Rosa Luxemburg

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Rosa Luxemburg (1915) Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) (cropped) .jpg

Rosa Luxemburg (born March 5, 1871 as Rozalia Luksenburg in Zamość , Congress Poland , Russian Empire ; † January 15, 1919 in Berlin ) was an influential representative of the European labor movement , Marxism , anti-militarism and proletarian internationalism .

From 1887 she worked in the Polish , from 1898 also in the German social democracy . From the beginning she fought against nationalism , opportunism and revisionism . She advocated mass strikes as a means of socio-political change and to prevent war. Immediately after the beginning of the First World War in 1914, she founded the “Gruppe Internationale”, from which the Spartacus League emerged . As a political prisoner she led this through political writings in which she analyzed and condemned the SPD's truce policy together with Karl Liebknecht . It affirmed the October Revolution , but at the same time criticized the party dictatorship of Lenin and the Bolsheviks . During the November Revolution she tried to influence current affairs as editor-in-chief of the newspaper Die Rote Fahne in Berlin. As the author of the Spartakusbund program, on December 14, 1918, she called for a Soviet republic and the disempowerment of the military . At the beginning of 1919 she co-founded the Communist Party of Germany , which accepted her program but refused to participate in the upcoming parliamentary elections. After the subsequent Spartacus uprising was suppressed, she and Karl Liebknecht were murdered by members of the Guard Cavalry Rifle Division . These murders deepened the division between the SPD and KPD.


Rosa Luxemburg's childhood home at 37 Staszic Street in Zamość
Memorial plaque on parental home, removed in March 2018

Youth (1871–1889)

Rosa Luxemburg's date of birth is uncertain. Her birth certificate, followed by her marriage certificate and other documents name December 25th, 1870. In response to a birthday letter on this date, however, she wrote in 1907 that the certificate had only been issued after the fact and that the date on it had been "corrected"; in fact it is "not quite that old". She and her family always celebrated her birthday on March 5th. For her enrollment at the University of Zurich , she gave 1871 as the year of birth. Therefore, newer biographers give March 5, 1871 as the date of birth. Your name Luxembourg was still alive her father by an official spelling errors to Luxe m castle , which they then maintained. Her first name Rosalia was colloquially shortened to Rosa .

She was the fifth and last child of the timber merchant Eliasz Luksenburg (1830–1900) and his wife Line, b. Löwenstein (1835-1897). The parents were Jews in the rural middle town of Zamość in the Russian-controlled part of Poland. The Luksenburgs came to Zamość as landscape architects, the Löwensteins as rabbis and Hebraists . Her mother's brother, Bernard Löwenstein , was a rabbi at the Tempel Synagogue in Lemberg . Over a third of the population were Polish Jews, mostly Haskala representatives with a high level of education. The parents did not belong to any religious community or political party, but sympathized with the Polish national movement and promoted the local culture. They owned a house on Rathausplatz and had modest wealth, which they used primarily for the education of their children. The sons (Natan Mikolaj, Maximilian, Jozef) attended secondary schools in Germany like their father. The family spoke and read Polish and German at home, not Yiddish . The mother in particular imparted classical and romantic German and Polish poetry to the children.

Rosa received a comprehensive humanistic education and learned not only Polish, German and Russian, but also Latin and ancient Greek. She spoke French, could read English and understand Italian. She knew the major literary works of Europe, recited poems, was a good draftsman, was interested in botany and geology, collected plants and stones and loved music, especially the opera and the songs of Hugo Wolf . Adam Mickiewicz was one of her lifelong respected authors .

In 1873 the family moved to Warsaw in order to strengthen the father's business connections and to offer the daughters better educational opportunities. In 1874 the daughter's hip disease was mistakenly diagnosed as tuberculosis and treated incorrectly. This kept her hips deformed, so that she limped slightly from now on. Five years ago, during the prescribed by the doctor almost a year of bed rest, she learned self-taught reading and writing. At the age of nine she translated German stories into Polish, wrote poems and novels. At the age of 13 she wrote a sarcastic poem in Polish about Kaiser Wilhelm I , who was visiting Warsaw at the time. In it she gave him a duel and demanded: "Tell your cunning rascal Bismarck , do it for Europe, Emperor of the West, order him not to shame the trousers of peace".

From 1884 Rosa attended the Second Women's Gymnasium in Warsaw, which only accepted Polish, and even more rarely Jewish, girls in exceptional cases and where only Russian was allowed to be spoken. This is one of the reasons why she became involved in a secret training group from 1886 onwards. There she got to know the Marxist group "Proletariat", founded in 1882, which distinguished itself from the anti-Tsarist terror of the Russian Narodnaya Volja , but how it was persecuted and dissolved by the state. A few sub-groups only continued to work underground , including the Warsaw group "Second Proletariat" founded by Martin Kasprzak in 1887 . Rosa Luxemburg joined this group without hiding this at home or at school. It was there that she first read the writings of Karl Marx , which were then illegally brought to Poland and translated into Polish. In 1888 she passed the Abitur as top of the class and with the highest grade "excellent". The school administration refused the gold medal to which she was entitled “because of an opposition to the authorities”. In December 1888 she fled from Warsaw from the Tsar's police, which had discovered her membership in the banned “proletariat”, and finally, with the help of Kasprzak, from Poland to Switzerland .

Study and development of the SDKP (1890–1897)

In February 1889, Rosa Luxemburg moved to Oberstrass near Zurich because in German-speaking countries women and men were only allowed to study equally at the University of Zurich . From October 1889 she studied philosophy , mathematics , botany and zoology . In 1892 she switched to law , where she studied international law , general constitutional law and insurance law . In 1893 she also enrolled in political science . There she studied economics with a focus on finance , economic and stock market crises . They also studied general management theory and science of history , above all the Middle Ages and Diplomacy credit history since 1815. She studied especially with Julius Wolf , of Adam Smith , David Ricardo and the capital of Karl Marx by taking, which he claimed to refute. In 1924 he expressed his conviction that she was a convinced Marxist even before starting her studies.

Zurich was attractive to many politically persecuted foreign socialists. Rosa Luxemburg quickly found contact with German, Polish and Russian emigre associations who tried to prepare for the revolutionary overthrow of their governments while in exile in Switzerland. She lived in the house of the Carl Lübeck family (SPD), who emigrated in 1872 after his conviction in the Leipzig high treason trial . Through him she gained insight into the development of the SPD. She got to know the Russian Marxists Pawel Axelrod and Georgi Plechanow , among others , and formed a circle of friends and talks that maintained regular contacts between emigrated students and workers.

From 1891 she had a love affair with the Russian Marxist Leo Jogiches . He was her partner until 1906 and remained politically close throughout her life. He taught her his conspiratorial methods and helped finance her studies. She helped him translate Marxist texts into Russian, which he smuggled to Poland and Russia in competition with Plekhanov. Plekhanov then isolated Jogiches from the Russian émigré scene. Rosa Luxemburg's initial attempts at mediation failed.

In 1892, several illegal Polish splinter parties, including former "proletariat" members, founded the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), which sought Poland's national independence and transformation into a bourgeois democracy . The program was a compromise of various interests that had not been discussed due to the persecution situation. In July 1893, Rosa Luxemburg, Leo Jogiches, Julian Balthasar Marchlewski and Adolf Warski founded the Paris exile newspaper Sprawa Robotnicza (“Workers' Matter ”). In it they represented a strictly internationalist course against the PPS program: The Polish working class could only emancipate itself together with the Russian, German and Austrian. Priority should be given not to shaking off Russian supremacy in Poland, but to solidarity-based cooperation to overthrow tsarism , then capitalism and the monarchy throughout Europe .

Rosa Luxemburg was in charge of this line. As a newspaper editor (pseudonym: "R. Kruszynska") she was allowed to participate as a Polish delegate at the congress of the 2nd International (August 6-12, 1893) in the Tonhalle Zurich . In her report on the development of social democracy in Russian Poland since 1889, she emphasized that the three parts of Poland are now so economically integrated into the markets of the occupying states that the restoration of an independent Polish nation state would be an anachronistic step backwards. Thereupon the PPS delegate Ignacy Daszyński challenged her delegate status . Her defense speech made her internationally known: She declared that behind the domestic Polish dispute was a decision of principle that would affect all socialists. Your group represents the genuinely Marxist point of view and thus the Polish proletariat. However, a majority of the Congress recognized the PPS as the only legitimate Polish delegation and excluded Rosa Luxemburg.

Rosa Luxemburg around 1895–1900

Then she and her friends founded the Social Democracy Party of the Kingdom of Poland (SDKP; from 1900 Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania ; SDKPiL) in August 1893 . The illegal founding party convention in Warsaw in March 1894 adopted its July 1893 editorial as the party platform and the Workers' Issue as the press organ. The SDKP saw itself as the direct successor of the “proletariat” and, in strict opposition to the PPS, aimed for a liberal-democratic constitution for the entire Russian Empire with territorial autonomy for Poland, in order to be able to build a joint Polish-Russian socialist party. To this end, close, equal cooperation with the Russian Social Democrats, their unification and integration into the Second International is essential. An independent Poland is an illusory “ Fata Morgana ” that is supposed to divert the Polish proletariat from the international class struggle. The Polish socialists should join the social democratic parties of the three partition powers or be closely associated with them. She succeeded in establishing the SDKP in Poland and later on attracting many PPS supporters to her.

Rosa Luxemburg directed the workers' affair until it was closed in July 1896 and defended the SDKP program abroad with special articles. In Independent Poland and the Workers' Cause she wrote: Socialism and nationalism are incompatible not only in Poland, but in general. Nationalism is an evasion of the bourgeoisie : If the workers bound themselves to it, they would jeopardize their own liberation, since the bourgeoisie would rather ally themselves with the respective rulers against their own workers in the event of an impending social revolution. In doing so, she always linked Polish experiences with those of other countries, often reported on foreign strikes and demonstrations, and thus tried to promote international class consciousness. Since then she has been hated by political opponents inside and outside the Social Democrats and has often been exposed to anti-Semitic attacks. For example, members of the Black Hundreds group wrote that their “poison” made the Polish workers hate their own fatherland; this “Jewish expulsion” is a “devilish work of destruction” with the aim of “murdering Poland”.

For the Congress of the Second International in London in 1896, Rosa Luxemburg defended her line in social democratic newspapers such as Vorwärts and Neue Zeit . She reached a debate about it and found, among others, Robert Seidel , Jean Jaurès and Alexander Parvus as supporters. Karl Kautsky , Wilhelm Liebknecht and Victor Adler, on the other hand, rejected their position. Adler, a representative of Austromarxism , insulted them as a “doctrinal goose” and tried to spread a counter-statement in the SPD. At the congress, the PPS wanted Poland's independence to be established as a necessary goal of the International and suspected several SDKP representatives as tsarist secret agents. However, this time Rosa Luxemburg and the SDKP were admitted as independent representatives of the Polish social democracy. She surprised the Congress with a counter-resolution, according to which national independence could not be a possible item in the program of a socialist party. The majority agreed to a compromise version that generally affirmed the peoples' right to self-determination without mentioning Poland.

After the congress, Rosa Luxemburg wrote articles for the Sächsische Arbeiterzeitung about organizational problems of the German and Austrian social democracy and the chances of social democracy in the Ottoman Empire . She pleaded for the dissolution of this empire in order to allow the Turks and other nations first a capitalist development. Marx and Engels would have been right in their day that tsarist Russia was the refuge of reaction and should be weakened by all means, but the conditions have changed. Leading Social Democrats like Kautsky, Plekhanov and Adler again publicly contradicted her. She became known far beyond Poland as a socialist thinker whose views were debated. She continued her uncompromising struggle against nationalism in the labor movement throughout her life. At first, this attitude almost completely isolated her and brought her into many bitter conflicts, including in the SPD since 1898 and with Lenin since 1903.

Rosa Luxemburg's dissertation

Julius Wolf became her doctoral supervisor. In 1924 he described her as the “most talented” of his students in Zurich. In May 1897, Rosa Luxemburg received her doctorate magna cum laude on the subject of Poland's industrial development in Zurich . Using empirical material from libraries and archives in Berlin, Paris, Geneva and Zurich, she tried to prove that Russian Poland had been involved in the Russian capital market since 1846 and that its economic growth was completely dependent on it. In doing so, she wanted to underpin the view that the restoration of Poland's national independence would be illusory with economic facts, without arguing explicitly in a Marxist manner. After the publication, Rosa Luxemburg wanted to write an economic history of Poland based on this; the manuscript she often mentioned was lost, but according to her statement it was partially processed in explanations by Franz Mehring on Marx texts edited by him.

Spokeswoman for the left in the SPD (1898–1914)

Memorial plaque on the house at Wielandstrasse 23 in Berlin-Schöneberg
Memorial plaque in front of the house at Cranachstrasse 58 in Berlin-Schöneberg
Memorial plaque for the former women's prison, Weinstrasse 2, in Berlin-Friedrichshain

In order to win the SPD and the workers in the German-occupied part of Poland more effectively for the SDKP, Rosa Luxemburg decided in 1897, against the will of Leo Jogiches, to move to Germany. In order to obtain German citizenship, she married the 24-year-old locksmith Gustav Lübeck on April 19, 1898, the only son of her Zurich host family. From May 12, 1898, she lived at Cuxhavener Strasse 2 ( Berlin-Hansaviertel ) and immediately joined the SPD, which was considered the most progressive socialist party in Europe by the workers' movement. She offered the SPD district leader Ignaz Auer to campaign for the SPD among Polish and German workers in Silesia. Thanks to her fluency and successful campaign speeches, she quickly gained a reputation in the SPD as a sought-after specialist in Polish affairs. In the following elections to the Reichstag, the SPD won seats in Silesia for the first time, thus breaking the previous sole rule of the Catholic Center Party .

In 1890, after twelve years in the empire, the socialist laws were repealed. As a result, the SPD won additional seats in the Reichstag in elections . Most of the SPD MPs wanted to preserve the new legality of the SPD and advocated less and less for a revolutionary overthrow, more and more for the gradual expansion of parliamentary rights and social reforms within the existing social order. The Erfurt program of 1891 held the social revolution only as a theoretical long-term goal and separated the everyday struggle for reforms from it. Eduard Bernstein , author of the practical part of the program, moved away from Marxism in 1896 with a series of articles on "Problems of Socialism" in the New Age and founded the theory that was later called reformism: the balancing of interests and reforms would alleviate the excesses of capitalism and bring about evolutionary socialism, so that the SPD could limit itself to parliamentary means. Kautsky, a close friend of Bernstein and editor of the Neue Zeit , did not allow any criticism of his theses to be printed. Alexander Parvus, meanwhile editor-in-chief of the Sächsische Arbeiterzeitung , opened the revisionism dispute in January 1898 with a polemical series of articles against Bernstein.

On September 25, 1898, Parvus was expelled from the country. At his urgent request, Rosa Luxemburg moved to Dresden and took over the editor-in-chief of the Sächsische Arbeiterzeitung . Therefore, at the following SPD party conference in Stuttgart (October 1–7, 1898) she was allowed to speak on all topics of the day, not just Poland. It was there that she intervened in the amber debate for the first time, positioned herself on the Marxist wing of the party, emphasized its agreement with the party program and rejected the style of debate: personal polemics only show the lack of factual arguments. The party executive around August Bebel avoided a programmatic decision. In the following weeks she published her own series of articles against Bernstein's theory, which later appeared in her book Social Reform or Revolution? received. In it she represented a consistently class-struggle position: real social reforms must always keep an eye on the goal of social revolution and serve it. Socialism can only be achieved by the proletariat taking power and overturning the relations of production.

Georg Gradnauer , Dresden SPD member of the Reichstag and supporter of Bernstein, attacked the left in Vorwärts as the cause of the dispute. Rosa Luxemburg defended it in the Sächsische Arbeiterzeitung and allowed him to reprint a first, but not a second, replica. Thereupon three co-editors, who wanted to use the editorial change for more own rights and felt patronized by their attempts to improve the quality of the paper, publicly opposed them. On November 2, she therefore offered to resign, but wanted to await the decision of the SPD press commission on her editorial rights. The forward claimed the following day that she had already resigned. August Bebel arranged for the SPD press commission to agree with her colleagues and forbid her to answer in public: she had shown herself too much as a woman and too little as a party member. Her direct response to Bebel, in which she rejected the restriction on her freedom of action as editor-in-chief, remained unpublished. This negative experience encouraged her later attacks on the hierarchical organizational structures of the SPD.

She moved back to Berlin and from there regularly wrote anonymous articles for various SPD newspapers on important economic and technical developments around the world for a fee. To do this, she did daily research in libraries, after which she was temporarily monitored by the police from December 1898. Her close friends included Clara Zetkin , who advocated a self-determined international women's movement inside and outside the SPD , and Bruno Schönlank , editor-in-chief of the Leipziger Volkszeitung . There she rejected the theses of Max Schippel with the article series Militia and Militarism in February 1899 : The latter wanted to abandon the SPD goal of a people's militia as an alternative to the imperial military and saw the existing standing armies as an indispensable economic relief and transition to a future “people's army " on. She criticized Schippel's approach to imperial militarism as a logical consequence of Bernstein's revisionism and its inadequate fight in the SPD. She suggested that the internal minutes of the SPD parliamentary group be published and that Schippel's theses be discussed at the next party congress. This time it met with a positive response from the party executive. Kautsky invited her to his home in March 1899 and proposed an alliance against militarist tendencies in the SPD. Wilhelm Liebknecht allowed her to give a lecture on the current course of the government and the SPD in Berlin. Bebel met with her, supported her demands, but still refused to comment on his own because he feared elections for the SPD. The party leadership recognized her as a dialogue partner. She used this to campaign for more acceptance of the SDKP positions.

From April 4 to 8, 1899, Rosa Luxemburg responded to Bernstein's new book The Prerequisites for Socialism and the Tasks of Social Democracy with a second series of articles on the subject of social reform or revolution? in the Leipziger Volkszeitung . In it she affirmed the SPD's everyday struggle for reforms as a necessary means to the end of the abolition of the exploitative wage system. Bernstein had given up this end and made the means of the class struggle, the reforms, an end in itself. In doing so, he basically declared the SPD's mission to be historically obsolete. The SPD would give up on itself if it followed suit. The Marxian crisis theory remains topical, since the growth of the productive forces in capitalism inevitably creates periodic sales crises and credits and entrepreneurial organizations only shift these crises to international competition, but do not eliminate them. She called on the "revisionists" to leave the SPD because they had given up the party goal. For this she found a lot of approval in the SPD. Several SPD constituencies requested the revisionists to be excluded.

At the Nazi Party Congress in Hanover (October 9-17, 1899), Bebel, as the main speaker, affirmed the Erfurt program, the free and critical discussion of Marx's theory, and rejected the exclusion of the revisionists. Rosa Luxemburg largely agreed with him: Since the revisionists did not determine the SPD position anyway, their expulsion was not necessary. It is enough to put them in their place ideologically. A proletarian revolution meant the prospect of the least amount of violence; the extent to which this becomes necessary is determined by the opponent. Since this internal party dispute, Rosa Luxemburg was known, respected and, in some cases, feared as a sharp-tongued and intelligent opponent of the “revisionists”. As a Jew from abroad, she experienced a lot of rejection in the SPD.

In 1900 her father died. At her request, Leo Jogiches moved to live with her in Berlin. She dissolved her marriage to Gustav Lübeck. In 1903 she became a member of the International Socialist Bureau. In the Reichstag election campaign of 1903, Kaiser Wilhelm II claimed that he understood the problems of German workers better than any social democrat. To this Rosa Luxemburg replied in a campaign speech: “The man who speaks of the good and secure existence of the German workers has no idea of ​​the facts.” For this she was sentenced in July 1904 to three months in prison for “ insulting majesty ” she had to serve six weeks. In 1904 she criticized Lenin's centralist party concept for the first time in the Russian newspaper Iskra ( organizational issues of Russian social democracy ). As a representative of the SPD and the SDKPiL, she pushed through class struggle against reformist positions at the Congress of the Second International in Amsterdam. In 1905 she became editor of the SPD party newspaper Vorwärts . In December 1905 she traveled to Warsaw with Leo Jogiches under the pseudonym “Anna Matschke” to support the Russian Revolution in 1905 and to get the SDKPiL to participate. She was arrested in March 1906. She succeeded in averting court martial with the threat of death. After her release on high bail, she traveled to Petersburg and met Russian revolutionaries, including Lenin.

In this context, Polish nationalists ( Roman Dmowski , Andrzej Niemojewski) publicly accused her of directing the “Jewish” internationalist wing of Social Democracy, which was plotting to destroy Congress Poland. The anti-Semite Niemojewski blamed Judaism for socialism. Rosa Luxemburg then managed to get leading Western European social democrats (the French Jean Jaurès as well as August Bebel, Karl Kautsky, Franz Mehring) to reject anti-Semitism as an ideology of the reactionary bourgeoisie.

She warned early on of a coming war by the major European powers, increasingly attacked German militarism and imperialism , and tried to force her party to take an energetic counter-course. In 1906, at the request of the Weimar public prosecutor's office, she was sentenced to two months' imprisonment in an SPD party conference speech for "inciting various classes of the population to engage in violence", which she served in full. After her return to Germany, she processed her experiences with the Russian Revolution in the text Mass Strike, Party and Trade Unions (1906). In order to exercise “international solidarity of the working class” against the war, she demanded that the SPD prepare for a general strike based on the Polish-Russian model. At the same time, she continued her international commitment and took part in 1907 with Leo Jogiches at the fifth party conference of the Russian Social Democrats in London . At the following congress of the Second International in Stuttgart , she successfully introduced a resolution that provided for joint action by all European workers' parties against the war.

From 1907 she had a love affair with Kostja Zetkin for several years , from which about 600 letters have been preserved.

Visit of the party executive in 1907 at the Reichsparteischule of the SPD. Lecturer Rosa Luxemburg (standing fourth from left), August Bebel (standing fifth from left), Friedrich Ebert (left in the 3rd bank of the right bank row)
Drawing of Rosa Luxemburg from 1910: Portrait of the manager of the Rheinisch-Westfälische Arbeiter-Zeitung Robert Umbreit
Rosa Luxemburg (right) with Clara Zetkin , 1910

Also from 1907 she taught as a lecturer in economic history and economics at the SPD party school in Berlin, and in 1911 the subject “History of Socialism”, which was introduced at her suggestion, was added. One of her students was the later KPD founder and GDR president Wilhelm Pieck . When the SPD spoke out clearly against the colonialism and imperialism of the Empire during the Herero and Nama uprising in German South West Africa , today's Namibia , it lost around a third of its seats in the Reichstag in the 1907 Reichstag elections - the so-called "Hottentot elections". But the SPD and trade union leadership continued to reject the general strike as a means of political combat. As a result, Rosa Luxemburg's friendship with Karl Kautsky broke up in 1910. At that time, reports in the New York Times about the Socialist Congress in Magdeburg made them known in the United States.

In 1912 she traveled to European socialist congresses as a representative of the SPD, including the one in Paris , where she and Jean Jaurès made the European workers' parties a solemn commitment to call a general strike when war broke out. When the Balkan War almost triggered a world war in 1913, she organized demonstrations against the war. In two speeches in Frankfurt-Bockenheim on September 25 and in Fechenheim near Frankfurt am Main on September 26, 1913, she called on a crowd of hundreds of thousands to refuse military service and to refuse to obey orders : “If we are expected to use murder weapons against our French or other foreign ones When we raise brothers up, we declare, 'No, we don't!' ”Therefore, she was charged with“ inciting disobedience to laws and orders of the authorities ”and sentenced in February 1914 to a total of 14 months in prison. Her speech to the Frankfurt criminal chamber was later published under the title Militarism, War and the Working Class . Before entering prison, she was able to attend a meeting of the International Socialist Bureau at the end of July . There she realized with disillusionment: Even in the European workers' parties, especially the German and French, nationalism was stronger than international class consciousness .

Engagement during the First World War (1914–1918)

On August 2nd, in response to the German Reich's declaration of war on Russia and France the day before, the German trade unions announced that they would waive the strike and waive the entire duration of the upcoming war . On August 4, 1914, the SPD parliamentary group voted unanimously and together with the other parliamentary groups to take out the first war loans , thereby enabling mobilization. Rosa Luxemburg experienced this breach of the SPD's pre-war resolutions as a serious, momentous failure of the SPD and therefore thought of suicide for a short time . From her point of view, the opportunism she had always fought had triumphed and led to the yes to war.

On August 5th, she founded the “International Group” with Hermann Duncker , Hugo Eberlein , Julian Marchlewski, Franz Mehring, Ernst Meyer and Wilhelm Pieck, which Karl Liebknecht, among others, joined a little later. In it, those war opponents of the SPD gathered who completely rejected its standstill policy. They tried to persuade the party to return to its pre-war decisions and to abandon the truce policy, to prepare a general strike for a peace settlement and thus to come closer to an international proletarian revolution. From this emerged in 1916 the nationwide "Spartakusgruppe", whose Spartacus letters Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht jointly published.

On February 18, 1915, Rosa Luxemburg had to begin the prison sentence in the women's prison in Berlin that she had received for her speech in Frankfurt am Main. She was released a year later. Only three months later she was sentenced to a total of two and a half years in prison under the protective custody law of the time to “avert a danger to the security of the Reich” . In July 1916 her "preventive detention" began. She spent three years and four months in prison between 1915 and 1918. It was moved twice, first to Wronke near Poznan , then to Breslau . There she collected news from Russia and wrote some essays that her friends smuggled out and published illegally. In her essay The Crisis of Social Democracy , published in June 1916 under the pseudonym Junius , she accounted for the "bourgeois social order" and the role of the SPD, whose reactionary nature the war had revealed. Lenin was familiar with this work and responded positively to it without knowing who wrote it.

In February 1917, the revolutionary overthrow of the Tsar in Russia raised hopes that the war would soon end. However, the Provisional Government continued the war against Germany. In March there were protests and mass strikes that lasted for months in many cities: first against the shortage economy , then against wage cuts and finally against the war and the monarchy. In April 1917 the USA entered the war . Now the opponents of the war, whom the SPD had excluded, founded the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany , which quickly gained popularity. Although the Spartakusbund had rejected the split by then, it now joined the new Left Party. He retained his group status in order to be able to continue to campaign for an international socialist revolution. Only a few USPD founders followed this goal.

While the SPD leadership tried unsuccessfully to win the Supreme Army Command (OHL) for peace negotiations with US President Woodrow Wilson , this enabled Lenin to pass through from his Swiss exile to Saint Petersburg . There he won the leadership of the Bolsheviks and offered the Russians an immediate separate peace with Germany. With this, the Bolsheviks won a majority in the People's Congress, but not in the Duma , the Russian national parliament. In the October Revolution they occupied it, dissolved it and set up the workers' councils ( soviets ) as organs of government.

Rosa Luxemburg kept herself informed about these events and wrote the essay On the Russian Revolution . In it she welcomed Lenin's revolution, but at the same time sharply criticized his strategy and warned against a dictatorship of the Bolsheviks. In this context, she formulated the famous sentence: "Freedom is always the freedom of those who think differently." It was not until 1922 that her friend Paul Levi published this essay. Despite her reservations, she tirelessly called for a German revolution based on the Russian model and called for a " dictatorship of the proletariat ", but delimited this term from Lenin's avant-garde concept . By this she understood the democratic self-activity of the workers in the revolutionary process, occupation of factories, self-administration and political strikes up to the realization of socialist production relations .

November Revolution and founding of the KPD (1918–1919)

During the January strike in 1918, independent workers' representatives, the revolutionary stewards , formed in many factories on strike . More and more Germans refused to continue the war. After the breakthrough of the Triple Entente on the Western Front on August 8, 1918, the imperial government, at the request of the Supreme Army Command (OHL), involved the Reichstag in its decisions for the first time on October 5. Max von Baden became Reich Chancellor and several Social Democrats entered the government. This asked the Entente to negotiate an armistice. The Spartakists saw this constitutional change as a deception to ward off the coming revolution and on October 7th made their demands across the empire for a fundamental restructuring of the social and state order.

The November Revolution reached Berlin on November 9th, where Philipp Scheidemann proclaimed a German and Karl Liebknecht, who had been released early from prison, a socialist republic. Rosa Luxemburg was released from prison in Breslau on November 9th and arrived in Berlin on November 10th. Karl Liebknecht had already reorganized the Spartakusbund. Both published the newspaper Die Rote Fahne together in order to influence developments on a daily basis. In one of her first articles, Rosa Luxemburg called for an amnesty for all political prisoners and the abolition of the death penalty . On November 18, she wrote:

“The civil war that people are anxiously trying to banish from the revolution cannot be banished. Because civil war is just another name for class struggle, and the idea of ​​being able to introduce socialism without a class struggle, by means of a parliamentary majority vote, is a ridiculous petty-bourgeois illusion. "

According to Wilhelm von Bode's memory, she stood up for the protection of Berlin's cultural assets against looters and made sure that a guard was posted for Berlin's Museum Island . On the evening of November 10th, Ebert and Ludendorff's successor, General Wilhelm Groener , had secretly agreed in the Ebert-Groener Pact to work together against attempts to disempower the imperial officers and continue the revolution, and at the beginning of December ordered former front troops to Berlin. These should thwart the undesirable results of the planned Reichsrätekongress , which should prepare a new constitution and elections. On December 6th, soldiers of these troops shot and killed workers demonstrating in street fighting. On December 10th, the Guard Cavalry Rifle Division entered Berlin. Rosa Luxemburg suspected that Ebert intended to use these Reich Defense Units against Berlin workers and then demanded in the article What does the Spartakusbund want? on December 14th all power in the Red Flag for the councils, the disarmament and re-education of the returning soldiers and the "arming of the people". She rejected terror as practiced by the Bolsheviks, but neither did she want to speak of non-violence in view of the expected resistance of the capitalist class :

"The struggle for socialism is the most violent civil war in world history, and the proletarian revolution must prepare the necessary tools for this civil war, it must learn to use it - to fight and win."

Only ten Spartakists were represented at the Reich Council Congress from December 16 to 20. Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were not given the right to speak. In accordance with the broad will of the population, a majority voted for parliamentary elections to the Weimar National Assembly on January 19, 1919 and the self-dissolution of the workers' councils. A control commission was supposed to supervise the military, a socialization commission was supposed to begin the expropriation of large-scale industries that were so important to the war effort.

As a result of the Christmas battles of December 24th, the members of the USPD left the Council of People's Representatives on December 29th . Luxembourg then insinuated that he would establish a dictatorship. In doing so, she delegitimized the government and its efforts to create a parliamentary democracy. For Luxemburg there was only the choice between two dictatorships, namely that of Ebert-Scheidemann or a military dictatorship under Paul von Hindenburg , which she considered possible, and the dictatorship of the proletariat she advocated.

On January 1, 1919, the Spartacists and other left-wing socialist groups from all over the Reich founded the KPD. Rosa Luxemburg's Spartacus program hardly changed as a party program. In it she emphasized that communists would never seize power without a declared majority will. Her urgent recommendation to take part in the upcoming parliamentary elections in order to promote a continuation of the revolution there too was rejected by a clear majority at the party congress.

When Ebert deposed Berlin Police President Emil Eichhorn (USPD) on January 4, 1919 , because he had made common cause with the rebellious soldiers during the Christmas battles, revolutionary stewards called for a general strike on January 5 and occupied the Berlin newspaper district in order to Call for overthrow of the transitional government. While Karl Liebknecht supported them and the KPD tried unsuccessfully to persuade Berlin regiments to participate, Rosa Luxemburg considered this second attempt at revolution to be insufficiently prepared, premature and criticized Liebknecht for it internally. While Karl Liebknecht openly called for armed struggle against the government, Rosa Luxemburg advised against it. But she did not want to publicly advise against the uprising. Appeals for murder against the Spartacus leaders have been circulating in newspapers since the beginning of December; At that time Eduard Stadtler had founded an “ Anti-Bolshevik League ” with funds from Deutsche Bank and Friedrich Naumann , whose anti-Bolshevik fund received money from German business from January 10, 1919. This paid for, among other things, the recruitment and equipment of the volunteer corps as well as rewards for the arrest and murder of Spartakists. The government spoke on leaflets of the imminent "hour of reckoning", the revolutionary side threatened government members with the "scaffold" on their leaflets and spoke of "mortal enemies". Mediation talks between the Revolutionary Committee and the transitional government failed. Imperial troops commanded by Gustav Noske suppressed the so-called Spartacus uprising from January 8th to 12th and shot hundreds of insurgents, including many unarmed who had already surrendered. The Spartacus leaders had to go into hiding, but stayed in Berlin. In this situation, on January 13th, other military units, the Freikorps, entered the city. The Guard Cavalry Rifle Division , which was soon expanded to become the Guard Cavalry Rifle Corps , was relocated to Berlin. Further acts of violence by these associations followed. The forces were not necessarily united to secure the government, but united in the struggle against the republic, democracy and revolutionaries.

Murder and burial

Main article: Assassinations of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg (Waldemar Pabst) / Assassinations of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht (Spartacus Uprising)

In the last days of her life, Rosa Luxemburg was in very bad health, but she still actively followed the revolutionary events. In its last publication in the Rote Fahne , it reaffirmed its absolute confidence in the working class; she will learn from her defeats and soon rise again to the "final victory". As early as December, the “Anti-Bolshevik League” had been publishing leaflets and posters calling for the leaders of the revolutionary uprising to be captured. Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were expressly named as responsible. All of these media explicitly called for the leaders of the Spartakusbund to be killed.

On January 15, 1919, a “Wilmersdorfer vigilante group”, who had detailed profiles, arrested her and Karl Liebknecht in an apartment at Mannheimer Strasse 27 in Berlin-Wilmersdorf and took them to the Eden Hotel . The staff of the Guard Cavalry Rifle Division resided there under the First General Staff Officer, Captain Waldemar Pabst , who organized the persecution of Spartakists in Berlin. The commander of this division was Lieutenant General Heinrich von Hofmann , who had severe health problems and left the operational management to Pabst. The prisoners were interrogated one after the other for several hours and were seriously injured.

Pabst and his officers decided to murder them; the murder should look like a spontaneous act by strangers. Until the end of his life he did not see this as murder (which it was quite undoubtedly), but as an execution in the national interest. The hunter Otto Wilhelm Runge , standing by at the main entrance, hit Rosa Luxemburg several times with a rifle butt - coram publico - when she left the hotel until she was unconscious. She was thrown into a waiting car. The Freikorps lieutenant Hermann Souchon jumped on the step of the car when they were being transported and shot them in the temple on the corner of Nürnberger Strasse and Kurfürstendamm (today Budapester Strasse ). Kurt Vogel had her body thrown into the Berlin Landwehr Canal near today's Lichtenstein Bridge.

The official reading for this murder was " killed by an angry crowd while leaving the hotel ". The body was later stolen by a " crowd ".

Funeral procession for the funeral of Rosa Luxemburg

Because her body had not yet been found, an empty coffin for Rosa Luxemburg was symbolically buried next to Karl Liebknecht in the Friedrichsfelde central cemetery on January 25, 1919 . Over 100,000 people took part. The murder of the Spartacus leaders was followed by civil war-like unrest throughout Germany until early July 1919 . Gustav Noske had them violently put down with the Freikorps and imperial troops; this claimed several thousand deaths.

On May 31, 1919, a lock worker found Rosa Luxemburg's body at a lock in the Landwehr Canal near the Lower Freiarchen Bridge. In order to avoid mass unrest, Noske imposed a news blackout, had the body confiscated and taken to the Zossen military camp . The forensic doctors Fritz Straßmann and Paul Fraenckel autopsied him in the hospital in Wünsdorf-Waldstadt and determined a close-range gunshot as the cause of death. On June 5, Mathilde Jacob identified the dead woman. On June 13, Rosa Luxemburg's body was transferred to Berlin and buried next to Karl Liebknecht's grave. Tens of thousands attended the funeral. Paul Levi gave the funeral oration. There was also a large demonstration and strikes in Vienna on this occasion.

Kurt Vogel was believed to be Rosa Luxemburg's murderer for decades, but Hermann Souchon's culprit has now been proven. Both officers were directly involved, however. In both cases, the soldier who hit the prisoners with his rifle butt before the car left was Otto Runge.

Grave of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in 1919

Political thinking and acting

Marxism as a self-critical method of the analysis of capitalism

Rosa Luxemburg vigorously advocated the ideas of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels . However, she did not take their theories dogmatically, but critically:

"Marxism is a revolutionary worldview that has to constantly strive for new knowledge, that detests nothing like solidification in once-valid forms, which best preserves its vital force in the clash of intellectual weapons of self-criticism and in historical lightning and thunder."

In two essays on Marx, she updated his basic ideas in very different ways. For Franz Mehring's 1901 biography of Marx, she wrote a summary of Capital . In it she explained

  • the emergence of profit from the law of wages, which always withholds part of the equivalent value of the product from the worker (volume 1);
  • the competition laws of the market, which force the entrepreneur to "realize" his profit profitably, as well as the credit system that keeps the production process and the movement of goods going (Volume 2);
  • the law of the “average rate of profit”, which determines the distribution of socially produced wealth and causes the inevitable “crises” in the capitalist economy (Volume 3).

For them, these laws established the fundamental class solidarity of the capital owners vis-à-vis the producers, so that structural exploitation can only be overcome by abolishing wage labor and class rule.

As a party lecturer from 1907, then in custody in 1916, she also wrote a generally understandable introduction to political economy , which appeared posthumously in 1925.

Imperialism theory

In her main work The Accumulation of Capital of 1913 Rosa Luxemburg developed her theory of imperialism . Similar to John Atkinson Hobson's theory of underconsumption , it showed that imperialism was “a historical necessity, the final stage in capitalist development”.

Karl Marx , Theories of Added Value (1910)

In critical reference to Marx's statements on the schema of extended reproduction ( capital accumulation ) in the second volume of Capital, she shows, including with reference to Engels' remarks on Marx's manuscripts, that Marx did not elaborate this point conclusively and without contradictions but rather contradicts his own solution elsewhere, namely in the third volume and in the theories about surplus value , and his solution is a simple arithmetic construction. The problem for Marx already consists in the question of who realizes (buys) the surplus value , i.e. the additional mountain of goods, in the case of total social accumulation. Marx tried to solve the problem, among other things, with the concept of expanded money production (mining capital for gold), which he had previously rejected, but described this as "absurd" elsewhere in Capital . Rosa Luxemburg also shows historically that even before Marx, bourgeois political economy struggled intensively with this problem and was unable to provide a solution to the lack of demand for the surplus product in the end of accumulation, but rather mediate the contradictions politically in some way in the interests of avoiding crises wanted or simply denied it.

Since neither the workers nor the capitalists come into question as consumers for the surplus product, i.e. for realizing the surplus value in Marx's scheme of extended reproduction, according to Rosa Luxemburg the market must be expanded accordingly. Capitalist growth is therefore always guaranteed at the expense of natural economy and non-capitalist modes of production both within and outside of one's own country. She traces this expansion on the basis of colonial history: 1. with the dissolution of natural economy through the compulsory introduction of ownership of land and thus the division of jointly organized natural resources, 2. through the introduction of merchandise management, 3. through the dissolution of the peasantry and finally 4. through the introduction of large capitalist production, especially with the capital of the colonial powers. The bloody colonial conflicts associated with the expropriations for the realization of the surplus value, for example the opium war in China, the colonization of South Africa , the war of secession and the associated tax burdens or the North African and Asia Minor colonial efforts of German capital, are considered extensive by her historical material used.

By considering the accumulation of capital, which is its sole purpose, to be not inherently solvable, for example accumulation for the sake of accumulation, i.e. growth of the mechanical engineering industry for increased production of machines without final consumption, she summarizes at the end of her consideration the dissolution of the simple goods production:

“The general result of the struggle between capitalism and simple commodity management is this: Capital itself takes the place of simple commodity management, after it had put commodity management in place of natural economy. If capitalism lives from non-capitalist formations, then, more precisely, it lives from the ruin of these formations, and if it absolutely needs the non-capitalist milieu for accumulation, then it needs it as a breeding ground, at its expense, through the absorption of which accumulation takes place. Viewed historically, capital accumulation is a process of metabolism that takes place between capitalist and pre-capitalist modes of production. Without it the accumulation of capital cannot take place, but from this side accumulation consists in gnawing and assimilating the former. Accordingly, capital accumulation cannot exist without the non-capitalist formations any more than they can exist alongside it. The conditions of existence of capital accumulation are only given in the steady and progressive crumbling of the former. [...] But the dead end begins here. Once the end result has been achieved - which, however, remains only a theoretical construction - accumulation becomes an impossibility: the realization and capitalization of surplus value turns into an insoluble task. At the moment when Marx's schema of expanded reproduction corresponds to reality, it indicates the exit, the historical barrier of the accumulation movement, that is, the end of capitalist production. In capitalist terms, the impossibility of accumulation means the impossibility of the further development of the productive forces and thus the objective historical necessity of the downfall of capitalism. This results in the contradicting movement of the last, imperialist phase as the final period in the historical career of capital. "

In demonstrating colonialism as an imperative of capitalism, it also expanded and modified Marx's crisis theory:

"On the other hand, it excludes the deep, fundamental conflict between the ability to produce and consume in capitalist society, which arises precisely from the accumulation of capital, which periodically airs itself in crises and which drives capital to constantly expand the market."

In their opinion, this is the only way to properly understand the history of capitalism in the 19th century.

“The scheme therefore presupposes a movement of total capital that contradicts the actual course of capitalist development. The history of the capitalist mode of production is characterized by two facts at first glance: on the one hand, the periodic expansion of the entire field of production, on the other hand, the highly uneven development of various branches of production. The history of the English cotton industry, the most characteristic chapter in the history of the capitalist mode of production from the last quarter of the 18th to the 1870s, appears completely inexplicable from the standpoint of Marx's schema. "

Fight against reformism

From 1896 Eduard Bernstein published his series of articles on the revision of the alleged Marxian collapse theory . He concluded from the temporary absence of crises that capitalism had proven to be unexpectedly permanent. The SPD must therefore give up its revolutionary goals and concentrate entirely on improving the living conditions of the workers: "The goal is nothing to me, the movement is everything."

Rosa Luxemburg's brochure Social Reform or Revolution summarized her answer:

  • If Bernstein were right, social democracy would be superfluous. Waiting for the automatic fair distribution of social wealth, however, is utopian and, like Don Quixote, doomed the SPD to failure.
  • Cartels, trusts, and stock corporations do not prove the gradual self-control and democratization of capital, but are part of its concentration process.
  • Since productivity is constantly growing, while the world market has natural limits, crises are inevitable. However, Marx did not refute their temporary absence - the German Reich experienced a prolonged boom until 1910.
  • Unions could only try to cut the largest possible piece of the pie of entrepreneurial profit within the framework of the wage law, but never overcome exploitation in this way.
  • Social democracy is only tolerated in bourgeois society as long as it stays still. Only when the capitalist system collapses will they be given a share of power.
  • That is why the revolution is and will remain absolutely necessary. The SPD must take the lead in building the necessary class consciousness and promote, not block, the workers' self-employment.

These sentences, which foresaw some of the coming developments, were rejected at the time by many party and trade union officials who hoped for recognition through adjustment in the empire and gains in votes through renouncing revolution. Rosa Luxemburg did not set the upheaval in the relations of production against the everyday struggle for better living conditions, but instead advocated an interlocking of reform and revolution in the proletarian struggle for self-liberation. Reforms should also raise the political consciousness of the workers and prevent the SPD from being appropriated in order to preserve the bourgeoisie.

Critical solidarity with the October Revolution

After the fall of the Tsar as a result of the February Revolution in 1917 , Rosa Luxemburg wrote the article The Revolution in Russia . In it she highlighted the driving force of the Russian proletariat in the events. His development of power initially pushed the liberal bourgeoisie to the fore of the revolutionary movement. His task now is to end the imperialist war. To do this, it must fight its own bourgeoisie, which absolutely needs and wants to continue the war. This made Russia ripe for the socialist revolution.

In doing so, she foresaw that only one more revolution in the Russian Empire would end the war. Because the Mensheviks , like the German and French Social Democrats, wanted to continue to gain advantages for their country. But because the urban industrial proletariat in Russia was proportionally much smaller than the backward rural peasantry, Rosa Luxemburg, like Lenin, considered an analogous German revolution to be indispensable in order to create the conditions for socialism in both countries at the same time as the end of the war. To this end, she wanted to bring the pan-European labor movement together practically as much as possible.

Rosa Luxemburg welcomed Lenin's attempt at revolution after he had forcibly dissolved the constituent assembly . However, she criticized the fact that the Bolsheviks suspended all parliamentary control of their policies. She realized that Lenin was beginning to suppress not only other parties, but also democracy in her own party. This threatens the absolutely necessary participation and leadership of the workers in building socialism. That is why, after the October Revolution, she criticized the Bolshevik tendency towards party dictatorship with the famous sentences:

“Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for members of a party - no matter how numerous they may be - is not freedom. Freedom is always freedom of people who think in a different way. Not because of the fanaticism of 'justice', but because all that invigorating, healing and purifying political freedom depends on this being and its effect fails when 'freedom' becomes a privilege . "

When it comes to freedom for those who think differently, Luxemburg did not think of “class enemies” or “class traitors”, emphasizes the historian Heinrich August Winkler . Not a liberal democracy but a socialist pluralism had in mind.

In a sharp examination of the dictatorship theory of Lenin and Trotsky, she goes on and explains that on the one hand, like Kautsky on the other, they commit the fundamental mistake of opposing the dictatorship to democracy. There would be two opposing poles that are equally far removed from real socialist politics.

“The proletariat, if it seizes power, can never, after the good advice of Kautsky […], forego the social upheaval and devote itself only to democracy, without betraying itself or the revolution. It should and must immediately tackle socialist measures in the most energetic, most unyielding, most ruthless manner, that is, exercise dictatorship; but dictatorship of the CLASS, not of a party or clique, dictatorship of the class, d. H. in the broadest public, with the most active and unrestrained participation of the popular masses, in unlimited democracy. "

She goes on to explain that it is neither about idolatry of formal democracy nor of socialism or Marxism; rather, the "bitter core of social inequality and lack of freedom under the sweet shell of formal equality and freedom" must be filled with new social content. In this sense it defines the Marxist concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat :

“It is the historic task of the proletariat, when it comes to power, to create socialist democracy in place of bourgeois democracy, not to abolish all democracy. [...] Socialist democracy begins at the same time with the dismantling of class rule and the building of socialism. It begins when the socialist party seizes power. It is nothing other than the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Yes: dictatorship! But this dictatorship consists in the way in which democracy is used, not in its abolition, in energetic, determined interventions in the well-earned rights and economic relations of bourgeois society, without which the socialist revolution cannot be achieved. But this dictatorship must be the work of the class, and not of a small, leading minority on behalf of the class; H. it must emerge at every turn from the active participation of the masses, be under their direct influence, be subject to the control of the entire public, emerge from the growing political training of the masses. "

She explained the dilemma in which she saw the Russian Revolution in the historical context from the “complete failure of the international proletariat” - especially the SPD - in relation to the imperialist war. Despite all the necessary and justified criticism, it was Lenin's merit for having dared the revolution. In doing so, he tore open and made conscious of the world-historical contrast between labor and capital internationally. In doing so, she also justified the violent measures he was only initially aware of:

"Socialism [...] has [...] a number of violent measures as a prerequisite - against property [...] Whoever opposes the assault vehicle of the socialist revolution will be left lying on the ground with broken limbs."

It is now the “historical responsibility” of the German workers to also stand up to end the war. That is why they enthusiastically welcomed the German January strikes for peace and tried to make the Germans aware of what they saw as a latent historical goal, international socialism, from prison.

When the German November Revolution overthrew the Kaiser, it immediately agitated again for the proletarian revolution:

“The abolition of the rule of capital, the realization of the socialist order of society - this and nothing less is the historical theme of the current revolution. A tremendous work that cannot be accomplished in the twinkling of an eye by a few decrees from above, only brought into being through the conscious action of the mass of workers in town and country, only through the highest spiritual maturity and inexhaustible idealism of the popular masses through all storms can be happily brought to port. "

After Ebert's disempowerment of the "Executive Council", she called on the workers 'and soldiers' councils on December 10, 1918 to take power. The Soviet Republic is the natural program of the revolution. But there is still a long way to go from the soldier - the “gendarme of reaction” - to the revolutionary proletarian. The military, which so far served the “fatherland”, must first learn to subordinate its power to the common good, and for this to be subject to the political control of the workers' councils.

Ebert's secret pact with Reichswehr General Groener prevented this during the Christmas riots. The radical left groups then founded the KPD. Rosa Luxemburg unsuccessfully campaigned for their participation in the Weimar Reichstag elections in order to work towards the continuation of the revolution there too.

Dialectic of the class struggle and the task of the workers' parties

Rosa Luxemburg understood history with Marx and Engels as a permanent class struggle . There is a tendency to recognize the causes of exploitation and thus to revolutionize the situation:

“The modern proletarian class does not conduct its struggle according to some ready-made scheme laid down in a book, in a theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social development, and in the middle of history, in the middle of development, in the middle of the struggle we learn how to fight. "

In this revolutionary learning process, spontaneity and organization of the working class drove one another forward. For Rosa Luxemburg, both are inseparable “moments” of the same process that are mutually dependent. Because unplanned actions - for example wildcat strikes against wage cuts - responded to current challenges. In this elementary struggle the workers would gradually come to realize the historical tasks and goals of their class. This insight will in turn raise their struggle to a higher level and lead to the formation of organizations such as trade unions . They would orient their actions towards long-term planned goals and bundle them, for example collective agreements . It is the job of the Labor Party to make people aware of the tendency to overcome exploitation contained therein and to promote it. You cannot disconnect yourself from the workers' own activity:

“The working class in all countries only learns to fight in the course of its struggle ... Social democracy ... which is only the vanguard of the proletariat, part of the whole working mass, the blood from their blood and flesh from their flesh, this social democracy seeks and finds them Ways and special slogans of the workers' struggle only to the extent of the development of this struggle, whereby from this struggle alone she draws the clues for the further way.

Rosa Luxemburg believed: Without an organization, spontaneous strikes would only have temporary success, but no lasting power and effect that would change society as a whole. Without the workers' own activity, their organizations would soon lose their thrust, the political goal of socialism, too. Unlike Engels, Kautsky and Lenin, they did not see the Labor Party as a pure electoral party, nor as an elitist cadre party, which follows from the "scientific" insight into the course of history:

“Social democracy is nothing else than the embodiment of the class struggle of the modern proletariat, which is carried by the awareness of its historical consequences. Its real leader is in reality the masses themselves […] The more the social democracy develops, grows, gains strength, the more the enlightened working masses take their fate, the direction of their general movement, the determination of their guidelines into their own hands. And just as social democracy as a whole is only the conscious vanguard of the proletarian class movement, which, according to the words of the Communist Manifesto, represents the lasting interests of liberation in every single moment of the struggle and the interests of the whole movement against every partial group interest of the workers, so are within social democracy their leaders the more powerful, the more influential, the more clearly and consciously they make themselves only the mouthpiece of the will and striving of the enlightened masses, only the bearers of the objective laws of the class movement. "

The party should therefore not “represent” or “lead” the proletariat, but only be its “vanguard”. For Rosa Luxemburg it was impossible to separate it from his partly spontaneous, partly organized movement, but emerged from it and consciously expressed it. They only have an insight into the necessity of socialism ahead of the workers, but not the means to realize it without it. You cannot plan and force the revolution if the workers are not ready, able and mature for it themselves. It is their task, therefore, to train the workers' awareness of their historical mission until they are independently capable of overturning the relations of production.

Rosa Luxemburg's Marxist class struggle theory, for its part, arose as a result of real processes: Around 1900, more and more mass strikes broke out in Europe, especially in Russia and Poland. They led to the Russian Revolution of 1905 , in the course of which the Tsar had to grant the people democratic rights such as the establishment of their own parties. These in turn prepared the next revolution, which overthrew the tsar in 1917. Rosa Luxemburg tried to make this combat experience fruitful for the German workers. That is why it has been demanding that the SPD resolutely prepare for the political general strike since 1905. With this coupling of political party organization and company worker education, she wanted to fend off two things:

  • an everyday work of the workers' parties and trade unions that loses and gives up the goal of international socialist revolution (“opportunism”, “revisionism”, “ reformism ”);
  • Organizational forms that take off, no longer represent the true interests of the workers and become dictatorially rigid (“ centralism ”, “ bureaucratism ”).

The self-organization of the councils was intended to strengthen the workers' parties to assert the collective interests of the proletariat more and more effectively. If they lose contact with their base, Luxembourg believes that they will inevitably fail. But she believed that the internal contradictions of capitalism, the opposition of capital and labor, would keep the proletarian revolution on the political agenda. The party itself, not the party, would train the masses to become revolutionaries. Only by trusting this could the workers' parties determine and achieve their short and long-term goals:

“History is the only true teacher, the revolution is the best school of the proletariat. They will ensure that the 'little crowd' of those most slandered and persecuted becomes step by step what their worldview determines them to be: the fighting and victorious mass of the revolutionary socialist proletariat. "

Rosa Luxemburg had gained this conviction during the time of the first mass strikes in Poland and found it strengthened by similar mass strikes in Russia, Belgium and Northern Europe around 1905. She had tried to make the SPD aware of the transnational general strike as a means of political combat in time to prevent the world war in practice . When this failed, she agreed with Lenin that the crisis exacerbated by the war must lead to revolution and be used. The new mass strikes in the course of the war confirmed their trust in the spontaneity of the working class, which learned from their defeats: The disappointments with the SPD leadership gave rise to new forms of self-organization, especially among workers in the German armaments industry . Under the pressure of illegality, the Spartacists tried to orient the USPD and the council movement towards joint revolutionary action in good time. But in the German November Revolution, spontaneity and party organizations were not coordinated. As a result, only the monarchy was overthrown and a bourgeois republic was established, but the socialization of the means of production important for the war effort, decided at that time by the Reichsrätekongress, failed to materialize .

Combating false advocacy

A party that “represents” and patronizes the workers in parliaments or a “Politburo” will inevitably no longer act for but against them. It will then itself become the tool of those who want to prevent the revolution and reverse its successes. Then the workers would also have to fight a so-called “workers party”.

Rosa Luxemburg wrote in the Red Flag of December 21, 1918:

“In all previous revolutions, the fighters stepped into their place with open visors […] In today's revolution, the protective groups of the old order do not step under the ruling classes' own shields and coats of arms, but under the banner of a social democratic party. If the cardinal question of the revolution were open and honest: capitalism or socialism, there would be a doubt, wavering would be impossible in the great mass of the proletariat today. "

- The Red Flag of December 21, 1918

That is why the workers must absolutely continue the direct class struggle in bourgeois democracy: depending on the circumstances in parliaments, but also against them or both at the same time. In fact, only a general strike in 1920 prevented a right-wing military dictatorship again , but in the following years the workers' movement was split into two warring camps, which fought each other more than their common opponents, so that they were ultimately unable to prevent the downfall of the Weimar Republic to stop.

Belief in the proletarian revolution

On the eve of her murder, Rosa Luxemburg wrote:

“The leadership has failed. But leadership can and must be recreated from and out of the masses. The masses are the decisive factor, they are the rock on which the final victory of the revolution will be built. The masses were up to date, they made this 'defeat' a link in those historical defeats that are the pride and strength of international socialism. And that is why future victory will blossom out of this 'defeat'. - 'There is order in Berlin!' You blunt minions! Your 'order' is built on sand. Tomorrow the revolution will 'rise again with a rattle' and, to your horror, proclaim with the sound of a trumpet: 'I was, I am, I will be!' "

The last sentence quotes the 1848 revolutionary Ferdinand Freiligrath , who with this biblical expression honored the revolution as a recurring "red thread" of history. Their associated criticism of the leadership concerned not only Ebert, but also Hugo Haase (USPD) and Liebknecht (KPD), whose occupation campaign in January 1919 was miserably planned. A huge number of waiting demonstrators were ready to block and disarm the advancing soldiers, but were not included by the occupiers.

Rosa Luxemburg - unlike Kautsky and the SPD party executive - did not believe in a determinism of the international revolution in the wake of impoverishment and the collapse of capital rule through the war. If socialism fails, then humanity is threatened with a relapse into unimaginable barbarism . The awareness of this either-or was the decisive driving force behind their actions. She considered the setbacks and defeats of the working people to be particularly important for their learning process: they in particular could heighten historical awareness of the inevitable necessity of the revolution. Not only the “final victory”, but rather the constant attempt to bring it about, is therefore the “pride” of the labor movement.

Rosa Luxemburg therefore trusted the constant ability of working people to learn, their indestructible ability to determine their own history and to lead it to a goal that freed everyone, not just a minority, from the yoke of class rule. She drew this trust from the real historical attempts and social movements to achieve a just world society.


Weimar Republic

The anniversary of Rosa Luxemburg's death (January 15) became a regular day of remembrance for the left . The song Auf, auf zum Kampf was supplemented in 1919 with stanzas on the double murder of the Spartacus leaders. Max Beckmann depicted Rosa Luxemburg's murder in 1919 with his picture Martyrium with features of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ as lust murder against the German nation ( Germania ), which was to hit particularly persecuted and disadvantaged groups such as pacifists, communists, Jews and women.

Kurt Eisner, the first Prime Minister of Bavaria, commented shortly before his assassination:

"The deed testifies to a deep inner illness and brutality of the German people."

- Kurt Eisner 1919

Arnold Zweig praised the murdered woman in his funeral speech for Spartacus in 1919 as a martyr for the immortal idea of world peace . He attributed Rosa Luxemburg's revolutionary attitude to her Judaism. In 1920 Luise Kautsky published a selection of her letters from prison to herself, Karl Kautsky, Mathilde Jacob , Sonja Liebknecht and others. The letters showed a hitherto little known personal side of Rosa Luxemburg and were often reprinted. Richard Lewinsohn praised Rosa Luxemburg on the world stage in 1921 as the greatest revolutionary that Germany had ever seen. Artists close to the KPD stylized Rosa Luxemburg as a martyr of the proletariat, whose role model was to mobilize the masses for the struggle against war, “counterrevolution” (above all social democracy was meant) and fascism . They placed her alongside representatives of the Soviet Union such as Felix Edmundowitsch Dzerzhinsky , whose policies she had strongly rejected.

Leo Jogiches drove the investigation of the murders of Luxemburg and Liebknecht with articles in the Rote Fahne . He was arrested in March 1919 and murdered in prison. Some of those involved were brought before a court martial. The Guard Cavalry Rifle Division selected its judge Paul Jorns . He delayed the investigation and covered up the complicity of the senior officers. In May 1919 he acquitted most of the perpetrators and sentenced only Runge and Vogel to small prison terms and fines. Runge did not appear in court, was transferred and evaded punishment by leaving Germany. Pabst was not charged, and possible clients were not sought. Despite many protests, Noske, as Reichswehr Minister, confirmed the judgments and prevented a revision process. As a criminal defense attorney, Paul Levi proved the cover-up of the murders by Paul Jorns in 1929. For the historian Wolfram Wette , the “interplay of right-wing extremist military and political justice” continued to cover up the perpetrators and backgrounds in many other political murders of opponents of the war.

Paul Levi became the new KPD chairman in 1919 and followed its program by uniting the KPD with the left wing of the USPD (around 300,000 members) in November 1920, making it a mass party. In February 1921 he resigned because the Communist International (KI) tried to steer the course of the KPD. After the failure of the March fighting in Central Germany in 1922, he published Rosa Luxemburg's critical prison essay on the October Revolution against the KPD's “putschism”. Thereupon the KPD excluded him and his supporters. Against Levi's intention, some social democrats used Luxemburg's criticism of Lenin for general anti-communism . The KPD then distanced itself even more from it. The new KPD chairwoman Ruth Fischer wrote in 1924: "Anyone who wants to cure Brandler's 'centralism' by invoking Rosa Luxemburg wants to heal a gonorrhea patient by infusing syphilis bacilli." In 1924 Levi criticized Rosa Luxemburg's criticism of Lenin: " The freedom that the Bolsheviks claim for themselves like the tsar lacks the measure of freedom of others and thus loses all of its qualities. "

The criminal psychologist Erich Wulffen and the " cripple pedagogue " Hans Würtz described Rosa Luxemburg prototypically in the 1920s as a woman who was fanatical and willing to commit criminal offenses because of her physical disability.

In 1925, the KI named the “mistakes of Luxemburgism” in its “Theses on the Bolshevization of the Communist Parties”. With this catchphrase, Rosa Luxemburg's positions in the Soviet Union and in the KPD were henceforth devalued as dangerous errors. In 1926 the KPD took over the social fascism thesis from Josef Stalin , according to which the free trade unions and the SPD in particular are the main enemies of the proletariat. In 1929, on the tenth anniversary of Rosa Luxemburg's death, the SPD newspaper Vorwärts wrote: The Communists had not followed her in 1919. The claim that the SPD or individual Social Democrats wanted the murder of the Spartacus leaders is a lie that resembles a desecration. The KPD glorifies the atrocities of the Bolsheviks at those who think differently. Luxemburg and Liebknecht would have recognized their wrong path in the event of their survival. In 1931, as part of his propaganda campaign against Trotskyism, Stalin claimed that Rosa Luxemburg had invented Leon Trotsky'stheory of permanent revolution ” and Lenin had uncompromisingly rejected “Luxemburgism”. Trotsky refuted these claims in 1932 by quoting Lenin as a falsification of history . But the KPD leader Ernst Thalmann also asserted in 1932: “In all the questions on which Rosa Luxemburg took a different view from Lenin, her opinion was erroneous, so that the whole group of German left-wing radicals in the prewar and wartime made a significant contribution Clarity and revolutionary firmness lagged behind the Bolsheviks. ”He called for the“ sharpest struggle against the remnants of Luxemburgism ”and described it as a“ theoretical platform for counterrevolutionary directions ”.

Luxemburg's left-wing radicalism was criticized within the majority social democracy and explained, albeit mostly behind closed doors, with her Jewish origin. In the case of revisionist Social Democrats, on the other hand, it was unusual to mention their Jewish parentage. The division and paralysis of the labor movement significantly promoted the political rise of National Socialism . Deutschvölkischer Schutz- und Trutzbund and NSDAP defamed the Weimar Republic as a “Jewish republic” and increasingly used the anti-Semitic term “ Jewish Bolshevism ” , which originated in Russia . Adolf Hitler met Waldemar Pabst on a visit to Berlin in 1920. Both supported the then Kapp-Lüttwitz putsch . In 1925 Paul von Hindenburg was elected President of the Reich. This replacement of Ebert by a former OHL representative corresponded to Rosa Luxemburg's forecasts. Hindenburg appointed Hitler Chancellor of the Reich on January 30, 1933, thus facilitating the “barbarism” she feared of another world war and other genocides.

Nazi era

After Hitler came to power, the Nazi regime granted Otto Runge, who now called himself Wilhelm Radolf and had not served a day of his prison sentence, 6,000 Reichsmarks in compensation. When the books were burned in Germany in 1933 , the National Socialists also burned all of Rosa Luxemburg's previously published writings. In 1935 they destroyed her and Karl Liebknecht's grave. Eduard Stadtler stated in his memoirs published in 1935 that he had persuaded Pabst to commit the murders in direct conversation.

Alfred Döblin portrayed Rosa Luxemburg in his 1939 exile novel about the November Revolution as a clever, strategically farsighted and realistic politician, but predominantly as a hysteric and ecstatic mystic. He referred to imaginary conversations with her dead lover Hans Diefenbach and Satan in private letters. The representation is considered to be artistically freely designed, not historically accurate.

Postage stamp of the German Post of the GDR, 1955


Liebknecht-Luxemburg-Demonstration, Berlin 1978, with representatives of the party and state leadership of the GDR
Rosa Luxemburg Monument in Weimar , erected in 1959

The SED , founded in 1946, always accused Rosa Luxemburg of "spontaneously" which contributed to the failure of the November Revolution. Following Stalin, she rejected her views as “Luxemburgism”. In 1951, Fred Oelßner wrote in the official Luxembourg biography:

“As much as Rosa Luxemburg's services to the German labor movement were, as much as we bow in awe of her militant life, as much as we love Rosa for her relentless struggle for the cause of the workers, we must not forget that hers were great too Mistakes and mistakes that led the German working class on the wrong track. Above all, we must not turn a blind eye to the fact that it is not a question of individual errors, but of a whole system of wrong conceptions ('Luxemburgism'). These views were one of the decisive reasons for the defeat of the Communist Party of Germany after its foundation, for the falsification of the party's role by the Brandlerists, for the underestimation of the national question and the peasant question, which was not overcome despite the efforts of Ernst Thalmann. [...] This also included the struggle against the remnants of Luxemburgism, which is nothing more than a variety of social democracy. "

The SED organized the commemoration of the anniversary of her death, which has been celebrated since 1919, as an annual Liebknecht-Luxemburg demonstration in Berlin. With this she made it next to May 1st the most important state demonstration of power and captured Rosa Luxemburg to legitimize the GDR . The meticulous administrative organization and the prescribed, largely involuntary participation did not generate any real enthusiasm among those involved. In the GDR, her complete works were published only from 1970, her criticism of Lenin only in 1974. Your radical democratic and anti-militarist texts were commented on as "errors".

SED dissidents and civil rights activists in the GDR cited the very texts of Luxembourg to criticize the SED's autocracy and its inability to reform. In 1948 Bertolt Brecht met with his poem Eine Jüdin aus Polen about Rosa Luxemburg on rejection in the former Soviet zone , as well as in the GDR with later memories of her in his works. In 1965, Robert Havemann demanded a new, reformed KPD in both parts of Germany and, in addition, the lifting of the KPD ban in the Federal Republic. The new KPD must be based in particular on the writings of Rosa Luxemburg, which had been suppressed by Stalinists for decades: “They were suppressed because Rosa Luxemburg recognized with prophetic clarity the first dangerous steps towards the elimination of intra-party democracy, which later led to Stalinism , and sharply criticized it The statute and program of the new KPD had to be “democratic and make any relapse into 'Stalinist' centralism impossible from the outset” by allowing opposition factions and membership criticism from inside and outside. In 1968 Havemann called for a democratic socialism for the GDR, referring to the Luxembourg quote on the freedom of those who think differently .

Wolf Biermann welcomed the publication of Rosa Luxemburg's criticism of Lenin in 1974 as a great step forward for the GDR. He called for their comprehensive democratization as a result, possibly through a revolution, and the unity of the left in East and West Germany. He quoted the sentence about the freedom of those who think differently in his concert in Cologne in 1976, whereupon the GDR government expatriated him. The quote was featured on a poster posted by protesters at the annual official celebrations for the anniversary of her death on January 17, 1988. The incident triggered a wave of arrests and deportations and is considered a harbinger of the turning point in 1989.

Rosa Luxemburg Monument in Zwickau - "Freedom is always the freedom of those who think differently"

In 1947 the city of Berlin named the " Rosa-Luxemburg-Platz " after her. After the fall of the Wall in the GDR in 1989, Dresden , Erfurt and Weimar each named a square as Rosa-Luxemburg-Platz and erected monuments there for them.

Federal Republic of Germany

In his dissertation from 1946 ( The Communist Party of Germany in the Weimar Republic ), Ossip K. Flechtheim sharply demarcated the founding generation of the KPD around Rosa Luxemburg from the mentality of the later KPD leaders and the Soviet republic sought by the Spartacists from the authoritarian state system of the Soviet Union. He founded the image of Rosa Luxemburg as a "democratic communist". In the 1960s he published her political writings. In his work Von Marx bis Kolakowski (1978) he emphasized: With the alternative “socialism or barbarism” Rosa Luxemburg contradicted the deterministic belief in progress of historical materialism. As the first Marxist, she clearly foresaw the potential for violence of the ruling classes and the coming First World War, and recognized the bourgeoisisation and bureaucratization of social democracy as an adaptation to the authoritarian features of the empire. The SPD's approval of war and “truce” justified the socialist right of resistance claimed by Rosa Luxemburg , which would include revolutionary violence if necessary.

SPD representatives have interpreted Rosa Luxemburg's ideas contradictingly. The Godesberg program of 1959 excluded many of the main goals of Marxism, such as the socialization of means of production, which had again appeared plausible after 1945. In 1968, on the 50th anniversary of the November Revolution , Willy Brandt declared: If she had survived, Rosa Luxemburg would have resolutely opposed “Marxism-Leninism” and the party dictatorship in the Soviet Union and elsewhere justified by it. In 1982 he explained in his autobiography: The SAPD , which he co-founded in 1931, was based on Rosa Luxemburg, who was seen by many young socialists as the representative of an “unadulterated” social democracy. Her sentence about the freedom of those who think differently had anticipated the SPD postulate “No socialism without democracy”. They did not want a KPD subordinate to the Bolsheviks and opposed the establishment of the KI. A postage stamp with the portrait of Rosa Luxemburg approved in 1973 by the then Federal Minister for Post and Telecommunications, Horst Ehmke , triggered a Bundestag debate and violent protests from the CDU and CSU. The brand was considered a sign of Rosa Luxemburg's re-entry into the SPD's "ancestral gallery".

Postage stamp of the Federal Post Office, 1974

The Jusos advocated Marxist theorems well into the 1980s and also referred to Rosa Luxemburg. In his research on the council movement in 1976, Peter von Oertzen came to the conclusion: The unguided, spontaneous democratization of large companies, born of the crisis in the situation, had impressively demonstrated Rosa Luxemburg's thesis of the spontaneity of the working class. In 1988 Bärbel Meurer recalled that in 1916 Rosa Luxemburg had primarily criticized the SPD's truce policy because it had given up the few democratic civil rights and the struggle for it against August Bebel's line, which had been valid for decades. Gisela Notz, on the other hand, summarized Rosa Luxemburg's criticism of 1916 as follows: “In her Junius brochure and other writings, she accused the patriotic attitude of social democracy as treason.” In 2009, Tilman Fichter led the SPD to paralyze the party organization in 2009 when the SPD approved the war in 1914 “Organizational patriotism” in the SPD leadership back. Like Helga Grebing , he made Gustav Noske responsible for the double murders: Noske did not order them, but allowed them by failing to order the imprisoned Spartakists to be taken to a certain collection point immediately. The historical commission of the SPD had to clarify whether, along with Noske, “the leadership of the majority social democracy at the time bore political responsibility for the murder of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht”.

The non-Marxist philosopher Hannah Arendt based her study of the elements and origins of total domination on Rosa Luxemburg's theory of imperialism. She interpreted völkisch nationalism as a form of continental imperialism, which made anti-Semitism racist and racism anti-Semitic and ended in the annihilation of the Jews and Slavs. For Hannah Arendt Rosa Luxemburg was also a positive example of the cosmopolitanism of the political: “For Rosa Luxemburg the world was of very great importance and she was not at all interested in herself. ... She could not come to terms with the injustice in the world . "

In the “ New Left ” of the 1960s, Rosa Luxemburg was seen as an early representative of anti-authoritarian socialism . In the run-up to May 1968 in Paris, students named a lecture hall at Nanterre University after her. German students named the University of Cologne after her. The student leader Rudi Dutschke saw Rosa Luxemburg as a radical democratic, not Leninist communist. He invoked their revolutionary concept of the spontaneity of the working class and tried to use it for new political approaches, such as a permanent " cultural revolution " in bourgeois late capitalism . In 1978 he affirmed Rosa Luxemburg's 1918 criticism of Lenin: she could not separate democracy and freedom of opinion from the dictatorship of the proletariat and insisted on the inheritance of the bourgeois revolution in order to make the proletarian revolution possible. That is why she contradicted the faction and party bans of the Bolsheviks. After the publication of the article in 1922, your criticism had not been adequately taken into account by social democrats, Leninists and Trotskyists. For Jacob Talmon , it was only in the New Left that an academic interest in Rosa Luxemburg, independent of party politics, became apparent: “Before that, she was an embarrassing affair for all parties, with the exception of a few non-conformist Marxists, who were friends with her and who were nearing their tragic end. "

In 1962 Pabst declared that he had "judged" the Spartacus leaders. Noske had brought his division to "liberate" Berlin from the hands of the Spartakists. A court martial or court martial could not have been called in the revolutionary situation. When asked about his murder order, he refused to give evidence. He emphasized that he had not planned Runge's piston thrust and the removal of Rosa Luxemburg's body. He was reported to have committed an unknown pistol shooter. In 1969 the Süddeutsche Rundfunk broadcast the documentary play Contemporary History in Court: The Liebknecht-Luxemburg Case . In it, Dieter Ertel interviewed contemporary witnesses from 1919, including Waldemar Pabst. According to their statements, the Reich Chancellery covered the double murder and Hermann Souchon, not Kurt Vogel, fired the fatal shot at Rosa Luxemburg. Further documents support this thesis. Günter Nollau had recorded a corresponding statement from Pabst to him in 1959. However, Souchon successfully sued Ertel and the SDR: They were only allowed to send the documentation with the addition that there was no objective evidence. Ertel had to publicly revoke his information about Souchon after the broadcast. In 1970 Pabst's diary was discovered, in which he had noted in 1919: Before the murders, he had phoned the Reich Chancellery and received Noske's backing for it.

In 1986 Margarethe von Trotta made the film Rosa Luxemburg and won the Federal Film Prize for it . Barbara Sukowa received the Actor Award of the Cannes Film Festival for the title role . In 1987 Günter Kochan composed his music for orchestra No. 2 based on letters from Rosa Luxemburg.

Rosa Luxemburg Monument on the Landwehr Canal in Berlin
Memorial plaque on the Landwehr Canal

In 1987 a work of art was installed on the Landwehr Canal based on the initiative and designs by Ralf Schüler and Ursulina Schüler-Witte. The accompanying plaque reads:

“In the struggle against oppression, militarism and war, the staunch socialist Rosa Luxemburg died / as a victim of an insidious political murder. / The disregard for life and the brutality against humans / reveal the ability of humans to be inhuman. / It cannot and must not be a means of solving conflicts in any way. / Berlin 1987 "

The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation , which was founded in 1990 and is close to the party Die Linke , sees Rosa Luxemburg as an outstanding representative of democratic-socialist thought and action in Europe. In 2008 the play Rosa about her was premiered in the GRIPS Theater Berlin . In May 2009, forensic doctor Michael Tsokos doubted that Rosa Luxemburg's body had actually been buried in 1919. He thought an unknown woman from the Berlin Charité was dead. Other forensic scientists and historians disagreed with him. At the beginning of 2010, a street in Wünsdorf-Waldstadt was named after Rosa Luxemburg.

Rosa Luxemburg's grave in the “ Memorial of the Socialists ” in Berlin, April 2006

A wide range of left-wing groups, parties and individuals take part in the annual Liebknecht Luxembourg commemorations in Berlin today. The women's movement , the anti-militarist peace movement , the socialist youth and the critics of globalization also find an important role model in Rosa Luxemburg. From the point of view of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution , the memory of Luxemburg and Liebknecht is an important element of tradition in German left-wing extremism .

Historians have different opinions about the current meaning of their theories. Margarete Maurer wrote in 1999 that Rosa Luxemburg's fight against militarism is still current, since, according to a UN report, over 50% of all technical and scientific experts are directly or indirectly employed in arms production. For Sebastian Haffner († 1999), Rosa Luxemburg's ideas had "lost none of their topicality" despite the failure of her political goals. Jörn Schütrumpf (2006) found Rosa Luxemburg's criticism of bureaucracies “which turn into superfluous shells as soon as they act primarily for their own sake” “of terrifying topicality.” Given social movements such as Fridays for Future and an affective society, the same applies according to Ernst Piper again for Luxemburg's theory of spontaneity.

Eastern Europe

Democratic or reform-socialist opposition groups and civil rights activists in the Soviet Union-ruled Eastern Bloc often referred to Rosa Luxemburg: for example, in the Prague Spring 1968 for freedom of expression and social democratization. In the non-aligned Yugoslavia under Josip Broz Tito , they were among other things referred to for workers' self-government .

On March 13, 2018, at the behest of the voivod of Lublin, who invoked the so-called “decommunization law” of the ruling PiS party , the memorial plaque for Rosa Luxemburg was removed from the Luxemburg family home in Zamość.

Global South

Revolutionaries in “ Third World ” countries also referred to them for a Marxism independent of capitalism and Stalinism . Salvador Allende also based his policy in Chile on her mass strike theory. In 1971 the playwright Armand Gatti wrote a play Rosa Kollektiv in two versions, which portrayed the different reception of Rosa Luxemburg in the GDR and the Federal Republic. He saw that their ideas for revolutionaries in Africa and Latin America remained topical.


Western Marxists such as Michael A. Lebewitz adopted Luxemburg's position on the spontaneous self-activity of the working class, to which the left-wing parties had to submit, for a criticism of the economic determinism of the late Karl Marx. Paul Sweezy , Riccardo Bellofiore , Samir Amin and other social scientists and economists interpreted their theory of imperialism as the first genuinely Marxist explanation of capitalist globalization . The dependency theory developed in Latin America is regarded as an update of the theory of imperialism .

The Internationale Rosa-Luxemburg-Gesellschaft, a network of independent scholars, has held a conference on her every two to four years since 1980. So far two of them have taken place in the People's Republic of China .



Named after Rosa Luxemburg:


Total expenditure

  • Collected works, 7 volumes. Dietz Verlag, Berlin (first edition: Berlin-Ost 1970–1975, 2014, 2017)
Volume 1.1: 1893 to 1905. 1972. (8th edition. 2007, ISBN 978-3-320-02068-2 .)
Volume 1.2: 1893 to 1905. 1972. (7th edition. 2000, ISBN 3-320-01994-5 .)
Volume 2: 1906 to June 1911. 1974. (6th edition. 2004, ISBN 3-320-02060-9 .)
Volume 3: July 1911 to July 1914. 1973. (6th edition. 2003, ISBN 3-320-02005-6 .)
Volume 4: August 1914 to January 1919. 1974. (6th edition. 2000, ISBN 3-320-01982-1 .)
Volume 5: Economic Writings. 1975. (4th edition. 1990, ISBN 3-320-00458-1 .)
Volume 6: 1893 to 1906. 2014. ISBN 978-3-320-02301-0 .
Volume 7.1: 1907 to 1918. 2017. ISBN 978-3-320-02332-4 .
Volume 7.2: 1907 to 1918. 2017. ISBN 978-3-320-02333-1 .
  • Collected letters, 6 volumes. Karl Dietz, Berlin
Incomplete first edition Volumes 1–5: Berlin 1982–1984 ( Review: Iring Fetscher, Die Zeit, October 5, 1984 ).
Volume 1: 1893 to 1902. 1982. (3rd edition. 1989, ISBN 3-320-00448-4 )
Volume 2: 1903 to 1908. 1982. (3rd edition. 1999, ISBN 3-320-01911-2 .)
Volume 3: 1909 to 1910. 1982. (2nd edition. 1984, ISBN 3-320-00450-6 .)
Volume 4: 1911 to 1914. 1983. (3rd edition. 2001, ISBN 3-320-01995-3 .)
Volume 5: August 1914 to January 1919. 1984. (2nd edition. 1987, ISBN 3-320-00452-2 .)
Volume 6: Collection of letters from 1891 to 1918. 1993, ISBN 3-320-01825-6 .

First editions

  • The industrial development of Poland. Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1898. Digitized
  • Social Reform or Revolution? With an appendix: militia and militarism. Verlag der Leipziger Volkszeitung, Leipzig 1899.
  • Mass strike, party and unions. Erdmann Dubber, Hamburg 1906.
  • Rosa Luxemburg: Introduction to Political Economy . 1925 ( limited preview in Google Book Search). Rosa Luxemburg wrote the introduction to the public since 1907 as a party lecturer and in 1916 during her imprisonment. First published posthumously in 1925. Reprinted here at e-Artnow 2016.
  • The accumulation of capital. A contribution to the economic explanation of imperialism . Forward, Berlin 1913.
  • Militarism, War and the Working Class. Rosa Luxemburg before the Frankfurt Criminal Chamber; detailed report on the trial on February 20, 1914. Volksstimme bookstore, Maier, Frankfurt am Main 1914.
  • The crisis of social democracy. Appendix: Principles on the tasks of international social democracy. Union printing house, Bern 1916 digitized
  • What does the Spartacus League want? Die Rote Fahne, December 14, 1918 (online)
  • Speech on the program. Held at the founding party conference of the Communist Party of Germany (Spartakusbund) from 29.-31. December 1918 in Berlin (December 31st). The Red Flag, Berlin 1919.
  • The Russian Revolution. A critical appreciation. From the estate. Edited and introduced by Paul Levi . Society and education, Berlin-Fichtenau 1922. Digitized
  • Luise Kautsky (ed.): Letters to Karl and Luise Kautsky. E. Laub, Berlin 1923.
  • Collected Works. United International Publishing Institutions, Berlin 1923–1928.

Issues after 1945

  • Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin Institute at the Central Committee of the SED (ed.): Selected speeches and writings. (Foreword Wilhelm Pieck) 3 volumes, Dietz, Berlin-Ost 1951.
  • Ossip K. Flechtheim (Hrsg.): RL: Politische Schriften. 3 volumes, European Publishing House , Frankfurt am Main 1966.
  • Writings on art and literature. Verlag der Kunst, Dresden 1972 ( Fundus series 29)
  • Charlotte Beradt (ed.): Rosa Luxemburg in prison. Letters and documents from the years 1915–1918. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1973, ISBN 3-596-25659-3 .
  • Writings on the theory of spontaneity. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1970, ISBN 3-499-45249-9 .
  • Jürgen Hentze (ed.): Internationalism and class struggle. The Polish Scriptures. Luchterhand, Neuwied 1971.
  • Frederik Hetmann (Ed.): Rosa Luxemburg. A life for freedom - speeches, writings, letters. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1980, ISBN 3-596-23711-4 .

Newer editions



German speaking
other language
  • Jason Schulman (Ed.): Rosa Luxemburg: Her Life and Legacy. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
  • Mathilde Jacob : Rosa Luxemburg: An Intimate Portrait. Lawrence & Wishart Limited, 2000, ISBN 0-85315-900-9 . (English)
  • Donald E. Shepardson: Rosa Luxemburg and the Noble Dream. Peter Lang, New York 1996, ISBN 0-8204-2739-X . (English)
  • Richard Abraham: Rosa Luxemburg. A life for the international. Berg, Oxford 1989, ISBN 0-85496-182-8 . (English)
  • Aleksander Kochanski: Róza Luksemburg. Warsaw 1976. (Polish)
  • Gilbert Badia: Rosa Luxemburg. Journalist, Polémiste, Révolutionaire. Paris 1975. (French) ( review ).
  • Inessa Yashborowskaja (Jažborowskaja), RJ Jewserow: Rosa Luxemburg. Biographical sketch. Moscow 1974. (Russian)
  • Feliks Tych : Luksemburg (Rosalia). In: Polski Słownik Biograficzny, Part III / 1, Wrocław 1973. (Polish)
  • Gilbert Badia: Rosa Luxemburg. Dietz, 1951.
Individual studies
  • Henning Grunwald: The Rosa Luxemburg Trials of 1914 and the Emergence of the Ideal Type of the Weimar Party Lawyer On 15 May 1914. In: Henning Grunwald: Courtroom to Revolutionary Stage: Performance and Ideology in Weimar Political Trials. Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-960904-8 , pp. 17-45.
  • Wolfgang Liedtke: Rosa Luxemburg. In: Monique Jucquois-Delpierre (Ed.): Female figures in art and media / Frauenfiguren in Kunst und Medien / Figures de femmes dans l'art et les médias. Peter Lang, 2010, ISBN 978-3-631-60060-3 , pp. 313–328 ( online excerpt ).
  • Irma Hildebrandt: The dream of the rule of the proletariat. Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919). In: Irma Hildebrandt: Great women. Portraits from five centuries. Random House, 2010, ISBN 978-3-641-03972-1 , pp. 195-207.
  • Dana Horáková: Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919): The red icon and its toy boys. In: Dana Horáková: Strong women. Quadriga digital, 2011, ISBN 978-3-8387-1203-1 .
  • Klaus Gietinger : A corpse in the Landwehr Canal. The murder of Rosa L. Edition Nautilus, Hamburg 2008, ISBN 978-3-89401-593-0 .
  • Erhard Hexelschneider: Rosa Luxemburg and Leipzig. Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Saxony, 2007, ISBN 978-3-89819-269-9 .
  • Jörn Schütrumpf (Ed.): Rosa Luxemburg or The Price of Freedom. Karl Dietz, 3rd, revised and expanded edition, Berlin 2018, ISBN 978-3-320-02351-5 ( PDF of the first edition 2006 online (PDF)).
  • Jörn Schütrumpf: Rosa Luxemburg and Terror, in progress - Movement - History , Issue I / 2019, pp. 26–41.
  • Georg Danzer: Rosa Luxemburg - the main thing is to be good. In: Elke Pilz: The ideal of humanity: women and the socialist idea. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2005, ISBN 3-8260-3008-7 , pp. 91–110.
  • Felix Tych: The procedure of the judiciary against pacifists in Wilhelminian Germany: The criminal trials against Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. In: Helmut Kramer, Wolfram Wette (Hrsg.): Right is what uses the weapon. Justice and Pacifism in the 20th Century. Structure, Berlin 2004, ISBN 3-351-02578-5 , pp. 109–126.
  • Gerhard Danzer : Rosa Luxemburg - On the psychology of the 'homme revolte.' . In: Katharina Kaminski: The woman as a creator of culture. Ten biographical essays. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2000, ISBN 3-8260-1845-1 , pp. 141-174 ( online excerpt ).
  • Maria Seidemann: Rosa Luxemburg and Leo Jogiches. Love in the times of revolution. Rowohlt, Berlin 1998, ISBN 3-87134-295-5 .
  • Reiner Wimmer: Four Jewish philosophers: Rosa Luxemburg, Simone Weil, Edith Stein, Hannah Arendt. (1990) 2nd edition, Reclam, Leipzig 1999, ISBN 3-379-01575-X .
  • Ute Speck: Unintentional autobiography? Letters from Rosa Luxemburg as I-designs. In: Michaela Holdenried (ed.): Written life. Autobiography of women. Erich Schmidt, Berlin 1995, ISBN 3-503-03723-3 , pp. 244-255 ( online excerpt ).
  • Heinz Knobloch : My dearest Mathilde - a story you can touch. (1985) 4th edition, Der Morgen, Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-371-00012-5 .
  • Sibylle Quack: Spiritually free and no one's servant. Paul Levi - Rosa Luxemburg. Political work and personal relationship. With 50 unpublished letters. (1983) Ullstein, 1989, ISBN 3-548-27536-2 .
  • Verena Stadler-Labhart: Rosa Luxemburg at the University of Zurich 1889–1897. Rohr, Zurich 1978, ISBN 3-85865-201-6 .
  • Elisabeth Hannover-Drück, Heinrich Hannover (ed.): The murder of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. Documentation of a political crime. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1967.

Reception of the work

  • Fred Oelßner : Rosa Luxemburg. A critical biographical sketch. Dietz Verlag Berlin, 1951
  • Werner Conze : The consolidation of the KPD tradition by Mehring and Rosa Luxemburg. In: Historical magazine. 188, 1959/60, pp. 76-82.
  • Tony Cliff: Rosa Luxemburg: A Study. An International socialism publication. Bookmarks Publishing Co-operative, 1959, OCLC 8263402 (reissued 1968). German: Study on Rosa Luxemburg. Edition Aurora, VGZA, 2000, ISBN 3-9806019-9-4 ( full text online ).
  • Lelio Basso: Rosa Luxemburg's Dialectic of the Revolution. European Publishing House, Frankfurt am Main 1969.
  • Karl and Rosa. Memories. For the 100th birthday of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Dietz Verlag, Berlin 1971.
  • Lelio Basso: Rosa Luxemburg, a reappraisal. Praeger, 1975, ISBN 0-275-19790-5 .
  • Georg W. Strobel: The party of Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin and the SPD. Polish "European" internationalism in Russian social democracy. Franz Steiner, Wiesbaden 1974, ISBN 3-515-01847-6 .
  • Udo Winkel: Rosa Luxemburg and the German Social Democracy. Gaiganz / Erlangen 1974, ISBN 3-920531-91-4 .
  • Iring Fetscher : Rosa Luxemburg. In: Marxist portraits volume 1. Frommann-Holzboog, Stuttgart 1975, ISBN 3-7728-0426-8 , pp. 111–152.
  • Renqian Cheng: Some questions on the reassessment of Rosa Luxemburg. Institute of Marxism-Leninism - Mao Zedong thought, Chinese Academy of social sciences. Beijing 1982 (English).
  • Raya Dunayevskaya : Rosa Luxemburg. Women's Liberation and Marx's Philosophy of Revolution. (1982) Berlin / Hamburg 1998.
  • Claudio Pozzoli, Lelio Basso, Iring Fetscher: Rosa Luxemburg or The Determination of Socialism. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1984, ISBN 3-518-10710-0 .
  • Christel Neusüß : The headbirths of the labor movement or Comrade Luxemburg messes everything up. Rasch & Röhring, Hamburg 1985, ISBN 3-89136-024-X .
  • Ossip K. Flechtheim: Rosa Luxemburg for the introduction. Junius, Hamburg 1985, ISBN 3-88506-818-4 .
  • Georg W. Strobel: The legend of the Rosa Luxemburg. A political-historical consideration. In: IWK 28 (1992) 3, pp. 373-394.
  • Reinhard Hossfeld: Rosa Luxemburg, or: The boldness of one's own judgment. Karin Fischer Verlag, 1993, ISBN 3-927854-89-1 .
  • Edith Lingner (Hrsg.): Rosa Luxemburg and the national question: materials of a conference. Brandenburg Association for Political Education, 1993.
  • Peter Schyga: Capitalism and the Third World: On the topicality of the accumulation theory of Rosa Luxemburg. Institute for Political Science at the University of Hanover, Verlag Materialis, 1993.
  • Virve Manninen: Socialism or Barbarism? The revolutionary socialism of Rosa Luxemburg 1899-1919. Helsinki 1996.
  • Theodor Bergmann , Wolfgang Haible (Ed.): Reform, Democracy, Revolution: To the topicality of Rosa Luxemburg. VSA-Verlag, Supplement to Socialism (Journal), Issue 5, Hamburg 1997, ISBN 3-87975-921-9 .
  • Cornelia Krauss, Margarete Maurer (eds.): Rosa Luxemburg: "I am a land of unlimited possibilities". Association for Interdisciplinary Research Practice, Rosa-Luxemburg-Institut, Vienna 1999, ISBN 3-901229-14-0 .
  • Sandra Hedinger: Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919): Peace through social democracy. In: Sandra Hedinger: Women about war and peace: Bertha von Suttner, Rosa Luxemburg, Hannah Arendt, Betty Reardon, Judith Ann Tickner, Jean Bethke Elshtain. Campus, 2000, ISBN 3-593-36466-2 , pp. 102-123.
  • Manfred Scharrer: "Freedom is always ...". The legend of Rosa & Karl. Transit, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-88747-172-5 .
  • Eckhard Jesse : Democracy or Dictatorship? Luxembourg and Luxembourgism. In: Uwe Backes , Stéphane Courtois (eds.): “A ghost is around in Europe”. The legacy of communist ideologies. Böhlau, Vienna 2002, ISBN 3-412-15001-0 , pp. 187-212.
  • Narihiko Itō, Annelies Laschitza, Ottokar Luban (eds.): Rosa Luxemburg in international discourse: International Rosa Luxemburg Society in Chicago, Tampere, Berlin, and Zurich (1998–2000). Karl Dietz, Berlin 2002.
  • Klaus Kinner , Helmut Seidel (ed.): Rosa Luxemburg: Historical and current dimensions of their theoretical work. Karl Dietz, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-320-02031-5 .
  • Author collective: Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and the revolutionary program of the KPD (1918). Texts on Germany and German imperialism. O. Benario, H. Baum, 2004, ISBN 3-932636-74-0 .
  • Frigga Haug : Rosa Luxemburg. In: Annegret Brauch (ed.): In the name of a better world: RL, Hannah Arendt, Simone Weil, Dorothee Sölle. Evangelical Academy Baden, Karlsruhe 2006, ISBN 3-89674-548-4 .
  • Michael Brie : Is socialist politics possible from within the government? Five objections from Rosa Luxemburg and five offers for discussion. In: Michael Brie, Cornelia Hildebrandt (ed.): Parties and movements. The left on the move. Karl Dietz, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-320-02087-0 , pp. 74-100 ( PDF, 1.0 MB (PDF)).
  • Frigga Haug: Rosa Luxemburg and the Art of Politics. Argument, Hamburg 2007, ISBN 978-3-88619-350-9 .
  • Werner Müller : Criticism of Bolshevism and Revolution Euphoria. The Janus face of Rosa Luxemburg. In: Mike Schmeitzner (Ed.): Criticism of totalitarianism from the left. German Discourses in the 20th Century. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2007, ISBN 978-3-525-36910-4 , pp. 29-48.
  • Jürgen P. Lang : Holy Rosa? The Luxembourg reception in the party "Die Linke" . In: Germany Archive 5/2009, pp. 900-907. Text online
  • Ulla Plener : Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin. Similarities and controversies. Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-86557-191-5 .
  • Anna Best-Kubik: Rosa Luxemburg's Understanding of Democracy. The other, Töning 2010, ISBN 978-3-86247-018-1 .
  • Frigga Haug, Michael Brie (ed.): Between class state and self-liberation. Rosa Luxemburg's understanding of the state. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2011, ISBN 978-3-8329-4148-2 .
  • Michael Brie: Rosa Luxemburg's Symphony on the Russian Revolution. In: Klaus Kinner (ed.): Rosa Luxemburg ante portas. From the life of Rosa Luxemburg after her death. The Luxembourg reception after 1945. GNN Schkeuditz, Leipzig 2012, ISBN 978-3-89819-375-7 , pp. 9-30 (online) .
  • Ingo Schmidt (Ed.): Rosa Luxemburg's "Accumulation of Capital": The Topicality of Economic Theory, Declaration of Imperialism and Class Analysis. Vsa Verlag, Hamburg 2013, ISBN 978-3-89965-557-5 .
  • Volker Caysa : Rosa Luxemburg - the philosopher. (= Rosa Luxemburg Research Reports. Volume 13). Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Saxony, Leipzig 2017, ISBN 978-3-947176-00-7 .
  • Michael Brie: Rediscover Rosa Luxemburg , Hamburg 2019, ISBN 978-3-89965-886-6 .

Contemporary history


Web links

Commons : Rosa Luxemburg  - Collection of images, videos and audio files
Wikisource: Rosa Luxemburg  - Sources and full texts




Foundations and institutes (there many other individual studies)

Audio features

Individual evidence

  1. a b c A stain of shame - In Zamość, Poland, the memorial plaque reminding of Rosa Luxemburg has been removed. In: . March 14, 2018, accessed September 30, 2018.
  2. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, p. 62, footnote 11; Helmut Hirsch: Rosa Luxemburg , 1969, p. 7; Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg , 1996, p. 13.
  3. ^ Helmut Hirsch: Rosa Luxemburg. 1969, p. 8.
  4. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, p. 16.
  5. Holger Politt: A rabbi named Löwenstein . In: New Germany . January 15, 2019 ( [accessed August 20, 2020]).
  6. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 62-65.
  7. Jacob Talmon: The History of Totalitarian Democracy Volume III. The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of the Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization in the Twentieth Century. Göttingen 2013, p. 114.
  8. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, p. 65.
  9. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, p. 67 f.
  10. Jörn Schütrumpf : Rosa Luxemburg and the Terror, in progress - Movement - History , Issue I / 2019, pp. 26–41.
  11. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 68-70; Quote p. 68.
  12. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 74 f .; Helmut Hirsch: Rosa Luxemburg , 1969, p. 140.
  13. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, p. 41 f.
  14. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, pp. 32-40.
  15. Jacob Talmon: The History of Totalitarian Democracy Volume III. The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of the Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization in the Twentieth Century. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2013, ISBN 978-3-647-31010-7 , p. 118.
  16. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 76-79.
  17. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 80-84.
  18. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 85-92.
  19. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 95-98; Quotations: fn. 56.
  20. Lucian O. Meysels: Victor Adler: the biography. Amalthea, 1997, ISBN 3-85002-403-2 , p. 145.
  21. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 101-107.
  22. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 108-110.
  23. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, p. 100 f.
  24. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, p. 41 f.
  25. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, p. 113 f. and fn. 107.
  26. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 137-141.
  27. Dietmar Dath: Rosa Luxemburg. Berlin 2010, p. 18 f.
  28. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. 1965, pp. 149-164.
  29. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, pp. 109-117.
  30. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, pp. 120-135.
  31. Jacob Talmon: The History of Totalitarian Democracy Volume III. The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of the Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization in the Twentieth Century. Göttingen 2013, p. 125.
  32. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. P. 197 f.
  33. Dietmar Dath: Rosa Luxemburg. Berlin 2010, pp. 22–34.
  34. Jacob Talmon: The History of Totalitarian Democracy Volume III. The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of the Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization in the Twentieth Century. Göttingen 2013, p. 272.
  35. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, p. 228.
  36. Rosa Luxemburg: Collected Letters. Volumes 2, 5 and 6.
  37. ^ Peter Nettl: Rosa Luxemburg. Cologne 1967, pp. 375-379.
  38. ^ A Fatal Blow at Socialism. (PDF). In: New York Times. September 23, 1910.
  39. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, p. 437.
  40. Annelies Laschitza: Rosa Luxemburg. 1996, p. 444.
  41. Frederik Hetmann: Rosa L. Frankfurt am Main 1979, p. 184.
  42. Heinz Müller-Dietz (Ed.): Gustav Radbruch Complete Edition Volume 10: Penal execution. CF Müller, 1994, ISBN 3-8114-5293-2 , p. 230.
  43. ^ Neil Harding: Lenin's Political Thought: Theory and Practice in the Democratic and Socialist Revolutions. Haymarket Books, 2010, ISBN 978-1-931859-89-9 , p. 372.
  44. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: On the Russian Revolution. (1918). In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, p. 359. (full text online)
  45. Christina Morina : Towards doom . In: The daily newspaper: taz . November 9, 2018, ISSN  0931-9085 , p. 8 ( [accessed December 10, 2018]).
  46. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The National Assembly. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, pp. 407-410, here p. 408 (online) . Quoted from: Heinrich August Winkler : The long way to the west. Volume 1: German history from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic. CH Beck, Munich 2000, p. 385.
  47. Thomas W. Gaehtgens, Barbara Paul (ed.): Wilhelm von Bode: My life. Nicolai, 1997, ISBN 3-87584-637-0 , p. 416.
  48. Jörn Schütrumpf: Rosa Luxemburg and the Terror, in progress - Movement - History , Issue I / 2019, pp. 26–41.
  49. Rosa Luxemburg: What does the Spartacus League want? In: Rote Fahne from December 14, 1918 ( online , accessed January 15, 2019), quoted from Eckhard Jesse : Democracy or dictatorship? Luxemburgism . In: Uwe Backes and Stéphane Courtois (eds.): “A ghost goes around in Europe”: The legacy of communist ideologies Böhlau, Cologne / Vienna / Weimar 2002, p. 208.
  50. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The long way to the west, Volume 1: German history from the end of the Old Empire to the fall of the Weimar Republic. Munich 2000, p. 386.
  51. Rosa Luxemburg: Our program and the political situation , December 31, 1918 on, quoted in Elizaveta Liphardt: Aporien der Gerechtigkeit. Political speech of the extreme left in Germany and Russia between 1914 and 1919. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen 2005, ISBN 978-3-11-091186-2 , p. 193 (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
  52. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The long way to the west . Volume 1: German history from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic. Beck, Munich 2000, p. 388.
  53. a b c d e f g h i Thomas Menzel: The murder of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. In: . Federal Archives, accessed on February 26, 2020 .
  54. Gerd Koenen : The color red. Origins and history of communism. Beck, Munich 2017, p. 859.
  55. Gerd Koenen: The Russia Complex. The Germans and the East 1900–1945. CH Beck, Munich 2005, ISBN 3-406-53512-7 , p. 241 f.
  56. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The long way to the west. Volume 1: German history from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic. Munich 2000, p. 389.
  57. ^ Klaus Gietinger: A corpse in the Landwehr Canal. The murder of Rosa Luxemburg. ; Dietmar Dath: Murdered and Immortal. In: Monde diplomatique. June 12, 2009.
  58. a b The corpse in the Landwehr Canal. In: New Germany . June 6, 2009.
  59. Alexandre Escudier: Commemoration in conflict. Lines of conflict in European memory. Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-425-0 , p. 129.
  60. Bernd Herrmann, Gerhard Kaiser: From the restricted area to the forest city. The history of the secret command centers in Wünsdorf and the surrounding area. 5th edition. Christoph Links, 2010, ISBN 978-3-86153-434-1 , p. 56.
  61. Here is the world today! In: The time . 24/2009.
  62. ^ Max Gallo: Rosa Luxemburg: a biography. 1993, p. 375.
  63. Rosa Luxemburg: The accumulation of capital or what the epigones made of Marx's theory. An anti-criticism. In: Collected Works. Volume 5, Berlin 1990, p. 523.
  64. ^ Paul Frölich: Rosa Luxemburg - Thought and Action. Berlin 1990, p. 212.
  65. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The accumulation of capital. In: Collected Works. Volume 5, Berlin 1990, p. 363f. (on-line)
  66. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The accumulation of capital. In: Collected Works. Volume 5, Berlin 1990, p. 296.
  67. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The accumulation of capital. In: Collected Works. Volume 5, Berlin 1990, p. 292.
  68. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The revolution in Russia. (1917). In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974 ( online ( memento from November 3, 2013 in the Internet Archive )).
  69. In the first edition, the reading was "instructors": The Russian Revolution. A critical appraisal , Berlin 1922, p. 109. The quotation can be found in the handwritten manuscript in the left margin without any indication of classification.
  70. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: On the Russian Revolution. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, p. 359, note 3.
  71. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The long way to the west. Volume 1: German history from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic. Bonn 2002, p. 357.
  72. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: On the Russian Revolution. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, p. 362 f.
  73. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: On the Russian Revolution. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, p. 363.
  74. Rosa Luxemburg: Fragment on War, National Question and Revolution. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, pp. 366-373.
  75. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The historical responsibility. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, pp. 374-379.
  76. Rosa Luxemburg: The Beginning. In: Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 2000, p. 397.
  77. Collected Works. Volume 2, Berlin 1972, p. 465.
  78. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: In a revolutionary hour: What next? In: Collected Works. Volume 1.2, Berlin 1972, p. 554.
  79. ^ Rosa Luxemburg: The political leader of the German working class. In: Collected Works. Volume 2, Berlin 1972, p. 280.
  80. Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, p. 478.
  81. Collected Works. Volume 4, Berlin 1974, p. 536.
  82. With the three tenses of "sein" rabbis translated the biblical divine name JHWH according to Ex 3.14  EU : Grit Schorch: Moses Mendelssohns Sprachpolitik. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-11-027562-9 , p. 127. "Terror and the sound of trumpets" allude to biblical motifs such as Ex 19.16  EU , 6.8 EU and Rev 1.11  EU . There it is always about an appearance of God, finally to the final judgment : Ekkehardt Müller: The First and the Last: Studies on the Book of Revelation. Peter Lang, 2010, ISBN 978-3-631-61132-6 , p. 209.
  83. Reinhard Kannonier : Between Beethoven and Eisler: On the workers music movement in Austria. Europa-Verlag, 1981, ISBN 3-203-50788-9 , p. 51.
  84. Kathrin Hoffmann-Curtius : Woman murder as a spectacle. Max Beckmann's "Martyrdom" of Rosa Luxemburg. In: Susanne Komfort-Hein, Susanne Scholz (Ed.): Lustmord. Medializations of a cultural phantasm around 1900. Helmer, 2007, ISBN 978-3-89741-228-6 , pp. 91–114.
  85. ^ Thomas Menzel: Federal Archives: The murder of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. In: Retrieved February 26, 2020 .
  86. Hans-Harald Müller: The war and the writers: The war novel of the Weimar Republic. Metzler, 1986, ISBN 3-476-00603-4 , p. 149.
  87. WB van der Grijn Santen: The world stage and Judaism. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1994, ISBN 3-88479-953-3 , p. 104.
  88. ^ Benedikt Kautsky (Ed.): Rosa Luxemburg: Letters to friends. Based on the manuscript completed by Luise Kautsky. (1920) European Publishing House, 1950; reprinted in: Claudia Schmölders (Hrsg.): Letters of famous women. From Liselotte von der Pfalz to Rosa Luxemburg. Frankfurt am Main / Leipzig 1993, pp. 96-174.
  89. WB van der Grijn Santen: The world stage and Judaism. Würzburg 1994, p. 198.
  90. Dieter Gleisberg: I was. I am. I will be! Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in the fine arts between 1918 and 193. In: Dieter Gleisberg: Portraits of outstanding workers leaders. Museum of Fine Arts, Leipzig 1983 (exhibition catalog of the Ministry of Culture of the GDR).
  91. Silke Satjukow , Rainer Gries (ed.): Socialist heroes: a cultural history of propaganda figures in Eastern Europe and the GDR. Christoph Links, 2002, ISBN 3-86153-271-9 , p. 174.
  92. ^ Maria Seidemann: Rosa Luxemburg and Leo Jogiches: Love in the Times of the Revolution. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1998, ISBN 3-87134-295-5 , p. 184; Historical Commission to Berlin: International scientific correspondence on the history of the German labor movement. Volume 24, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin 1988, p. 501.
  93. Frederik Hetmann: Rosa L. Frankfurt am Main 1979, pp. 276-279; Volker Ullrich: The revolution of 1918/19. Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-56254-9 , p. 75.
  94. Reinhold Weber, Ines Mayer (Ed.): Political heads from Southwest Germany. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2005, ISBN 3-17-018700-7 , p. 143 f.
  95. Wolfram Wette: Militarism in the Weimar Republic. In: Friedhelm Greis, Ian King: The antimilitarist and pacifist Tucholsky: Documentation of the 2007 conference. Röhrig Universitätsverlag, 2008, ISBN 978-3-86110-447-6 , p. 19 f.
  96. ^ Frank Hirschinger: "Gestapo agents, Trotskyists, traitors": Communist party purges in Saxony-Anhalt 1918–1925. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2005, ISBN 3-525-36903-4 , pp. 43-45.
  97. ^ Hermann Weber: From Rosa Luxemburg to Walter Ulbricht: Changes in German Communism. Verlag für Literatur und Zeitgeschehen, 1970, p. 115.
  98. ^ Charlotte Beradt (ed.): Paul Levi. Between Spartacus and Social Democracy: writings, essays, speeches and letters. European Publishing House, Frankfurt am Main 1969, p. 147.
  99. ^ Encyclopedia of Modern Criminology: Collection of individual works by appointed specialists. Volume 13, Paul Langenscheidt, p. 145; Sabine Kienitz: Damaged Heroes: War Invalidity and Body Images 1914–1923. Schöningh, 2008, ISBN 978-3-506-76537-6 , p. 50.
  100. Narihiko Ito, Annelies Laschitza, Ottokar Luban : Rosa Luxembourg in the international discourse: International Rosa Luxembourg company in Chicago, Tampere, Berlin, and Zurich (1998-2000). Karl Dietz, 2002, p. 141.
  101. Ulrich Weissgerber: Poisonous Words of the SED Dictatorship: Language as an Instrument for Exercising Power and Exclusion in the Soviet Occupation Zone and the GDR. Lit-Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-643-10429-8 , pp. 189-192.
  102. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The appearance of normality. Dietz, Berlin / Bonn 1985, ISBN 3-8012-0094-9 , p. 682 f.
  103. ^ Richard Wiegand: "Who betrayed us ...": Social democracy in the November revolution. Ahriman-Verlag, 1999, ISBN 3-89484-812-X , p. 7.
  104. Leon Trotsky: Hands off Rosa Luxemburg! (1932); Vadim S. Rogovin: Stalin's War Communism. Mehring Verlag, 2006, ISBN 3-88634-081-3 , p. 282 f.
  105. Quoted from Dietmar Dath: Rosa Luxemburg. Berlin 2010, p. 133.
  106. ^ Hermann Weber: Main enemy of social democracy: Strategy and tactics of the KPD 1929-1933. Droste, 1982, ISBN 3-7700-0621-6 , p. 86, fn. 415.
  107. ^ Peter GJ Pulzer : The Jewish Participation in Politics. In: Werner E. Mosse (Ed.): Jews in Wilhelminian Germany 1890–1914. An anthology. 2nd Edition. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 1998, ISBN 3-16-147074-5 , pp. 208 f.
  108. ^ Ulrich Kluge: The Weimar Republic. UTB, Schöningh, Paderborn 2006, ISBN 3-8252-2805-3 , p. 235. The KPD propaganda took over the defamatory term "Jewish republic" for a while in 1930: Werner Bergmann: History of Antisemitism. Beck, Munich 2011, p. 78 ; Bert Hoppe: In Stalin's allegiance: Moscow and the KPD 1928–1933. Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, Munich 2007, p. 189.
  109. ^ Thomas Friedrich: Hitler's Berlin. Abused City. Yale University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-300-16670-5 , p. 23.
  110. ^ Michael Stark: German intellectuals, 1910-1933: calls, pamphlets, considerations. L. Schneider, 1984, p. 418.
  111. ^ Günter Gleising (Ed.): Book burning 1933: a text and material collection of the Bochum RuhrEcho publishing house. RuhrEcho, 2008, ISBN 978-3-931999-12-4 , p. 23.
  112. Barbara Könczöl: Martyrs of Socialism: the SED and the memory of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. Campus, 2008, ISBN 978-3-593-38747-5 , p. 211.
  113. Gerd Koenen: The Russia Complex. The Germans and the East 1900–1945. Munich 2005, p. 245.
  114. ^ Alfred Döblin: November 1918: Karl and Rosa. (1939; see literature) Referred to by Dieter Schiller: The dream of Hitler's fall: Studies on German exile literature 1933–1945. Peter Lang, 2010, ISBN 978-3-631-58755-3 , p. 634. See Ehrhard Bahr: Weimar on the Pacific: German Exile Culture in Los Angeles and the Crisis of Modernism. University of California Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-520-25795-5 , p. 209.
  115. ^ Fred Oelßner: Rosa Luxemburg. Dietz Verlag, Berlin 1951, p. 7 and p. 211; quoted from Barbara Könczöl: Martyrs of Socialism: the SED and the memory of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. Campus, 2008, ISBN 978-3-593-38747-5 , p. 151.
  116. Barbara Könczöl: May Day and the fifteenth of January. In: Martin Sabrow : Places of Remembrance of the GDR. CH Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-59045-0 , pp. 141-147.
  117. ^ Hermann Weber: The SED and Rosa Luxemburg. Comments on the publication of Rosa Luxemburg's »Russian Revolution« in the GDR. In: Neue Gesellschaft, Frankfurter Hefte. 22nd year, 1975.
  118. Erdmut Wizisla (Ed.): 1898-Bertolt Brecht-1998: “and my work is the swan song of the millennium”: 22 attempts to describe a work. Akademie der Künste, Berlin 1998, pp. 48–51.
  119. Robert Havemann: The party is not a ghost: Plea for a new KPD. In: Der Spiegel. 52/1965, December 22, 1965.
  120. Peter-Claus Burens: The GDR and the “Prague Spring”: Significance and Effects of the Czechoslovak Renewal Movement for the Domestic Policy of the GDR in 1968. Duncker & Humblot, 1981, p. 60.
  121. ^ Joachim Wittkowski: Poetry in the press. An investigation into the criticism of Wolf Biermann, Erich Fried and Ulla Hahn. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1991, ISBN 3-88479-553-8 , p. 36.
  122. Roland Berbig, Arne Born, Jörg Judersleben, Holger J. Karlson: In the matter of Biermann. Christoph Links Verlag, 1994, ISBN 3-86153-070-8 , p. 78, note 17 .
  123. ^ Hermann Weber: The GDR 1945–1990. Oldenbourg, Munich 2011, p. 105.
  124. Rosa Luxemburg Monument on .
  125. Mario Keßler: Ossip K. Flechtheim: Political Scientist and Future Thinker (1909-1998). Böhlau, Vienna 2007, ISBN 978-3-412-14206-3 , p. 84.
  126. Mario Keßler: Ossip K. Flechtheim: Political Scientist and Future Thinker (1909-1998). Böhlau, Vienna 2007, ISBN 978-3-412-14206-3 p. 183.
  127. Jürgen Zschalich: Broad Rosa Luxembourg corruption in modern social reformist literature of Germany after the adoption of the Godesberg program. 1984.
  128. Iring Fetscher (ed.): History as an order. Willy Brandt's speeches on the history of the labor movement. JHW Dietz, 1995, ISBN 3-8012-1123-1 , p. 43.
  129. Willy Brandt: Left and Free. My way 1930–1950. Hoffmann and Campe, 2012, ISBN 978-3-455-85039-0 , pp. 1927-1934.
  130. ^ Christian Fenner: Democratic socialism and social democracy. Campus, 1977, ISBN 3-593-32190-4 , p. 201, fn. 92.
  131. ^ Emil-Peter Müller: Young Socialists between Reform and Revolution. Deutscher Instituts-Verlag, 1974, p. 49.
  132. Peter von Oertzen: Works Councils in the November Revolution: a political science study of the ideas and structure of the company and economic workers' councils in the German revolution of 1918/19. Dietz, Berlin 1976, ISBN 3-8012-1093-6 , p. 15 ff.
  133. Bärbel Meurer: Bürgerliche Kultur und Sozialdemokratie: a political history of ideas of the German social democracy from the beginnings to 1875. Duncker & Humblot, 1988, ISBN 3-428-06390-2 , p. 277.
  134. Gisela Notz: Rosa Luxemburg 1871-1919: internationalist, anti-militarist and fighter for an emancipatory socialism .
  135. ^ Tilman P. Fichter: A dark spot in the SPD history. ( Memento from December 20, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) In: Forward. April 8, 2009.
  136. Ursula Ludz (Ed.): Hannah Arendt: I want to understand: self-information about life and work. 4th edition. Piper, Munich 2005, ISBN 3-492-24591-9 , p. 82.
  137. Rolf Schwendter: Theory of Subculture. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1971, p. 161.
  138. ^ Gilbert Badia: Rosa Luxemburg. In: Etienne Francois, Hagen Schulze: German places of memory. Part 2, CH Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-59142-6 , p. 117.
  139. ^ Richard Faber: Socialism in the past and present. Königshausen & Neumann, 1994, p. 18 f.
  140. ^ Astrid Lorenz, Werner Reutter: Order and change as challenges for the state and society. Festschrift for Gert-Joachim Glaeßner. Budrich, 2009, ISBN 978-3-86649-286-8 , p. 37.
  141. Rudi Dutschke: Why I am a Marxist - but Marx said: “I am not a Marxist”. In: Fritz J. Raddatz (ed.): Why I am a Marxist. Kindler, Munich 1978, ISBN 3-463-00718-5 , pp. 106-109.
  142. Jacob Leib Ṭalmôn: The history of totalitarian democracy. Volume III: The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of the Revolution. Göttingen 2013, p. 97.
  143. I have Rosa Luxemburg judged. Conversation with the putsch captain Waldemar Pabst. In: Der Spiegel. 16/1962, April 18, 1962.
  144. Who shot? In: Der Spiegel. 1/1970, January 5, 1970.
  145. ROSA LUXEMBOURG LAS FAUST II: note on the murder of the communist leader . In: Der Spiegel. 1/1970, January 5, 1970.
  146. PROCESSES / LUXEMBOURG MURDER: Shot on Dingsda . In: Der Spiegel. 1/1969, January 6, 1969.
  147. Constanze Carcenac-Leconte (Hrsg.): Steinbruch: German places of memory: Approaching a German memory story. Peter Lang, 2000, ISBN 3-631-36272-2 , p. 135.
  148. Klaus Gietinger: A corpse in the Landwehr Canal - The murder of Rosa L. 1993, pp. 98 and 103, fn. 361 f.
  149. Rosa. Play with music by Volker Ludwig and Franziska Steiof. ( Memento from September 26, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Premiere on November 7, 2008 in the GRIPS Theater.
  150. ^ Charité: Doctors want to have discovered Rosa Luxemburg's body. In: Spiegel online. May 29, 2009.
  151. Arne Leyenberg: The corpse in the cellar is not Rosa Luxemburg. In: FAZ. January 6, 2010.
  152. ^ Zossener Strasse named after Rosa Luxemburg .
  153. ^ Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (Ed.): International scientific correspondence on the history of the German labor movement. Volume 25, Historical Commission, Berlin 1989, p. 535.
  154. ^ Commemoration of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht - a traditional element of German left-wing extremism ( Memento of December 13, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) , BfV series of topics, Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution , 2008.
  155. Margarete Maurer: A land of unlimited possibilities: On the topicality of Rosa Luxemburg. In: Cornelia Krauss, Margarete Maurer (eds.): Rosa Luxemburg: "I am a land of unlimited possibilities". Rosa Luxemburg Institute, Vienna 1999, p. 13.
  156. Sebastian Haffner: Spartacus uprising. In: Stefan Brauburger , Guido Knopp, Peter Arens (eds.): The Germans from Charlemagne to Rosa Luxemburg. C. Bertelsmann, 2010, p. 677.
  157. Jörn Schütrumpf: Rosa Luxemburg, or, The price of freedom. Karl Dietz, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-320-02077-3 , p. 46.
  158. ^ Jule Hoffmann: Philosophical Places. Rosa Luxemburg's search for home. In: Deutschlandfunk Kultur. Germany radio. Public corporation, August 16, 2020, accessed on August 18, 2020 .
  159. ^ Gunter Barsch: The topicality of Rosa Luxemburg in Eastern Europe. In: Eastern Europe. October 1975, pp. 848-854.
  160. ^ Ludvík Veselý: Dubček: Biography. Kindler, 1970, pp. 33f. and 89.
  161. ^ Sharon Zukin: Beyond Marx and Tito: Theory and Practice in Yugoslav Socialism. Cambridge University Press, 1975, p. 50.
  162. Unwanted person: Rosa L. Neues Deutschland March 24, 2018, p. 1.
  163. Karl Willy Beer (Ed.): Die Politische opinion, issues 164–169. Verlag Staat und Gesellschaft, 1976, p. 93.
  164. ^ Gilbert Badia: Rosa Luxemburg. In: Etienne Francois, Hagen Schulze (ed.): German places of memory. Part 2, Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-59142-6 , p. 119.
  165. Michael A. Lebewitz: Beyond Capital. Marx's Political Economy of the Working Class. 2nd edition, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, ISBN 0-333-96429-2 .
  166. ^ Riccardo Bellofiore (Ed.): Rosa Luxemburg and the Critique of Political Economy. Taylor and Francis, 2009, ISBN 978-0-203-87839-2 ; Hermann Schwengel, Boike Rehbein (ed.): Theories of globalization. 2nd, revised edition. UTB, ISBN 3-8252-3834-2 , p. 52.
  167. George Cicariello-Maher: Latin American Marxism. In: Mark Bevier (Ed.): Encyclopedia of Political Theory. Sage, 2010, ISBN 978-1-4129-5865-3 , p. 778.
  168. ^ International Rosa Luxemburg Society: History ; Narihiko Ito, Theodor Bergmann, Stefan Hochstadt, Ottokar Luban (eds.): China discovers Rosa Luxemburg. International Rosa Luxemburg Society in Guangzhou on 21./22. November 2004. Karl Dietz, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-320-02101-6 .
  169. ↑ The bridge is named after Rosa Luxemburg. In: Der Tagesspiegel. September 25, 2012.
  170. Review by Hartmut Henicke