February Revolution 1917

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Demonstration in Petrograd, 1917

The February Revolution ( Russian Февральская революция / transcription Fewralskaja Revoljuzija ) of 1917 ended the tsarist rule in Russia . The name goes back to the Julian calendar in force in Russia at the time , because according to this the revolution began on February 23. According to the Gregorian calendar, this is March 8th. The immediate causes of the February Revolution were the effects of the First World War , from economic and, above all, military weakness to the inadequate supply of the population, especially with food, but also unresolved political and organizational problems that already founded the revolution of 1905 .

In place of the tsarist rule, parliament ( Duma ) and workers 'and soldiers' councils (Russian Soviet ) first came side by side , the dual rule . The Duma set up a provisional government under Prime Minister Lvov and then under Kerensky. For the autumn of 1917 she planned the election of a constituent assembly which would decide on the future form of government in Russia. However, who took over in the same year Bolsheviks violently by the October Revolution , the power in Russia.


Modernization deficits

The defeat of the Tsarist empire against Great Britain and France in the Crimean War of 1856 had relentlessly revealed that a fundamental economic and social renewal was necessary. The Great Reforms followed . They included the abolition of serfdom in 1861, judicial reform in 1864, and the establishment of self-governing organs ( zemstvo ) at the governmental level in 1864. This included a strategy of building its own heavy industry , as existed in Great Britain.

The previous restriction to the textile industry and other light industry should be overcome and Russia should be able to manufacture its own locomotives , steam engines and artillery . The newly built factories, mostly large companies that were built thanks to foreign capital and state subsidies, attracted more and more workers from the rural regions to the new industrial centers. A urbanization should by maintaining the passport control by the village communities be stopped, but could not prevent the number of Abwanderern in the cities grew rapidly. As a result, both became a problem, on the one hand the great attraction of higher wages in the factories (cities) and, on the other hand, the repulsive force of increasing overpopulation in rural areas. This destroyed all countermeasures of the tsarist autocracy . There was mass misery in the workers' settlements. The social question became burning in the relatively few, but rapidly growing, larger cities of the Tsarist Empire.

The tsarist government was ill-prepared for the emergence of a fourth estate . The new workers did not fit into the agrarian social order that existed in the tsarist empire . It remained a foreign body, which, despite partial willingness to modernize, neither accepted the autocracy, nor the nobility , which made up the smallest proportion of the population of the Tsarist empire, but continued to represent the state.

The economic, social and administrative change went hand in hand, at least in the cities, with a kind of cultural modernization. Russia was preparing to build up a competitive industry in order to meet the requirements of a future war, to promote legal conformity through a modern judicial system and to improve the efficiency of regional administrations through decentralization, and therefore had to significantly increase the general qualification. Indeed, the regional administrations, the Zemstvos, achieved amazing things in the development of an education system and in public health care. The state expanded the universities and brought in an educated elite of teachers, doctors, lawyers and engineers who came under the influence of Western European political ideas to a considerable extent. At that time, these were considered progressive, and many based their life goals and habits on them. An intelligentsia developed that was open to reforms and refused to allow the state to restrict its public actions. From today's perspective, however, it would be wrong to equate it with opposition.

Tsar Nicholas II had all political opponents suppressed through police violence and arrests. Political prisoners were deported to Siberian labor camps. In 1905, on St. Petersburg's Bloody Sunday , he had demonstrators shot, his secret police and the military were instructed to nip any uprising in the bud. Due to the pressure of the subsequent general strike in Petrograd , the tsar had to grant a Duma as a second chamber in addition to the Imperial Council in the so-called October Manifesto , but his rights were severely restricted. In the constitution of 1906 , Nicholas expressly confirmed the autocratic character of his rule. Without being able to control the government and hold it accountable, the Duma remained largely powerless; the Tsar had it dissolved in 1906, 1907 and 1912. He largely ignored the advice of his former finance minister, Sergei Witte , who recommended swift and comprehensive reforms.

Loss of authority by the Tsar and defeats in the First World War

Nicholas II, painting by Earnest Lipgart

As in all European countries, the outbreak of World War I in the summer of 1914 was greeted with national elation. After the turning point on the German Eastern Front with the Battle of Gorlice-Tarnów in 1915, Russia suffered several severe defeats. In the course of the German counter-offensive of 1915, the Imperial Russian Army had to withdraw more and more to the east. As a result of this Great Retreat , Poland, Lithuania , Courland and large parts of the western Russian area up to a line from the Daugava to the Romanian border were initially lost. This downright collapse of the mostly poorly equipped army on the Western Front resulted in a serious crisis in the top military leadership .

Tsar Nicholas II and General Brusilov

Although his ministers unanimously advised against it at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, the tsar deposed Russian commander-in-chief Nikolai Nikolajewitsch and took over on 23 August July. / September 5, 1915 greg. himself the supreme command and appointed General Mikhail Alexejew chief of staff. On the same day he arrived at headquarters on the war front in Mogilev . The government resigned as a whole, now the “key to fate” of the country, which was economically severely restricted by the war and inflation , lay with the army, since the tsar had to personally answer for every further retreat and every further defeat. First, however, in September 1915, strong counterattacks succeeded in stabilizing the front.

Nicholas II devoted himself to his new task with devotion and was reinforced in his decision by the success of the Brusilov offensive in 1916. On the other hand, one and a half million Russian soldiers deserted in 1916 alone.

Persistence of the political crisis

In the autumn of 1916 the strikes of the Petrograd workers flared up again, which had reached a climax in the pre-war year but had subsided afterwards in the spirit of the truce of national solidarity and as a result of mobilization . From then on, fueled by dramatically increasing supply problems as well as a lack of fuel and an unusually cold winter of 1916/17, they expanded into a veritable conflagration that the autocracy was no longer able to contain. In November, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich Romanov wrote to his brother, the Tsar: "I am convinced that we are standing on a volcano and that even the smallest spark, the smallest wrong step, can cause a catastrophe for you, for all of us and for Russia."

Due to the grievances, the agreed truce, which was only supposed to ensure that the opposition kept still during the war, broke up very quickly. The growing readiness of the population to protest was evident in the Duma, which met again in February 1916. Here a progressive bloc had formed, which consisted of various liberal parties up to moderate monarchists. He called for the liberalization of Russia and worried that in the absence of the tsar the traveling preacher Rasputin would exert too much influence on the powerful tsarina Alexandra , who was accused of having a sexual affair with the monk. When Rasputin was murdered on December 30, 1916 and the assassins remained unmolested, this was interpreted as evidence of the truth of this accusation. The authority of the tsar, now a moral weakling, continued to decline.

Economic crisis and changes in the rural world

The Russian state went through an enormous economic crisis during the First World War. The demands of modern warfare prompted the tsarist empire to expand industrial capacities. After the failure of war bonds , more and more money was printed to finance them . This triggered significant inflation in the second year of the war . By the end of 1916, labor and goods had risen by an average of 400%. This in turn nearly paralyzed the food production of the large landowners , as they were dependent on the employment of wage laborers.

In 1916 the food situation of the population deteriorated considerably. The army administration bought food for the army in the western provinces, which made it increasingly difficult to find replacements for the civilian population. In the autumn of 1916, the population began to queue in front of the bakeries. In the case of strikes, the end of the war and, from October 1916, the end of the tsarist rule, were demanded louder and louder.

The small farmers still produced enough food, but the sale of their income became unprofitable for them. Inflation and a focus on manufacturing for the military drove up prices for industrial goods the peasants needed. As the flow of finished goods from the cities to the countryside dried up, the counter-flow of agricultural products to the cities also came to a standstill. In addition, several million households that had survived in the countryside through the simple manual production of consumer goods until the outbreak of the war were lost. This semi-peasant class was weakened in part by being enlisted in the army, but largely by the higher wages in the factories in the cities.

Russian farmers harvesting hay , photograph by Sergei Michailowitsch Prokudin-Gorski , 1909

Around 1916, the Russian economy was still predominantly agricultural: 85% of the population lived in the countryside, without whose help there could be no revolution. Due to hardship and disappointed expectations of the government, there had already been surveys of the peasants , which were mostly associated with the burning of manors, the plundering of storehouses and the unauthorized occupation of land, especially those "cut off pieces of land" that were before the difficult unbundling of estates and peasant farms in the wake of the abolition of serfdom in 1861 had been managed by the village community and were claimed by them. Most of the time, such uprisings collapsed as quickly as they started.

After the start of the war in 1914 there was hardly any agrarian social protest. Since the great majority of the recruits came from villages, hardly anyone lived here who could have stood up against the authorities. Only a newly emerging connection between the farmers in the rural regions and the townspeople gave a new outbreak of social protest a revolutionary quality. According to Manfred Hildermeier , one of the causes of the revolution was that the parochial horizon of the traditionally small-scale village community broke up and “opened up to national and national problems”. On the one hand, this opening occurred through migrant work , which brought farmers to the larger cities seasonally or for entire periods of life, where they were confronted with general social and political questions and met members of the opposition intelligentsia . On the other hand, more and more farmers had to do military service, which also brought them outside their home regions.

Course of the Revolution

The further deterioration in the supply situation of the population in the harsh winter of 1916/1917, forced collections and a new, failed delivery system increased the discontent. In 1917 there were hunger riots, strikes and demonstrations in the industrial centers. Their occasion was, among other things, the 12th anniversary of the St. Petersburg Bloody Sunday on January 9th jul. / January 22nd, Greg. . The arrests of regime critics could not counteract the revolutionary mood, but only led to greater radicalization.

Worsening of the crisis

Meanwhile, the streets of Petrograd were filled with hungry and angry people, as the food supply came to a standstill. Even at night people were queuing for bread in long lines. Occasional looting took place. The opening of the Duma on February 14th jul. / February 27th greg. was accompanied by a large demonstration, which should urge them to take energetic measures.

On February 19, Jul. / March 4th greg. A strike broke out in the Putilov works , a Petrograd armaments factory. Thereupon the management ordered the lockout of 30,000 men. A protest demonstration against the catastrophic supply situation was promptly held. The protests spread like an avalanche to other factories, and the general strike was proclaimed. Thousands demonstrated with red flags on Nevsky Prospect .

The workers' committees considered it unlikely that the army would provide the support they needed for a large-scale proletarian revolution. Therefore, they pursued the idea of ​​a peaceful popular movement. No targeted call for strikes was planned to avoid violent incidents with the dreaded police. But it became apparent during the first clashes that the soldiers were for the most part prepared to take action against the police, but above all against their own officers, in order to protect civilians (including many soldiers' wives). A total of around 170,000 soldiers in the Petrograd area are assumed to side with the strikers. Factory workers from the Vyborg Rajon and other parts of the city then joined the strikes in large numbers. Further demonstrations by women workers and soldiers threatened the ammunition factories in Petrograd, which were necessary for the war, and soon spread throughout the country from Petrograd. The workers 'and soldiers' wives demanded an immediate end to the war, the return of food and the immediate abdication of the Tsar.

Riot due to the worsening food shortage

Demonstration by workers from the Putilov works on February 23, 1917

On February 21, Jul. / March 6th greg. the daily stock exchange gazette reported that looting of bakeries began on the Petrograd side and then spread to the whole city. Crowds of people moving through the streets stood in front of bakeries and bakery shops and shouted “bread, bread”. The strikes in the large armaments and ammunition factories flared up again. The strikes increased the following day. Notwithstanding this, the tsar traveled to the staff of the troops. Previously, Interior Minister Alexander Dmitrievich Protopopov assured him that the situation in the capital was completely under his control. On February 23rd, Jul. / March 8th greg. the real revolution began in Petrograd. There was another strike in the Putilov works, and the strikers demonstrated for a better supply, especially with bread. News of the work stoppages quickly spread to other parts of the city, so that working people from almost all industrial companies joined the strike. They formed long demonstrations with their families and shouted: "Give us bread, we are starving, we need bread." At two o'clock at noon, the workers in the Ayvas factory also went on strike. The tsar arrived in Mogilev around 3 p.m. In the evening at seven o'clock the workforce (1500 people) of the Vulcan works went to the factory gate because a police officer had appeared there and, with a revolver in his hand, demanded that their meeting be dissolved. A few workers disarmed and beat him. The crowd now poured into the street. Allegedly more than half of the Petrograd working class joined the uprising. Very quickly there were elections in the factories for workers' councils, the form of self-organization that the workers had already developed in 1905. This resulted in workers 'and soldiers' councils throughout the country, which recognized the Petrograd Soviet as their government.

On February 24th, Jul. / March 9th greg. the tsar cabled from the headquarters in Mogilew to the city commandant General Sergei Semjonowitsch Khabalov the order to "liquidate" the unrest in the city tomorrow. The following afternoon members of the Volhyn Guard regiment shot at the rioters in the capital, killing sixty demonstrators. In other places, however, soldiers took action against the police. Cossacks sent by the Petrograd city commander to disarm the rebels refused to give the order and instead accepted the red carnations that were presented to them. Duma President Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodsyanko telegraphed the tsar to “take immediate action, because tomorrow it will be too late.” The hour had come when the fatherland and the dynasty would be decided. The telegram went unanswered; whether it even reached the tsar is uncertain.

Entanglement with the Duma

On February 26th, Jul. / March 11th greg. Duma President Rodzyanko received a telegram decree from the tsar, with which the latter again dissolved the Duma. But the council of elders and the deputies refused to obey in the face of the unrest.

On February 27th, Jul. / March 12th greg. the Council of Elders constituted a Provisional Committee for the Restoration of Public Order under the leadership of the Duma President Rodzjanko and reopened parliament, which now took over the affairs of government. A new commander-in-chief was appointed and Duma plenipotentiaries were installed in the ministries. The provisional Duma committee existed until the next elections. From a constitutional point of view, this was a usurpation and at the same time the decisive revolutionary act: just as the Third Estate in the French capital Paris declared itself a national assembly in August 1789 , with this announcement the Russian parliament claimed for itself all the powers that were just now were exercised by the tsarist government. That is why this Monday, February 27, is also referred to as Red Monday, because, among other things, this day makes it clear that, in addition to the participation of the councils, the Duma is now also actively involved and the street revolt is turning into a real revolution.

Military shift of forces

On February 27th, Jul. / March 12th greg. the Volhyn Guard Regiment in Petrograd switched to the side of the revolution. The Preobrazhensky and Litovsky Guard regiments followed. Several commanders were shot, the soldiers fraternized with the workers, who were also given rifles when the arsenals were stormed. The police were disarmed and the revolutionaries drove through the streets in confiscated vehicles with red flags to loud cheers.

Part of the Moscow regiment resisted for a short time. After the breach, numerous officers were killed, and the Moscow regiment also joined the uprising. Courthouses, police barracks and Kresty prison were stormed and set on fire after the prisoners were liberated.

In the afternoon, the Duma building was occupied by armed soldiers and workers, and that evening the first workers 'and soldiers' council met in the Duma meeting room . The still ruling tsarist government declared a state of siege on Petrograd . In some places, insurgents were shot at with machine guns , in other places the insurgents for their part arrested tsarist dignitaries on behalf of the Workers 'and Soldiers' Council. The previous events also overwhelmed the workers' committees. The prevailing opinion here was that help was not available from the army. Now they too called for support for the rapidly expanding movement.

The tsar wrote in his diary: "Went to bed at 3 1/2 because I had a long talk with NI Ivanov , whom I am sending with troops to Petrograd to put things in order." At five o'clock in the morning he left the headquarters in Mogilev to visit his family in Tsarskoye Selo , his summer residence. He also sent troops there from the war front for his protection.

Expansion of the uprising

On February 28th, Jul. / March 13th greg. the uprising broke out in Moscow and followed a course similar to that in Petrograd. In the Tauride Palace the Provisional Government in the right wing under Prince: in Petrograd two political centers were Georgi Lvov in the left wing of the Soviet with delegates of the workers and soldiers.

In the meantime the revolutionaries in Petrograd seized all train stations, the telephone exchange, the Peter and Paul Fortress and the Admiralty. Tsarskoye Selo was occupied by insurgents and the empress was guarded from then on. The tsar's train had to turn back at Wischera at night because Ljuban and Tosno were already in the hands of the rebels. He drove to Pskov , the headquarters of the northern front that had turned away from the tsar. Here their commander, General Nikolai Russki , reported the outbreak of the revolution in Petrograd to the Tsar and advised him to abdicate and to surrender to the mercy of the victors. In the eyes of the generals in Pskov, the prospect of a crackdown on the uprising was so slim that they forced the tsar to agree to a new government of social confidence . But this was by no means enough for the new rulers in Petrograd, they demanded the tsar's resignation from the throne, some even his death.

Abdication of Tsar Nicholas

One of the last shots of the tsar in his usual army uniform
The Winter Palace in Petrograd was the seat of the royal family
Tomb of the last royal family in the Peter and Paul Cathedral

On jul. / 14th greg. On March 1st, Nikolaus was telegraphed to resign from both Duma President Rodzyanko and Mikhail Alexejew , the chief of staff and thus de facto commander of all armies. The commander of the Northern Front, Russky, told him over a long telephone conversation with Duma President Rodzyanko that his abdication was essential. Russky passed on the content of the conversation to headquarters, and from there it was sent to all commanders of the armies. By early afternoon, everyone, without exception, spoke out in favor of the Tsar's abdication. Nicholas signed a manifest the following night calling a cabinet of ministers responsible for parliament, but Rodzyanko, who was informed of this by telephone, replied that this admission was far too late and that the Tsar's abdication was required.

On jul. / 15th greg. On March 8th, the Duma and the Workers 'and Soldiers' Council agreed that the Tsar would be deposed and that a Provisional Government would be formed. At 3 p.m., the leader of the Liberal Cadet Party, Pavel Milyukov, announced a list of the new ministers in the Tauride Palace, headed by his party friend Prince Georgi Lvov . The Tsar's ministers arrested by the soldiers were transferred to the Peter and Paul Fortress . Around 10 p.m. Alexander Guchkov from the Imperial Council and the Duma deputy Vasily Shulgin from Petrograd arrived in the saloon car of the Tsarist train. Guchkov told the Tsar that there was a risk that Petrograd and the front would fall into the hands of anarchists and that the moderates would be swept away. The people's sentiment could only be calmed down if Nicholas resigned in favor of his little son and Grand Duke Mikhail transferred the reign. The tsar replied that he wanted to do so, but because of the tsarevich's illness he could not part with him. He personally changed the abdication manifest that had been drawn up that morning in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail, and handed it over to Guchkov at 11:40 p.m. At the request of the deputies, he added an addendum on the new tsar's oath to the constitution. At the same time he signed a ukasse in which he reappointed Prince Lvov as Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolayevich again as Commander-in-Chief. In order not to create the impression that Nicholas was under pressure from the deputies who had arrived, the certificate of abdication and the ukasse were postponed to March 15, 3 p.m. and 2 p.m.

Resignation of Grand Duke Mikhail from the throne

Grand Duke Michael did not find out at first that he and not his nephew Alexei should be heir to the throne because his brother did not send him a telegram to inform him of his actions. The Provisional Government decided to persuade Mikhail to renounce the throne. At the urging of Lvov, Kerensky and other Duma members, the Grand Duke signed on July 3rd . / March 16, Greg. March a letter formulated by the cadet politician Vladimir Dmitrijewitsch Nabokov , in which he renounced the throne and called for submission to the Provisional Government . He was ready to take the throne if the people should decide at a later date in secret elections. So Mikhail hoped to keep the monarchy in Russia. Due to the problems of the provisional governments in the following months and the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks through the October Revolution, this got out of the realm of the possible. This ended the 300-year rule of the Romanov dynasty.

On 8 jul. / March 21st greg. On March 1st, Nicholas II was arrested and, after internment in Tsarskoye Selo, exiled with his family to Siberia . Mikhail was later arrested and murdered on the night of June 12th and 13th, 1918. After Nicholas II and his family were moved to Yekaterinburg in April 1918 , they too were there on 16./17. Murdered July 1918 .

Formation of a government in the new state

The power vacuum created by the resignation of the Tsar and the government was filled by two institutions: the Duma and the re-formed Petrograd Soviet. Both had to deal immediately with the formation of an executive . A first compromise was comparatively easy in the exuberance of the victory of the revolution. The Mensheviks , who had the majority in the Soviet, assumed, as Marxists , that the historical stage of development of the feudalist monarchy must first be followed by a bourgeois-capitalist democracy. Therefore, the field must belong to the liberal bourgeoisie in the Duma. In addition, the liberal politicians around the highly esteemed Prince Lwow and the undisputed head of the Cadets Miliukov had parliamentary experience, a complete team from the ranks of the progressive bloc and a program.

The striking soldiers and their radical deputies in the councils still had to be won over. They achieved their most important immediate concern when they wrested the famous Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet from the Executive Council of the Soviet Union , which enacted the election of regimental committees and the subordination of regiments to the Soviets and the establishment of soldiers' councils in every military unit. An election of all officers by the men was planned, but was withdrawn after criticism from the officers. In their talks with the Duma Committee on March 11, the negotiators of the Soviets also called for the election of officers as a consequence of this decree , but dropped the demand in consideration of the army's fighting power in the current war. As a result of this order, the already considerable unrest among the soldiers increased.

On the afternoon of March 2, Milyukov announced the agreement in the Tauride Palace, the seat of the Duma, and presented the new cabinet of the Provisional Government under Prince Lvov. This marked the transition from an autocracy to the rule of parliament, even if it was not democratically elected, but accepted by the insurgent workers and soldiers.

Even more important than the compromise between the new local power centers, however, was the tacit approval of the generals. They had no sympathy for liberalism and democracy , but were only interested in the ability to defend themselves and the continuation of the war. In the conflict of loyalty between monarchy and nation, the General Staff decided in favor of the nation. The weakness of the tsarist army lay less in the morale of its soldiers and their equipment than in their inner turmoil between the noble landlords, who mostly provided the officers, and the masses of landless or small farmers in the men. Class struggle slogans therefore ignited not least in the army. The soldiers thus gave decisive support to the revolution in the course of 1917, even more than the workers.

The new freedom and popular sovereignty ruled for only six months until the October Revolution by the Bolsheviks came before the planned democratic elections in October . Although the provisional government succeeded comparatively easily in removing the remnants of the dissolved ancien régimes and consolidating its new democratic principles in the rural areas, it was unable to secure supplies for the people, nor to resolve the economic crisis and inflation, and to establish peace create. The February regime failed because of these important tasks.


In the following months of dual rule, the provisional government was headed by the Petrograd Workers 'and Soldiers' Council, headed by an executive committee that was initially formed primarily from Mensheviks and non-party members. The aim of the Soviet was to restore order and supply as well as the final elimination of tsarist rule. A constituent assembly based on general elections should decide on the form of government.

The new Foreign Minister Milyukov wanted to continue the three-year war, maintain the alliance with France and England, and achieve a victory over the Central Powers . In contrast, the Petrograd Soviet saw it as its duty to strengthen its support among the population, to make the soldiers into citizens with equal rights. In April, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin , another actor , entered the stage of revolutionary Russia. With the help of the German Empire , the leader of the Bolsheviks had returned from exile in Switzerland and, in his much-noticed April theses, called for land reform , a transfer of state power to the councils and an immediate end to the war. He refused to work with the provisional government. Attempts by the Minister of War and later chairman of the Provisional Government, Kerensky of the Agrarian Socialist Party of the Trudoviki , through a military offensive to achieve a better negotiating position for peace negotiations with the Central Powers failed.

For the young state, which had got rid of the tsar as regent as a first step by the February Revolution, a number of dramatic developments lay ahead. The world war was not yet over, the power struggle between the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks was to discharge in the October Revolution . From 1918 to 1921, Soviet Russia and its Red Army started restituting the former tsarist empire and the then multinational empire. Tsarist-occupied Poland, the Baltic States and Bessarabia became independent from the former areas that belonged to the Russian Empire . The subsequent Russian Civil War lasted until 1920, ended in a victory for the Bolsheviks and led to the constitution of the USSR in 1922.

See also

Individual evidence

  1. a b c Manfred Hildermeier: Russian Revolution . Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt 2004, ISBN 3-596-15352-2 , no pages.
  2. Janusz Piekalkiewicz: The First World War. 2004, p. 479.
  3. Manfred Hellmann (ed.): The Russian Revolution 1917. From the abdication of the Tsar to the coup d'état of the Bolsheviks . Deutscher TB Verlag, Munich 1984, ISBN 3-423-02903-X , page number is missing.
  4. Olga Barkowez, Fyodor Fedorow, Alexander Krylow: "Beloved Nicky". The last Russian tsar Nicholas II and his family . Edition Q, Berlin 2002, p. 299.
  5. Dietmar Neutatz : Dreams and Nightmares. A history of Russia in the 20th century . CH Beck, Munich 2013, p. 143.
  6. ^ Jörg Baberowski , Robert Kindler and Christian Teichmann: Revolution in Russia 1917–1921 . State Center for Civic Education Thuringia, Erfurt 2007, p. 21 ( online , accessed on June 6, 2014.)
  7. ^ Maurice Paléologue: At the Tsar's court during the World War. Volume 2, F. Bruckmann, Munich 1929, DNB 367010216 .
  8. ^ Andreas Kappeler: Russian history. Beck, Munich 1997, ISBN 3-406-41876-7 , page number is missing.
  9. Jones Stinten: Russia in Revolution - By an eye-withness . H. Jenkins, London 1917, pp. 79 f.
  10. N. Starilov: Chronicle of the Revolution. 1991, online edition
  11. a b Valentin Gitermmann: The Russian Revolution. In: Propylaea World History : Volume 9, Half Volume I: The Twentieth Century . Propylaea, Berlin 1976, p. 136.
  12. Jones Stinten: Russia in Revolution - By an eye-withness . H. Jenkins, London 1917, pp. 101 f.
  13. Georg von Rauch : History of the Soviet Union (= Kröner's pocket edition . Volume 394). 7th, improved and enlarged edition. Kröner, Stuttgart 1987, ISBN 3-520-39407-3 , page number is missing.
  14. Olga Barkowez, Fyodor Fedorow, Alexander Krylow: "Beloved Nicky". The last Russian tsar Nicholas II and his family . Edition Q, Berlin 2002, p. 329.
  15. hrono.ru
  16. Alexander Nikolajewitsch Jakowlew : A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia. Yale University Press, New Haven / London ( A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia . Berlin Verlag, 2004, ISBN 3-8270-0547-7 ).
  17. Edith M. Almedingen: The Romanows. The story of a dynasty. Russia 1613-1917 . Universitas, Munich 1991, ISBN 3-8004-1250-0 .
  18. ^ Roland Götz, Uwe Halbach: Political Lexicon GUS. 3. Edition. 1995.


  • Arthur Lehning : Anarchism and Marxism in the Russian Revolution. Karin Kramer Verlag, Berlin 1971.
  • Alexander Berkman: The Russian Revolution, 1917 . New York 2000.
  • Ėduard Nikolaevich Burdzhalov, Donald J. Raleigh: Russia's Second Revolution: The February 1917 Uprising in Petrograd. Indiana University Press, 1987, ISBN 0-253-20440-2 .
  • Richard Lorenz (ed.): The Russian Revolution 1917. The uprising of the workers, peasants and soldiers . Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1981, ISBN 3-485-03229-8 .
  • Juri Buranow, Vladimir Khrustalev: The Tsar Murderers. Destruction of a dynasty . Structure, Berlin 1999, ISBN 3-7466-8011-5 .
  • D. Mandel: The Petrograd workers and the Fall of the Old Regime . London, 1990.
  • SA Smith: Red Petrograd: Revolution in the Factories, 1917-1918 . Cambridge 1983.
  • R. Sities: Revolutionary Dreams. Utopian Vision and Experimental Life in the Russian Revolution . New York 1989.
  • Olga Barkowez, Fyodor Fedorow, Alexander Krylow: "Beloved Nicky ...". The last Russian tsar Nicholas II and his family. edition q in the Quintessenz Verlag, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-86124-548-5 .
  • Valentin Gitermann: The Russian Revolution. In: Propylaea World History: The Twentieth Century. Half volume 1 (= Propylaea world history. Volume 9). (= Ullstein Book No. 4737). Frankfurt am Main / Berlin 1976, ISBN 3-548-04737-8 .

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