demanding the reinstatement of Előd Kincsess as vice-president and a review of the riots. In the morning, a few dozen Romanian counter-demonstrators gathered across the street, expecting in vain that President Iliescu would come to Târgu Mureș. The crowd, as well as the Hungarian service of the Târgu Mureș radio station, asked the army for help several times and also in Romanian.

The vehicle from Reghin has hit the stairs of the church

The organization Vatra Românească brought armed farmers from the Gurghiu valley and the area around Reghin (Hungarian Szászrégen, German Saxon rain or Saxon Reen), Deda (Hungarian Déda, German Dade respectively) with organized buses, trucks and cars at around six in the evening Dedals), Iernut (Hungarian Radnót, German Radnuten) and Turda (Hungarian Torda, German Thorenburg) into the city. The mob, armed with axes, scythes and pitchforks, broke through the poorly erected barriers of the police and stormed towards the retreating Hungarians. The Hungarian crowd dismantled wooden benches in front of the town hall and beat the Romanians back with their wooden sticks. During this counterattack, Mihăilă Cofariu, a Romanian from Ibăneşti, was knocked down and suffered permanent neurological damage. This was followed by a positional war, which was ended by a truck approaching from Reghin at high speed, which drove into the Hungarian crowd. The driver steered the vehicle across the square, was hit in the head by an object, lost control of the vehicle and ran over a Hungarian who succumbed to his injuries, and one of the Romanians standing on the back of the vehicle also lost his life.

There were also attacks north of Târgu Mureș, and there were major fires in the area. In numerous villages with a Hungarian majority population, the Hungarian residents began to block the access roads because they learned of the riots in Târgu Mureş and heard that the farmers who were brought up were stopping along the way and attacking the residents. They also noticed that the army and police were actively supporting the Romanian attackers: the army surrounded the city and only allowed Romanians' buses through. In response, the villagers expanded the blockades and threw Molotov cocktails on the Romanian buses. With harrows pulled into the streets and felled trees, they succeeded in stopping numerous vehicles and preventing them from entering the city. Several Romanians were beaten up and vehicles set on fire.

The Romanian troops form a line but do not intervene in the action

When the news of the Hungarian counterattack reached them, the Romanian army moved into Târgu Mureș, but the fighting vehicles made slow progress to the main square because of the barricades built by the Hungarians. The Hungarians were now hostile to the army because they only intervened after their counterattack. However, when Kincses asked, they let the tanks through. The tanks lined up in a long straight line, creating a wide no man's land. However, the soldiers stayed in their vehicles and did not even try to avoid further clashes. In the meantime, the street battles intensified, in the main square everything that fell into the hands of the people was used as a weapon on both sides, and Molotov cocktails were also used by the Romanian crowd. The size of the Hungarian crowd decreased because they sent the women and children home and they withdrew to the town hall. In the evening around eight o'clock, Hungarian-speaking Roma from Târgu Mureş in groups of 40 to 50 people from Valea Rece (Hungarian Hidegvölgy) arrived. At this time, the later famous saying “Ne féljetek magyarok, itt vannak a cigányok!” (“Hungarians are not afraid, the gypsies are here!”) Rang out and they too took part in the fighting. The decisive turning point came in the evening around 10:45 p.m. when Székler armed with sticks and pitchforks arrived from the bank of the Niraj (Nyárád in Hungarian, Niersch in German) and from Sovata (Szováta in Hungarian) . The mostly over 60-year-olds were led by a Hungarian WWII veteran named István Márkus. The Székler overran the Romanians over the fighting vehicles. The fight did not last long, the Romanians were beaten off the field, many injured on both sides were the result. The Hungarian crowd celebrated the victory by singing the Hungarian anthem and hoisting the Hungarian flag over the town hall. The elite paratroopers of the Romanian army and an infantry battalion reached the city that morning and restored order with extensive checks.

Post-history

On March 23, 1990 there were again strong anti-Hungarian demonstrations in Târgu Mureş. On March 25, the Wesselényi statue in Zalau (Hungarian Zilah, German Zillenmarkt or Waltenberg), a work by János Fadrusz, was desecrated by unknown persons. In its March 25 statement, the UDMR's Provisional Executive Committee protested against these events. During the night, the office of Malév (the former Hungarian national airline) in Bucharest was set on fire by strangers. On March 29, the government commission's statement on the events in Târgu Mureș was not yet finalized, but seven Hungarian-speaking Roma have already been brought to court with noticeable haste and charged with disturbing the peace. The trial began on the same day. The two incriminating witnesses already had criminal records (they broke into a shop on March 20 and were already in custody at the time of the trial). The next day, judgments were already passed: Ernö Puczi Kozák and Géza Kalló were each sentenced to three months of community service (repairs and education), the others were sentenced to three to five months in prison (Béla Grecui and Stefan Horváth five months each, Géza Puczi Kozák and György Carculea each four months and Sándor Puczi Kozák three months). The April 4th appeal confirmed the first instance judgments. Two Hungarians, Pál Cseresznyés and Ernő Barabás, were each sentenced to ten years for the attack on Cofariu. However, Barabás emigrated to Hungary , his extradition is refused by the Hungarian authorities. In 1996 Cseresznyés was pardoned by President Emil Constantinescu , so he was released after almost six years and also emigrated to Hungary. He became honorary president of the youth movement of the 64 counties .

The serious incident had little impact on the Romanian side: only Hungarians and Hungarian-speaking Roma were convicted, while the instigators and the attackers were not brought to justice.

In March 2010, 20 years after the events, some of the participants were awarded the Prize for Services to Minorities (Hungarian Kisebbségekért Díja) by the Republic of Hungary. Mainly the steadfastness of the residents of Sângeorgiu de Mureş (Hungarian: Marosszentgyörgy, German: Sankt Georgen) was awarded, who blocked the roads to Târgu Mureş and actively participated in the fight. A thorough investigation of the events, especially their causes, has not yet been carried out.

Reviews

Victim

The result of the riots is five dead (three ethnic Hungarians and two ethnic Romanians) and 278 injured. The dead on the Hungarian side were István Gémes from Dumbrăvioara (Hungarian Sáromberke, German Scharnberg), József Csipor from Ernei (Hungarian Nagyernye) and Zoltán Kiss from Satu Nou (Hungarian Teremiújfalu). The Romanian fatalities were Teodor Rusu from Reghin, who was standing on the back of the truck driving into the crowd, and Simion Frandes from Hodac. Both lost their lives in Târgu Mureș.

A symbolic victim

Two of the victims received special attention:

  • The Hungarian writer András Sütő, who was seriously injured on March 19 when Romanians attacked the UDMR building. However, the attackers were never officially identified or held accountable. Sütő remained blind in one eye.
  • Mihăilă Cofariu, an ethnic Romanian from Ibăneşti who was beaten unconscious and further on March 20. The attack was presented in the international media as if a Hungarian had been beaten by Romanians. Mihăilă Cofariu was admitted to the county emergency hospital in a coma and spent several months in hospitals in Romania and Germany. He retained neurological damage. Both perpetrators, Pál Cseresznyés and Ernő Barabás, were sentenced to ten years in prison.

consequences

After the events, the population of Târgu Mureș fell dramatically, many ethnic Hungarians preferred to leave the area, many moved to Hungary. Előd Kincses also fled to Hungary at the end of March 1990. According to the 2002 census, the population of the municipality of Târgu Mureș fell by almost 15,000 inhabitants compared to 1990 (from 164,445 to 150,041 inhabitants), which corresponds to a decrease of 10%. While the number of Romanian inhabitants remained stable at around 75,000, the number of Hungarians fell from around 85,000 to 70,000. As a result, the respective proportion of the total population also shifted: while the Hungarians still formed the majority of the population in 1992 with 51.6% (Romanians 46.2%), they became a minority by 2002 with 49.0% of their mother tongue (Romanians 49.9 %). The riots in March 1990 can be seen as a major reason for these demographic changes in the area.

Guesses about the causes

Even today it is still controversial and subject of discussion what triggered the riots. In particular, the role of the Romanian government has not yet been clarified.

The prevailing opinion among the Romanian public is that the incidents were triggered by direct attacks by ethnic Hungarians on Romanian facilities, symbols, statues and police officers. These events are linked to murders of Romanian police officers and local officials in areas with a large Hungarian minority or majority during the Romanian Revolution in 1989. It is alleged that the riots were part of a plan to separate Transylvania from Romania and reintegrate into Hungary.

However, most of the ethnic Hungarians from Romania, and Hungarian public opinion in general, insist that the rumors of Hungarian violence against Romanians and state institutions were unfounded or grossly exaggerated. The Hungarian side also believes that rumors of Hungarian violence were spread in order to undermine legitimate claims of the Hungarian minority in Transylvania.

The way in which the Romanian government is involved is also controversial. The official position is that the government quickly and successfully calmed the situation and put an end to the rioting. But:

  • Many members of the Hungarian minority suspect that the government's actions have indeed been deliberately slow. It failed to contain the violence and was therefore responsible for its escalation. They allegedly back up their allegations with recordings that show that police officers or representatives of the authorities ignore crimes. They also criticize the fact that the overwhelming majority of those detained after the events were ethnic Hungarians, which they believe shows ethnic bias.
  • Many members of the Romanian majority claim that the government did not intervene quickly enough to protect the population and that many clearly identified Hungarian perpetrators have not been prosecuted.

According to the 1990 Human Rights Watch report, "the authorities failed to do so in an appropriate manner to protect the population of Târgu Mureș". In this sense, the rioting can be seen as a symptom of the fact that the police and law enforcement agencies in general were weak and morally influenced as a result of how the communist regime fell. This opinion is reinforced by the fact that similar approaches were followed in later events (Piaţa Universităţii and the Mineriads ).

There is also evidence that the Romanian government at the time could have been knowingly and deliberately responsible for the riots. It is believed that the events were triggered by members of the Securitate on the orders of high-ranking politicians to justify the Romanian Intelligence Service, which was launched a week later. In addition, the excesses are interpreted as a means to divert public interest from the real problems. Ioan Judea confirmed in a 2005 interview that, as the President of the City Council, he had not disbanded the intelligence agencies that had existed until then and that he received daily top secret reports. The Securitate was still active at the time of the riots. Károly Király also accuses Ion Iliescu of being involved in the riot. He claims that Iliescu publicly warned against Hungarian separatism back in February. Then the Vatra Românească began to stir up a mood against the Hungarians. With lehet ma tudni a marosvásárhelyi magyarverésröl? In: origo.hu. Retrieved March 12, 2013 (Hungarian, “What is known today about the Hungarian brawls at Marosvásárhely?”). He also reports hints on the part of Iliescus in the run-up to the riots:

“Perhaps it is not unimportant when I recall the Transylvania celebrations on March 15th and the related things that the Hungarian people of Transylvania were allowed to celebrate freely for the first time in 1990 since the period after 1918. On the evening of March 13th, Ion Iliescu came over to my office in person and asked if we would celebrate the 15th, to which we answered yes and asked if there were any problems with it. To which he replied: 'No, you're doing this right, just celebrate. Just watch out, I've received information that extremist groups appear to be preparing for disruptive action. ' He added: 'From one side as well as from the other.' He didn't say anything concrete, but I sent my people out into the districts - with the exception of the Szatmár district, and that's exactly where the scandal broke out on March 15th.

Kincses also accused Iliescu of being involved:

“When we saw that there was trouble going on in 1990, we also asked President Ion Iliescu to come to Targu Mureș, but he refused. Alexandru Todea, the Greek Catholic dignitary on the banks of the Mureș, heard about the organization and personally traveled to Bucharest and asked Iliescu to stop the action. But he said he didn't intervene until the end. The judiciary did not investigate to determine the identity of the organizers or the instigators. "

And further:

“In addition, the three-month paid vacation granted to its employees after the dissolution of the Securitate expired exactly at that time. So the Hungarian threat came at just the right time to begin reorganizing the intelligence service. The court of Târgu Mureș would have to reopen the case. "

The role of the western media

Many Romanians criticize the quality of the coverage of the riots by the Western media. An oft-cited example is the gruesome footage of Mihăilă Cofariu featured in the documentary And the walls came tumbling down: Bad Neighbors as a Hungarian who was beaten up by Romanians. This documentary was directed by Peter Swain and produced by the Hungarian Paul Neuberg. According to the director, the film crew only reached Transylvania after the events. Most of the footage, including that about Mihăilă Cofariu, was provided by the production team, who led the film crew to believe that Cofariu was a Hungarian who was beaten up by Romanians. In addition, the film team had no contact with ethnic Romanians during the shooting; all material came from Hungarian sources, including Hungarian contacts from the political scene. Western media that picked up the story from the documentary took over the footage about Mihăilă Cofariu and gave the information about what was shown unchanged. This disinformation is widely used in Romanian media to link various similar cases of anti-Romanian misinformation in Hungarian and Western media.

See also

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ According to the Romanian census of 1992, the city counted 75,851 (46%) Romanians , 84,492 (51%) Hungarians and 3,259 (2%) Roma [1]
  2. ↑ a b Human Rights Watch World Report for 1990.
  3. ^ Human Rights Report, Jan. 31, 1994, US State Department.
  4. ↑ a b c Előd Kincses: Black Spring. Published by F. Bruckmann, Budapest-München 1992
  5. ↑ a b Letter about a strange telex text, in: Romániai Magyar Szó. Bucharest, February 4, 1990.
  6. ↑ Gábor Antalffy: Irresponsible Provocation. in: Romániai Magyar Szó. Bucharest, March 6, 1990.
  7. ↑ Szabadság. Cluj-Napoca, April 6th
    Romániai Magyar Szó. 17. March
  8. ↑ The Black March by Marosvásárhely (Marosvásárhely Fekete Márciusa) (documentary series)
  9. ^ Lajos Sike: Attack, but not against Petőfi. In: Romániai Magyar Szó, March 31
  10. ↑ Szabadság. Cluj-Napoca, March 18th
  11. ^ Romániai Magyar Szó. Bucharest, March 21,
    Magyar Nemzet. Budapest, March 21
  12. ↑ a b Kelemen Hunor: "a fekete március a romániai magyarság szabadságharcának a része" (Hunor Kelemen: "The Black March is part of the freedom struggle of the Hungarians of Romania") (Hungarian). www.hvg.hu, March 19, 2011, accessed on March 17, 2013 .
  13. ↑ a b Károly Nyárády: Marosvásárhely, március 19 (Târgu Mureș, March 19) (Hungarian). March 19, 2007, accessed March 17, 2013 .
  14. ↑ Csaba K. Fazakas: Marosvásárhely, 1990. március 19-20. (Târgu Mureș: March 19-20) (Hungarian). www.hunsor.se, accessed March 17, 2013 .
  15. ^ Romániai Magyar Szó, Bucharest, March 25
  16. ↑ The statement of the National Provisional Executive Committee of the UDMR, Szabadság, Cluj-Napoca, March 27th
  17. ^ Romániai Magyar Szó, March 28, 1990
  18. ^ Romániai Magyar Szó, Bucharest, April 6, 1990
  19. ↑ Article in Romania Liberă ( Memento of the original from February 11, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.romanialibera.ro
  20. ↑ Kitüntetés a marosvásárhelyi pogrom áldozatainak (Awards for the Victims of the Marosvásárhely Pogrom) (Hungarian). Duna TV, April 16, 2010, accessed March 17, 2013 .
  21. ^ Romániai Magyar Szó, March 21 and 22
  22. ↑ Népújság, Marosvásárhely, 20, 21 and 22 March
  23. ↑ Árpád E. Varga: Erdély etnikai és felekezeti statisztikája (The statistics on ethnicity and self-confession of Transylvania) (Hungarian). www.kia.hu, December 15, 2010, accessed March 17, 2013 .
  24. ↑ György Frunda: Ion Iliescu lied - Fidesz Magyar Polgári Szövetség .
  25. ↑ Nem kapott szót a Fekete március egyik okozója az emlékrendezvényen. In: transindex.ro. March 21, 2005, accessed on March 17, 2013 (Hungarian, "One of the perpetrators of the Black March was not allowed to speak at the memorial event").
  26. ↑ Károly Király: Nyílt Kártyákkal. Retrieved March 12, 2013 (Hungarian, “With open cards”). Iván Miklós Szegő: With lehet ma tudni a marosvásárhelyi magyarverésröl? In: origo.hu. March 21, 2012, accessed on March 12, 2013 (Hungarian, “What do we know today about the Hungarian brawls at Marosvásárhely?”).
  27. ^ A b Botond Gáspár: Kincses: "Iliescu tudott a Fekete március szervezéséről, de nem állította le". In: szekelyhon.ro. March 9, 2010, accessed on March 12, 2013 (Hungarian, “Kincses: 'Iliescu knew about the organization of the Black March, but did not stop it'”).
  28. ↑ a b c Culisele manipulării conflictului româno-maghiar din 20 martie 1990. In: Adevărul. March 14, 2010, accessed March 15, 2010 (Romanian).
  29. ^ Artificial tensions from Budapest. In: Ziua. 2006 (reference below).

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