Criticism of the Gothaer program

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The Critique of the Gotha Program was written in 1875 and published posthumously in 1891 by Karl Marx (1818–1883) on the draft of the Gotha Program , which was later merged with the Marxist- oriented “ Social Democratic Workers Party ” (SDAP) and the “General German Workers' Association”. ( ADAV ) to form the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (SAPD) . The work is an important source for understanding Marx's theories about the organization and nature of a communist society (see also Classless Society ).

In his criticism of the Gotha program , Marx devotes himself to various points that he sees incorrectly implemented in the draft of the party program, such as the origin of social wealth, its fair distribution, or the position of capitalists and landowners (all Section I). He also focuses on issues such as the need for internationalism in the labor movement , the position of the working class to the other classes (both I.), the education system (IV.) Or the iron law of wages of Ferdinand Lassalle (II.), Theoretical to its influence Marx's criticism moves along the party platform. The role of the state and its development, especially after a proletarian revolution , is also examined and contrasted critically with the understanding of the state in the draft program (III. + IV.).

Origin and publication history

The 20-page book was written between April and the beginning of May 1875, and was initially only distributed in the context of Marx and Engels. Friedrich Engels brought in 1891, after Marx's death, when the socialist laws fell and the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany , which emerged from SDAP and ADAV, again turned more to Marxism (cf. the later Erfurt party congress ), the criticism in the magazine " Die Neue Zeit ", No. 18, Volume 1, 1890–1891 with a foreword to the publication in order to influence the dispute over the direction. Engels' foreword briefly explains the genesis of the font and discusses censorship measures that were necessary for publication; today one can read the criticism as Marx wrote it.

“The manuscript printed here - the cover letter to Bracke as well as the criticism of the draft program - was sent to Bracke in 1875 shortly before the Gotha Unification Congress for communication to Geib , Auer , Bebel and Liebknecht and later returned to Marx. (...) Also for press law reasons, some sentences are only indicated by dots. Where I had to choose a milder expression, it is in square brackets. Otherwise the print is literal. "

- Engels, preface : London , January 6, 1891

Marx's great-grandson Marcel Charles Longue donated the original manuscript to the Institute for Marxism-Leninism at the CPSU Central Committee in the fall of 1960 .

content

Wilhelm Bracke

Letter to Bracke

Marx explains that he rejects the program and wants to clearly distinguish himself from it. He stands up against a “principle charterer” and instead for an “action program” or an “organizational plan ” for joint action. He particularly criticizes the Lassallian character of the party program.

Marginal glosses on the program of the German Workers' Party

I. section

In the first section, the five principles of the Gothaer Program are criticized:

"1. Work is the source of all wealth and all culture, and since useful work is only possible in and through society, the earnings of the work belong to all members of society in full, according to equal rights. "

Marx fundamentally criticizes the paragraph and states: "Labor is not the source of all wealth. Nature is just as much the source of use-values ​​(and this is what the material wealth consists of!) As labor, which itself is only the expression of a natural force is, human labor. " Therefore, in his opinion, it could only be meaningful as follows: “The source of wealth and culture is work only as social work. To the extent that work develops socially and thus becomes a source of wealth and culture, poverty and neglect develop on the part of the worker, and wealth and culture on the part of the non-worker. "

"2. In today's society the means of labor are the monopoly of the capitalist class; the resulting dependence of the working class is the cause of misery and servitude in all forms. "

Marx emphasizes that the monopoly of the means of labor does not only lie with the capitalist class , but is formed by capitalists and landowners .

"3. The liberation of work requires the raising of the work equipment to the common property of society and the cooperative regulation of the overall work with a fair distribution of the labor yield. "

First of all, the term “labor yield” is criticized as an economically imprecise term, as is the unclear formulation of “just distribution” ( “ Don't the bourgeois claim that today's distribution is 'just'?” ). In the following, Marx uses his economic theories to define his idea of ​​a just distribution of the total social product:

"[From the total social product] must now be deducted:

  1. Cover to replace the means of production used ,
  2. additional part for expansion of production,
  3. Reserve or insurance funds against disasters, disruptions due to natural events, etc.

These deductions ... are an economic necessity, and their size must be determined according to the means and forces available ...

The other part of the total product remains, destined to serve as a means of consumption . Before it comes to the individual division, it comes off again:

  1. the general administrative costs not directly related to production .
    This part is limited from the outset to the greatest extent in comparison to the present society and diminishes in the same measure as the new society develops;
  2. what is intended for the communal satisfaction of needs, such as schools , health facilities, etc.
    This part grows from the outset considerably in comparison to the present society and increases in the same measure as the new society develops;
  3. Fund for the disabled etc., in short, for what is now part of the so-called official poor relief.

Only now do we come to ... the part of the means of consumption [which] [are] distributed among [the] individual producers [note: workers] of the cooperative . ...

The equality [in the distribution of the means of consumption among the workers] consists in the fact that work is measured against the same yardstick, work (note: cf. labor theory of value). ... It is therefore a right of inequality, according to its content, like all law. ... By its nature, law can only exist if the same standard is applied; but the unequal individuals (and they would not be different individuals if they were not unequal) can only be measured on the same scale, insofar as one brings them under the same point of view ... One worker is married, the other is not; One has more children than the other, etc. etc. With the same work performance and therefore the same share in the social consumption fund, one actually receives more than the other, is one richer than the other, etc. In order to avoid all these abuses, that would have to be Right instead of being equal, rather being unequal.

But these abuses are inevitable in the first phase of communist society, just as it emerged from capitalist society after long birth pangs. "

Only when the division of labor, the opposition between physical and mental work is abolished, and cooperative wealth is produced in abundance, “the narrow bourgeois legal horizon can be completely exceeded and society can write on its banner: everyone according to his abilities, everyone according to his Needs ! "

"4. The liberation of labor must be the work of the working class, against which all other classes are only a reactionary mass. "

Marx criticizes the, in his opinion, unclear formulation of a “liberation of work”; rather, according to Marx, the liberation of the working class must be the act of the workers themselves. He also criticizes the portrayal of all classes other than the working class as a reactionary mass ( "Did you call out to craftsmen, small industrialists etc. and peasants in the last elections: You are only forming a reactionary mass with bourgeois and feudal people ?" ) And demands to differentiate.

"5. For its liberation, the working class initially works within the framework of today's national state, conscious that the necessary result of its striving, which is common to the workers of all cultural countries, will be international fraternization. "

Marx criticizes the version of the "labor movement from the narrowest national standpoint" , he emphasizes the international interdependence of economy and states, a revolution of the existing conditions by the working class is only possible for him in an international context (" internationalism ").

Section II

After the principles of the Gothaer Program have been formulated, it continues as follows:

“Proceeding from these principles, the German Workers' Party strives for the free state - and - the socialist society with all legal means; the abolition of the wage system with the iron wage law - and - exploitation in every form; the elimination of all social and political inequality. "
Ferdinand Lassalle

Marx now devotes himself to the criticism of Ferdinand Lassalle's iron wage law , which he accuses of having a wrong understanding of wage formation in capitalism.

"[It] the scientific insight [prevailed] in our party that wages are not what they seem to be, namely the value or price of labor [Note: cf. use value ], but only a masked form for the value resp. Price of labor [note: cf. exchange value ]. This made it clear that the wage laborer only has permission to work for his own life; H. to live insofar as he works in vain for the capitalist for a certain period of time (hence also for those who consume surplus value ); that the whole capitalist system of production revolves around lengthening this free labor by extending the working day or by developing productivity , greater tension in labor, etc .; that the system of wage labor is a system of slavery , and indeed a slavery that becomes harder to the same extent as the social productive forces of labor develop, whether the worker receives better or worse payment. "

Marx also notes: "Instead of the indefinite final phrase of the paragraph, 'The elimination of all social and political inequality', it was to be said that with the abolition of class differences all social and political inequalities arising from them disappear of their own accord."

III. section

Marx continues with the following quote from the party manifesto:

“In order to initiate a solution to the social question, the German Workers' Party demands the establishment of productive cooperatives with state aid under the democratic control of the working people. The productive cooperatives are to be brought into being for industry and agriculture to such an extent that the socialist organization of total labor arises from them. "

“The existing class struggle is replaced by a newspaper writer's phrase - 'the social question ', the 'solution' of which is being 'initiated'. Instead of the revolutionary process of transformation of society, the “socialist organization of collective labor” “arises” from the “state aid” that the state gives to productive cooperatives, which it, not the worker, “brings into being”. This is worthy of Lassalle's imagination that one can just as easily build a new company with the backing of the state as a new railway! "

Marx maintains that the majority of the working people in Germany consists of peasants and not the proletariat. He criticizes the formulation that state aid should be placed under democratic, i.e., rule-based control of the working people. “But what does 'rule by the people's control of the working people' mean? And now even with a working-class people who, through these demands they make on the state, express their full awareness that they are neither in power nor ripe for power! "

IV. Section

A. "Freedom of the state."

Marx calls this section the “democratic section” . At the beginning he asks the question: “Free state - what is it?”

According to Marx, one must understand "the existing society ... as the basis of the existing state" , and not the state as an "independent being ... which has its own 'spiritual, moral, and liberal foundations'."

“Today's society” is the capitalist society that exists in all cultural countries, more or less free from the addition of medieval additions, more or less modified, more or less developed, by the particular historical development of each country. In contrast, the 'today's state' changes with the national border. It is different in the Prussian-German Empire than in Switzerland, different in England than in the United States. So 'today's state' is a fiction.

However, the various states of the various cultural countries, in spite of their colorful differences in form, all have in common that they stand on the soil of modern bourgeois society, only one developed more or less capitalistically. They therefore also have certain essential characters in common. In this sense, one can speak of the 'current state' , in contrast to the future, in which its current root, civil society , has died.

The question then arises: What transformation will the state undergo in a communist society? In other words, what social functions are left there that are analogous to the current state functions? This question can only be answered scientifically, and by combining the word people with the word state a thousandfold, one does not get one step closer to the problem.

Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of revolutionary transformation of one into the other. This also corresponds to a political transition period, the state of which can be nothing other than the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat .

The program now has nothing to do with the latter [note: a "dictatorship of the proletariat"], nor with the future state system of communist society. "

Marx emphasizes that the demands raised in the program have already been realized in the “today's state” of civil societies, but not in the “today's state” of the Prussian-German Empire, on the basis of which the demands made cannot be implemented. "Since the German Workers' Party expressly declares that it will move within 'today's national state', i.e. its state ... so it could not forget the main thing, namely that [ general suffrage , direct legislation, people's law, people's armed forces ] is based on the recognition of the so-called . popular sovereignty beruhn, so that they are only in a democratic republic are in place.

Since one does not have the courage ... to demand a democratic republic, ... one should not have resorted to the neither 'honest' nor worthy ruse of demanding things that only make sense in a democratic republic from a state that does nothing other than a bureaucratic, police-guarded military despotism that is embellished with parliamentary forms, mixed with feudal elements and at the same time already influenced by the bourgeoisie . "

Marx explains that the demands of the Gothaer Program move within the framework of bourgeois society, as does the state it aims to achieve. In doing so, he once again formulates his conception of the state as a phenomenon of the social superstructure : “The fact that by 'state' is actually understood to mean the machine of government or the state, insofar as it forms an organism of its own which is special by dividing labor from society, are already shown by these Words: 'The German Labor Party demands as the economic basis of the state: a single progressive income tax, etc.' Taxes are the economic foundation of the machinery of government and nothing else. ... Income tax presupposes the various sources of income of the various social classes, that is, capitalist society. "

B. "The German Workers' Party demands as the intellectual and moral basis of the state:
1. General and equal public education by the state. General school attendance. Free lessons. "

The critical question is how the same popular education should take place in a class society . It is stated that free tuition also means that “[higher] classes pay their education costs from the general tax bag” . At this point, Marx also advocates technical schools alongside elementary schools. “A 'popular education by the state' is very reprehensible. Determining the means of elementary schools by a general law, the qualifications of the teaching staff, the branches of instruction, etc., and, as is the case in the United States, with state inspectors supervising the fulfillment of these legal regulations, is something quite different from the state as a people's educator appoint! Rather, government and church are to be equally excluded from any influence on the school. "

Marx also advocates a more consistent rejection of the social democratic party in relation to any “ religious ghost ”.

attachment

Marx explains that “the appendix that follows in the program ... does not form a characteristic part of it” , and he therefore only devotes himself to it briefly. He would like the key words of the program to be made more precise through specific changes:

He calls for a precise definition of the length of the normal working day, especially for women.

Marx is against restricting the work of women. At most they should be excluded from "branches of work (...) that are specifically unhealthy for the female body or that are immoral for the female sex." He demands an exact age limit when calling for the ban on child labor, stating: "General ban child labor is incompatible with the existence of big industry and is therefore an empty pious wish. ” On the contrary, it is the “ early connection of productive work with teaching ” a means of transforming society.

He demands that the industry be monitored by medical inspectors, who can only be deducted in court, also at the request of the workers.

The Social Democrats are supposed to promise not to regulate the competition from the labor of the prison inmates, since otherwise the prisoners excluded from the productive labor process could not improve and would be treated like cattle.

After all, he demands precise explanations of liability and occupational health and safety laws.

Marx ends with the saying:

"Dixi et salvavi animam meam." (I have spoken and saved my soul.)

effect

Plant reception

The Marx-Engels works ( “MEW” ) created in the GDR characterize the script as follows: “The 'Critique of the Gothaer Program' (called by Marx 'Marginal glosses on the program of the German Workers' Party') is one of the most important contributions to the development of the fundamental programmatic questions of scientific communism. Scripture is a prime example of an implacable struggle against opportunism. Just like Engels in his letter to Bebel, Marx in his' Marginal Glosses' gives a fundamental, critical assessment of the draft program for the future united social-democratic workers' party of Germany. "

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Comparison of the party programs

If one compares the founding program ( Eisenacher program ) of the Marxist-oriented Social Democratic Workers' Party of 1869 with the Gotha program adopted by the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany in 1875 and the Erfurt program in 1891, which has since become the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), conclusions can be drawn about the effect of Marx ' and Engels' on the programs.

Many demands can be found in all three programs, for example legislation by the people, the people's armed forces or the free administration of justice.

August Bebel
Wilhelm Liebknecht

First of all, it is noticeable that some points that Marx criticized in the Gotha program were already present in the Eisenach program, which was developed with the leading participation of August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht and was based on Marxism. For example, the formulation of a free state (“free people's state”), the lack of mention of the class of landowners or the use of the term “income from work”, a categorical free of charge for educational institutions and the administration of justice as well as imprecise formulations regarding the normal working day and the restriction of women and the prohibition of child labor. However, Marx and Engels accepted the concept of the people's state as a “temporary justification for agitation” despite its “scientific inadequacy” , even if they were of the opinion that “all talk about the state should be dropped,” as Engels said in a letter to Bebel beforehand of the Gothaer program. Likewise, according to Marx, the ruse of making demands on a state, whose constitution prevents the fulfillment of these goals (universal suffrage, direct legislation, popular law, people's armed forces), is similarly formulated in the Eisenach program. It should be noted that it was often forbidden to demand a republic , and the term republic is not found in any of the programs. In contrast, the first of the “demands of the Communist Party in Germany”, written by Marx and Engels in the revolutionary year of 1848, is the republic for all of Germany.

Despite the similarities between the Eisenacher and Gothaer programs, decisive differences can be identified. Different formulations of a struggle of the working class were removed from the party program. Likewise, the idea of ​​the abolition of all class rule by the working class can no longer be found. While the Eisenach program mainly uses Marxist terms, the Gotha party program deviates from this tendency and takes up approaches from the General German Workers' Association, which was shaped by Ferdinand Lassalle . In particular, the iron wage law and the idea of ​​the "establishment of socialist productive cooperatives with state aid" stand out here and are also critically criticized by Marx.

Marx's criticism of the draft of the Gotha program was only followed to a very limited extent in the final version, so no fundamental changes can be identified that could be traced back to Marx's work. While Marx's criticism of the Gotha party program had no decisive influence on its wording, Friedrich Engels used the script again in 1891 to influence the next party program, the Erfurt program. In this context, he also wrote a script himself. As Engels pointed out in a letter to Karl Kautsky , Wilhelm Liebknecht used passages from the criticism of the Gotha program in discussions about the new party program without showing them. This gave Engels, as he writes in this letter, the final impetus to publish the pamphlet against the rejection of old Lassalleian circles within the party. Ultimately, a party program was adopted, which Engels' express support found.

Eduard Bernstein

This has completely abandoned the Lassallean character and represents the Marxist worldview most consistently of the three programs , especially in the introductory theoretical section which was written by Karl Kautsky:

The economic development of bourgeois society naturally leads to the demise of the small business, the basis of which is the private ownership of the worker in his means of production . It separates the worker from his means of production and transforms him into a propertyless proletarian , while the means of production become the monopoly of a relatively small number of capitalists and big landowners. ...
The number of proletarians is increasing, the army of surplus workers is increasing in numbers, the contrast between the exploiters and the exploited is becoming ever more sharp, the class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, which divides modern society into two hostile camps and is the common characteristic of all industrial countries, is becoming ever greater . ...
Private ownership of the means of production, which was formerly the means of securing the producer's ownership of his product, has now become the means of expropriating peasants, artisans and small traders, and giving the non-workers - capitalists, large landowners - the possession of the workers' products put. Only the transformation of capitalist private ownership of the means of production - land, pits and mines, raw materials, tools, machines, means of transport - into social property and the transformation of commodity production into socialist production carried out for and by society can cause large-scale enterprise and the ever increasing productivity of social work for the hitherto exploited classes would turn from a source of misery and oppression into a source of the highest welfare and harmonious perfection on all sides.
This social transformation means the liberation not only of the proletariat, but of the entire human race, which is suffering from today's conditions. ...

The internationalism of the workers' movement was emphasized again and the state, in contrast to the Gotha program, was again understood as a means to an end, namely for the “liberation ... of the entire human race” , which “can only be the work of the working class because everyone other classes, despite the disputes of interests among themselves, stand on the ground of private ownership of the means of production and have the preservation of the foundations of today's society as their common goal. " The practical section was formulated by Eduard Bernstein , he and Kautsky were confidants of Engels'. In the Erfurt program, the eight-hour working day is specifically required for the first time , the ban on paid work for children under 14 and the ban on night work for branches of the economy that do not necessarily require it. In contrast to the previous programs, for the first time men and women are treated absolutely equally in all points. Free access to education is only required for basic training "and in higher education institutions for those pupils who are considered suitable for further training based on their ability."

Work quotations

“What we are dealing with here is a communist society , not as it has developed on its own basis, but the other way around, as it emerges from capitalist society, that is, in every respect, economically, morally, spiritually, still tainted is with the birthmarks of the old society from whose bosom it comes. "

- Marginal glosses on the program of the German Workers' Party, section 1

“In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaved subordination of individuals to the division of labor , so that the opposition between mental and physical labor has also disappeared; after work has become not only a means to life but itself the first necessity of life; After the all-round development of the individuals, their productive forces have grown and all the springs of the cooperative wealth flow more fully - only then can the narrow bourgeois legal horizon be completely exceeded and society can write on its banner: everyone according to his abilities, everyone according to his needs! "

- Marginal glosses on the program of the German Workers' Party, section 1

“Between the capitalist and the communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of one into the other. This also corresponds to a political transition period, the state of which cannot be anything other than the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat . "

- Marginal glosses on the program of the German Workers' Party, Section 4

literature

Primary literature

Secondary literature

  • Friedrich Engels, letter to Bebel , London, 18./28. March 1875. MEW 19: 3-9 ( read ) - A criticism of the Gotha program
  • Friedrich Engels, letter to Kautsky , London, February 23, 1891. ( Read ) - On the publication of the Gothaer program
  • Friedrich Engels, On the Critique of the Social Democratic Draft Program 1891 , June 29, 1891. MEW 22: 225-240 ( reading ) - A Critique of the Erfurt Program
  • Lenin , State and Revolution , Chapter V: The economic foundations for the withering away of the state , 1917. ( Read ) - On the conceptions of the state in Marx and Engels
  • Rosa Luxemburg , Die Theorie und die Praxis , Section I, 1910. ( Read ) - On the demand for a republic in Marx and Engels
  • Götz Langkau: Criticism of the Gotha program? Bibliographical observations on the long-range effect of an ideological setting of the course . In: Contributions to Marx-Engels research. New episode 2008 , Hamburg 2008, pp. 60–93

Party programs

  • The Eisenach program , decided on at the founding congress of the Social Democratic Workers' Party, Eisenach, 1869
  • The Gotha program , decided at the founding party congress of the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany, Gotha, 1875
  • The Erfurt program , decided at the party congress of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, Erfurt, 1891

Web links

Wikiquote: Critique of the Gotha Program  - Quotes

References and comments

  1. ↑ All data obtained from mlwerke.de
  2. ↑ Friedrich Engels had previously written to August Bebel regarding the “unification story” between SDAP and ADAV. After the Gotha program was available to him he criticized it in a letter to Bebel, dated 18./28. March 1875, the program. “ You ask me what we think of the unification story? Unfortunately, it was the same for us as it was for you. Neither Liebknecht nor anyone else gave us any information, and so we only know what is in the papers, and nothing was there until the draft program came about eight days ago. However, that amazed us quite a bit. "( Read letter )
  3. ↑ Note 12 on: Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Program in: MEW Volume 19, Dietz Verlag , Berlin 1987 (9th edition) p. 549
  4. ↑ Version in the agreed program: “Work is the source of all wealth and all culture, and since generally beneficial work is only possible through society, society, that is to say all its members, includes the entire product of work, with general duty to work equal rights, each according to his reasonable needs. "
  5. ^ Version in the adopted program: “In today's society, the means of work are the monopoly of the capitalist class; the resulting dependence of the working class is the cause of misery and servitude in all forms. "
  6. ↑ Version in the adopted program: "The liberation of work requires the transformation of work equipment into the common property of society and the cooperative regulation of overall work with charitable use and fair distribution of the labor revenue."
  7. ↑ Version in the adopted program: "The liberation of labor must be the work of the working class, against which all other classes are only a reactionary mass."
  8. ↑ Version in the adopted program at a later point: “The Socialist Workers 'Party of Germany, although initially working in a national framework, is aware of the international character of the workers' movement and is determined to fulfill all the duties which it has imposed on the workers in order to fraternize all To make people the truth. "
  9. ↑ Version in the adopted program: “Starting from these principles, the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany strives with all legal means to achieve the free state and socialist society, the breaking of the iron wage law by abolishing the system of wage labor, the abolition of exploitation in every form, the Elimination of all social and political inequality. "
  10. ↑ Version in the adopted program: “In order to initiate a solution to the social question, the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany demands the establishment of socialist productive cooperatives with state aid under the democratic control of the working people. The productive cooperatives are to be brought into being for industry and agriculture to such an extent that the socialist organization of total labor arises from them. "
  11. ↑ The Socialist Workers' Party of Germany demands the following as the foundations of the state: 1. General, equal, direct right to vote with secret and compulsory voting by all citizens from the age of twenty for all elections and votes in the state and municipality. The election or voting day must be a Sunday or a public holiday. 2. Direct legislation by the people. Decision about war and peace by the people. 3. General military strength. People's Army in place of the standing armies. 4. Abolition of all exceptional laws, in particular the press, association and assembly laws; In general, of all laws that restrict free expression, free research and thought. 5. Justice by the people. Free administration of justice. 6. General and equal public education by the state. General school attendance. Free lessons in all educational institutions. Declaration of religion as a private matter.
  12. ↑ The term “free state” is mentioned for the first time in Section II and is a formulation from the Gotha party program. At this point, Marx only states that he will come back to the free state later.
  13. ^ Version in the adopted program: "The Socialist Workers' Party of Germany demands as the basis of the state: ... 6.) General and equal popular education by the state. General school attendance. Free lessons in all educational institutions. Declaration of religion as a private matter. "
  14. ↑ The quote comes from the Latin version of Ez 3.19  EU ; see. in addition Dixi et salvavi animam meam .
  15. ↑ MEW Volume 19, Pages 3–9 ( Read )
  16. ^ Eisenach program
  17. ^ Gotha program
  18. ↑ Erfurt program ( Memento of the original from September 26, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.marx.org
  19. ↑ quoted from: Engels, Anti-Dühring , MEW 19: 224 ( reading ); Lenin said that the term was accepted, "[s] wherever it legally indicated the democratic republic" ; Lenin, State and Revolution, Chapter I ( read )
    Marx also alludes critically to the term in his criticism of the Gotha program when, with regard to the question of which state functions will continue to exist in a communist society, he remarks, “You can get through the problem a thousandfold combination of the word people with the word state not even one flea jump closer. " (p.28 according to MEW)
  20. ↑ Engels, Letter to Bebel, 1875, p. 6. ( Read )
  21. ↑ In the Eisenach program one point reads: "State funding of the cooperative system and state credit for free productive cooperatives under democratic guarantees." Here, a distinction is to be made above all in the point that in the case of the Eisenach program, the state supports the cooperative system, in the Gotha program of the establishment with state aid, i.e. by the state itself.
  22. ^ On the criticism of the social democratic draft program of 1891
  23. ↑ In the previous programs special economic rights were called for for women or voting rights for women were not called for at all.