Prawo i Sprawiedliwość

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Law and justice
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
PiS Teillogo.svg
abbreviation PiS
Party leader Jarosław Kaczyński
founding May 29, 2001
Headquarters Ulica Nowogrodzka 84/86,
Warsaw
Alignment Patriotism
conservatism
National conservatism
nationalism
Euroscepticism
Christian Democracy
state interventionism
Number of members over 40,000 (as of 2020)
European party EKR
EP Group EKR
Youth organization Forum Młodych PiS
Colours) Red dark blue

Sejm
198/460
senate
49/100
Eu Parliament
24/52
Sejmiks
213/552
Website www.pis.org.pl

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość ( listen ? / I , abbreviated as PiS ), German law and justice , is a political party in Poland . It is moderately skeptical of the EU and is characterized as national conservative , Christian democratic and ( right-wing ) populist . Audio file / audio sample  

PiS was founded in 2001 by the then Justice Minister Lech Kaczyński and his twin brother Jarosław Kaczyński . Other politicians joined the PiS, most of whom came from the crumbling bourgeois-conservative election campaign Solidarność (AWS) and the Catholic - Nationalist Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland (ROP). Her focus was on law-and-order policy, i.e. the promise of a more intensive and tougher fight against crime and corruption.

At the European level, the PiS was a leading member of the national-conservative European party Alliance for a Europe of Nations (AEN) and the European parliamentary group Union for a Europe of Nations (UEN) until the 2009 European elections . She then took part in the founding of the new conservative-Eurosceptic group European Conservatives and Reformers (EKR) and the Alliance of Conservatives and Reformers in Europe (ACRE).

Content profile

Domestic politics

In terms of the program, she emphasizes the expansion of internal security by tightening the criminal laws and fighting corruption . The party advocates the publication of the financial situation of politicians and officials. For the 2005 parliamentary elections , a new constitution ( IV Rzeczpospolita ; "Fourth Republic") was presented, which was supposed to end the communist clanships that supposedly continued to exist as a result of the transformation process.

The introduction of the death penalty , the publication of all communist secret agents and a semi-presidential system of government were also on the agenda. So far, however, these postulates have not been implemented.

The PiS advocates traditional values ​​and mostly represents positions that are close to those of the Catholic Church. She speaks out against the legalization of euthanasia, abortion and the equality of homosexual partnerships.

In the constitutional project from 2010, the president is also assigned more powers. He could, for example, elect the chairman and deputy of the Constitutional Court independently. Should the head of state not accept a law, he could initiate a referendum and, if the outcome is positive, apply for new elections. Furthermore, he would have the opportunity to issue decrees. The quorum for referendums is to be reduced from the current 50% to 30%. The introduction of a registered partnership would be unconstitutional. In the 2014 election manifesto, the Prime Minister is to be given more powers. He could give his ministers binding orders for important state affairs. The Minister of Justice should also be the Attorney General . The proportion of foreign media is to be regulated by means of an anti-monopoly law. The educational system is to be changed in such a way that the grammar schools will be dissolved and the school reform implemented in 1999 will be reversed. General and free access to pre-school education is advocated.

In the course of the parliamentary elections in Poland on October 25, 2015 , the party entered with the election slogan “dobra zmiana” (German: good change).

economy

In economic and social policy, law and justice have a welfare state program. In their view, the state should play a regulating and intervening role in the economy and society in order to distribute national income more evenly. The party promises a "solidarity Poland" - a concept that can be compared to the concept of a "liberal Poland" of the citizens' platform. While the latter still advocated a flat tax in 2005 , PiS advocates a third income tax level (39%) for people with an income of over 300,000  zloty . A reduced corporate tax rate of 15% for small businesses is to be introduced. When it comes to pension insurance, citizens should have a choice between the private pension fund (OFE) and the state pay-as-you-go system ( ZUS ).

The full registration of business activity should only be compulsory after income has been generated. In addition, social security contributions and taxes would only have to be paid after 18 or 24 months. For start-up companies with a negative credit rating , a state development bank should, after analyzing the business model, grant low-interest loans if necessary. A more family-friendly tax model is also being sought.

PiS speaks out against the privatization of strategically important state-owned companies. To combat youth unemployment, the pension contributions for young workers are to be reduced by 50%. Companies in economically weak regions should be subsidized by the state.

Before the parliamentary elections in 2015, the PiS party promised to return to the old retirement age of 65 for men and 60 for women, to increase the tax-free allowance to 8,000 zloty and a child benefit of 500 zloty from the second child (in low-income families from the first child ). The VAT rate is to be lowered to 22%. The party assumes an annual additional burden of 39 billion zlotys for the state budget. The elimination of tax loopholes was named as counter-financing. Critics accuse the PiS of a beautified income-expenditure calculation .

During a party congress in September, the leading election campaign promises were extended to include free medicines for senior citizens (from the age of 75), an hourly minimum wage of 12 zloty and preferential treatment for local companies in local tenders. The health system is to be financed directly from the state budget, which means the abolition of the National Health Fund .

Foreign and European policy

The foreign and European policy program of law and justice emphasizes national sovereignty and a policy for Poland's own benefit. PiS is seen as pro-American, but partly Eurosceptic, and is critical of Germany and Russia. The PiS did not reject Poland's accession to the European Union , but stated that it would protect Poland's independence as far as the issues of “protection of life” ( abortion and euthanasia ), marriage , family and upbringing were concerned.

On the other hand, the party would like to see European integration in the areas of security policy and defense as well as energy security. The incumbent President and former PiS MEP Andrzej Duda is in favor of a European army proposed by Jean-Claude Juncker , as long as it does not weaken NATO . PiS is against a quota proposed by the European Union for the distribution of refugees to the member states; it is in favor of a sovereign decision in this regard.

The party criticizes Germany's lack of solidarity with the European Union, for example when it comes to building the Nord Stream pipeline .

The party rejected the 2004 Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and defended the Treaty of Nice , which was still in force at the time . The main point of contention was the double majority procedure in the EU Council of Ministers provided for by the Constitutional Treaty . Instead, the PiS-led government campaigned in mid-2007 for a square-root formula that would have reduced the voting weight of the largest member states, but could not be implemented. The majority of PiS then approved the Lisbon Treaty . In the negotiations at that time, the PiS government at the time insisted, alongside Great Britain, on derogations (opt-out) , which means that the Charter of Fundamental Rights is only partially applicable in these countries. Under PiS leadership, Poland acted as an advocate for the interests of the Eastern partners and potential candidate countries Ukraine , Moldova and Belarus within the EU .

The PiS-led government of Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz and Jarosław Kaczyński further expanded Poland's strategic partnership with the USA and emphasized it even more than before. Among other things, official talks were held about the installation of an American missile defense complex.

According to Kai-Olaf Lang, in a direct comparison between Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and Fidesz "despite numerous parallels [...] there are substantial differences." These differences are particularly reflected in foreign and security policy. While Fidesz is striving for closer cooperation with Russia - especially in the area of ​​(energy) economic policy - PiS advocates for Ukraine and other neighboring countries of Russia. Even if currents critical of Ukraine are increasingly establishing themselves in the party , which, for example, thematize the Volhynia massacre , this orientation is limited because of "security and strategic considerations" and the resulting skepticism towards Russia. Accordingly, PiS advocates the permanent stationing of NATO troops and a stronger transatlantic alliance. In European policy, she wants to emphasize the sovereignty of nation states in the European Union and to reform what she sees as a centralized EU that has deviated from Christian values. While Fidesz views EU membership primarily from an economic point of view, the European project is viewed by the PiS as far more important. Their vision is based on the Gaullist understanding of a " Europe of fatherlands ".

In the case of PiS and Fidesz, European policy is a "hostage" of domestic policy, with the "anti (Brussels) campaign" being much larger in the case of Hungary. PiS sees a threat in the concept of a multi-speed Europe, as it could lead to a “marginalization of the importance” of Poland.

rhetoric

According to Klaus Bachmann , the PiS and, above all, its leaders Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński, in their rhetoric, often portrayed a contrast between the “common people” and “cosmopolitan, potentially treasonous elites”. They were directed against the post-communist establishment of the post-reunification era and alleged conspiracies by former members of the communist secret service Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB). In their opinion, Poland did not develop into a liberal, market-based democracy after the fall of the Wall, but into a "post-communist facade democracy", in which corrupt ex-communists, secret agents and newly rich winners of the turn-around had the say. PiS, on the other hand, takes the side of the “ordinary citizens”, which is also evident from the use of language that is close to the people and the presentation of simple and understandable, but also repressive and authoritarian solution concepts. She wants to push back “foreign” influences, prevent an alleged “sell-out” and “extradition” of the (ethnically and culturally defined) people to left and liberal, cosmopolitan elites.

The literary scholar Michał Głowiński sees the party as a synthesis between romantic martyrdom and Narodowa Demokracja . Jarosław Kaczyński invokes inflationary values ​​such as respect, dignity, independence, freedom or unity and a “basic moral order” - apparently a parody of the Catholic Church. The plane crash in Smolensk is hyped up as a martyr's death.

Ideological classification

Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński

PiS cannot be clearly assigned to one of the Western European party families. It is mostly classified as conservative or national conservative . Elisabeth Bakke describes the party as national clerical and Wolfgang Merkel locates the PiS as “ nationalist - right-wing conservative ”. It is also categorized as populist by various authors . Kai-Olaf Lang assigns it to the variant of “law-and-order populism” with elements of national-conservative populism. He describes them as “Eurosceptic, but not anti-European” and “traditionalist, but not radically anti-modern”. He therefore sees her as a representative of “soft populism”. Rafał Pankowski classifies the PiS ideology as a “typical example of populist illiberal democracy ”. The Polish sociologist Mikołaj Cześnik states that the entire PiS election campaign is populist, coupled with anti-elitism and xenophobia . The patriotic-national discourse of PiS could certainly open floodgates for groups still further to the right.

The relationship of the PiS to right-wing populism is controversial among experts. In their study of right-wing and national populist parties in Europe , Karsten Grabow and Florian Hartleb describe the PiS as a “borderline case” that cannot undisputedly be assigned to this category. However, the party is pursuing a “clerical-nationalist course”, which is characterized by a strict law and order policy, “ideas of Poland, the importance of the nation and national Catholicism”. Klaus Bachmann (2016), on the other hand, sees the PiS as a right-wing populist party. According to Olga Wysocka (2013) Law and Justice relied on a populist strategy to establish a large conservative center-right party, but then continued to develop into a right-wing populist party.

According to the political scientists Tim Bale and Aleks Szczerbiak, PiS shows some elements of a Christian Democratic program or rhetoric ( social market economy ; solidarity-based understanding of the state; traditional Christian values) and therefore shows “at first glance” strong similarities to a Christian Democratic party; on the other hand, they note essential differences to the established parties of the European Christian Democracy, which is why it is “certainly not an archetypal Christian Democratic party”. You describe the program as an “eclectic mix of socio-political conservative, economically collectivist and national populist influences”. The ideological core of the party, on the other hand, is the striving for “radical reform of the Polish state” towards a “new, moral political and social order”. According to Dominika Sozańska, PiS could be described as “a kind of crypto-Christian democracy”. On the one hand, their programs contained typical Christian-democratic elements such as respect for human dignity, references to Catholic social teaching , Christian values ​​as the basis of social order (not only in Poland, but also in the EU) and the principle of solidarity and mutual responsibility between the generations and social groups Layers. On the other hand, it would consistently avoid calling itself a Christian Democratic party or clearly recognizing this concept.

Minority and coalition government (2005-2007)

The twin brothers Kaczyński as Prime Minister and State President in 2006.

After the election success in 2005, with which the PiS became the strongest party in the Sejm, it initially sought, as agreed, a coalition with the liberal-conservative Civic Platform (PO). However, the PO broke off the initially planned coalition with the PiS because of allegedly unsettled personnel decisions, such as the nomination and election of Marek Jurek as Sejm Marshal proposed by the PiS .

After the PO had rejected joining the government, the then Prime Minister presented Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz first a minority government before acting on the support of the Catholic - national conservative Polish League Families (LPR) and the socio-political in economic policy to the left and in matters catholic - conservative oriented Samoobrona (dt . Self-defense ) from Andrzej Lepper . Both parties joined the government in May 2006, giving them a majority.

In September 2006, this majority in government collapsed after conflicts over the budget and the deployment of Polish soldiers in Iraq . As a result, video recordings showed that PiS MP Adam Lipiński had tried to persuade Samoobrona MP Renata Beger to switch to the PiS with a commitment to government posts and financial support.

In the two years in which the PiS ruled, the chief police chief was changed several times, five times there was a change at the head of the Ministry of Finance and twice at the head of the Ministry of the Interior. In addition, a coalition agreement was signed with Samoobrona and LPR twice.

In the parliamentary elections on October 21, 2007 , the PiS lost its leadership role despite a percentage increase in votes and received 32.16% of the vote. In the parliamentary elections on October 9, 2011, the PiS received 29.9% of the votes and was thus again the second largest group behind the citizens' platform . The result of the election was the sixth election defeat of the PiS since 2007.

In the plane crash near Smolensk in 2010, the PiS lost numerous leading politicians, above all the then President Lech Kaczyński .

A survey carried out by the TNS OBOP institute shows that 50% of Poles rated their two-year participation in government as “bad”, with the proportion of satisfied opinions being almost as high. The majority of respondents admit that improvements have taken place in areas such as economic growth , the fight against corruption, a sense of security, or the settlement with communism , which is accompanied by a deterioration in the living conditions of ordinary citizens and their relationships with one another. Developments in terms of freedom of citizens or Poland's position in Europe and the world are also viewed negatively.

Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński with US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice 2006.

During the reign, the country achieved the highest GDP growth rate in its history, but it is controversial how great the influence of politics was. The economy could be helped by an initiation regarding the reduction of pension contributions, which was completed under the later PO-PSL coalition, but only in the later years of the crisis. Critics accuse the party of not having made the most of the two years with an excellent economy. Prawo i Sprawiedliwość reduced tax rates in various areas and also abolished the highest level of income tax of 40%, but the extent to which this was a continuation of the previous government's policy is debatable.

During the PiS government in 2005, the office of equal opportunities officer was abolished.

In November 2005, Russia imposed an embargo on imports of meat and vegetable products from Poland, after which the Polish Foreign Minister Anna Fotyga vetoed further negotiations on a new treaty between the EU and Russia the following year .

The Central Anti-Corruption Bureau was created during the reign .

PiS supported the participation of Polish soldiers in the Iraq war and opposed an immediate withdrawal of the troops. A veto put in by Poland was supported by the EU at a meeting with Russia in Samara . In December 2006 the government ordered a liquid gas terminal to be built in Świnoujście . In addition, it was decided to purchase a refinery in Mažeikiai in need of modernization by PKN Orlen .

The PiS in the opposition

Cooperation with other parties

On July 19, 2014, Kaczyński signed an agreement with the party chairman of the conservative Solidarna Polska ( Zbigniew Ziobro ) and Jarosław Gowin of the economically liberal , conservative Polska Razem , which provides for all three parties to stand as one group in the next elections as well as one propose joint presidential candidates.

First sole government (2015-2019)

Beata Szydło and Andrzej Duda

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość won the parliamentary election in 2015 with 37.6% and received 235 of the 460 seats in the Sejm , so it has an absolute majority there. The PiS is also represented in the Senate with an absolute majority. The incumbent President Andrzej Duda set the first session of the Sejm for November 12, 2015.

On November 16, 2015 Beata Szydło was sworn in by the incumbent President Andrzej Duda and led the government together with her cabinet . The government declaration before the Sejm took place on November 18, 2015, followed by a vote of confidence by parliament.

As a result of Szydło's resignation, the Morawiecki I cabinet has formed the government since December 11, 2017, under the leadership of Mateusz Morawiecki .

Foreign and European policy

Meeting of the Prime Ministers of the Visegrad Group in December 2015.
Prime Minister Morawiecki with US Vice President Mike Pence 2019.

The Three Seas Initiative was founded in 2016 on the initiative of President Duda and his Croatian counterpart Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović . According to Matthias Krupa , this "was initially planned by the PiS strategists as a counterweight in the EU against Germany and France", but later developed into an initiative for infrastructure projects due to a lack of support from others. In an analysis for the Federal Agency for Civic Education , the authors Aleksander Fuksiewicz and Agnieszka Łada see the PiS involvement in the Visegrád Group or the Three Seas Initiative as an attempt to strengthen regional relations. Nevertheless, there is disagreement among the members about European integration or their attitude towards a German leadership role. When Donald Trump attended the second congress of the Three Seas Initiative as a guest of honor during his stay in Warsaw, fears were raised that old rifts between East and West, old and new EU countries could be opened.

The re-election of EU Council President Donald Tusk , which should be blocked for domestic political reasons, is rated as a defeat . The proposed alternative candidate for Jacek Saryusz-Wolski was not even supported by the sympathetic Hungary . The term “27: 1” is mockingly spoken of, which is intended to illustrate Poland's isolation in Europe under PiS.

Constitutional Court

Media reform

Demonstration in Warsaw on May 7, 2016

On December 30, 2015, a decision was made to amend the law on public broadcasting in the Sejm . The change stipulated that the offices of the board members and the supervisory board of public television, Telewizja Polska , and public radio, Polskie Radio , end when the law came into force. Until the appointment of the “ Council of National Media ” (RMN), the decision on the appointment of the members lay solely within the sphere of influence of the Minister for State Assets . In addition to opposition parties, the reform has also been criticized by foreign non-governmental organizations such as Reporters Without Borders , as it jeopardizes the independence of the public media. The ruling party, however, confirmed that the changes are compatible with the rules of the European Union . The mechanism had already been used in previous years, so that in the end the representatives of individual parties always had an influence on public broadcasting .

The ruling party then planned to pass a “major media law” on July 1, 2016. The preliminary draft provided for the establishment of a “Council of National Media” (RMN), which is responsible for appointing the station bosses at television, radio and the press agency. An audiovisual fee settled with the electricity bill should replace the barely functioning fee system and make radio and television less dependent on advertising revenues. So far, the government has not been able to introduce this tax (as of December 2017)

The National Media Council consists of five members. Three are determined by the Sejm majority and the remaining two are appointed by the incumbent president from candidates proposed by the two largest opposition parties in parliament.

Economy and social policy

Prime Minister Szydło introducing the PiS pilot project 500 Plus to the Sejm 2016.

On December 29, 2015, the Sejm voted on a new bank levy of 0.44% of assets, which also includes insurance companies and other financial service providers . The levy is intended to bring an additional five billion złoty of additional income to the state budget .

On June 14, 2016, the retail tax bill was approved. The additional levy is intended to make small shops more competitive. The tax will not be based on the sales area, as announced in the election campaign, but on the turnover and have a tiered tariff . A tax rate of 0.8% is applied to sales between 17 million and 170 million zlotys per month and 1.4% for sales over 170 million zlotys. Anyone below the threshold does not pay the additional tax. Electronic trade , trade in medicines, certain foodstuffs, coal, gas and oil for heating purposes are not affected. The additional income is estimated at 1.53 billion annually. The supermarket tax was overridden by the EU Commission . It is examined whether it could be prohibited state aid.

The reduction in corporation tax from 19% to 15% for companies with an annual turnover of less than 1.2 million euros was approved in the Sejm. According to data from 2014, around 393,000 companies could be affected by the reduced tax rate. The new regulation is to come into force on January 1, 2017.

President Duda signed a new tax regulation for shipyards on July 30, 2016 . According to the new regulation, the production of ships and the import of parts are exempt from VAT in advance. This means that the previously necessary application for reimbursement is no longer necessary. In addition, instead of the previous 19% corporate or income tax, the company can now opt for a flat-rate tax of 1% of the sales proceeds. The reform is intended to facilitate the establishment of a special economic zone and enable access to EU funding . According to government figures, this will create 3,000 new jobs.

The government introduced the Rodzina 500 Plus child benefit (“Family 500 Plus”), which the family is entitled to up to the age of 18. It should be paid out from the second child without taking into account the income and amount to 500 złoty . In low-income families, social benefits apply from the first child. Approximately 278,000 additional births within ten years are projected. The total costs for 2016 are estimated at around 17 billion złoty, whereby it is assumed that a large part will be paid back to the tax authorities in the form of taxes on consumption.

The increase in the retirement age to 67 implemented by the PO government was reversed, and the age was reduced to 65 for men and 60 for women.

military

Prime Minister Morawiecki with members of the Polish Territorial Defense.
Prime Minister Morawiecki at the signing ceremony for the purchase of S-70i Black Hawk helicopters for the Polish Army.

The defense minister Antoni Macierewicz sought the formation of paramilitary units to national defense to. These should include 35,000 volunteers and enter into close cooperation with the army . Critics complain that there is no strategic added value. Rather, investments should be made in modernizing the army.

Joseph Croitoru wrote in a feature section for the FAZ regarding the NATO summit in Warsaw of a "bipartisan consensus" when it comes to military patriotism. The two largest parties (Citizens' Platform and PiS) are “surprisingly close” when it comes to national security. For example, the amendment to the law on the stationing of foreign troops, signed by President Duda, was proposed by the previous PO-PSL government.

In October 2016, the PiS government decided not to purchase 50 H225M Caracal multi-purpose helicopters worth $ 3.5 billion. Launched by Airbus proposed barter was from the Ministry of Economic Development considered insufficient.

At the initiative of Defense Minister Macierewicz, an amendment to the law to increase military spending was voted on in the Sejm . According to the text of the law, in future the defense budget will be based on the gross domestic product in the current year in accordance with NATO methodology and will not be determined on the basis of the previous year's GDP as before. In addition, a gradual increase in defense spending by 0.5 percentage points to 2.5% of gross domestic product is to be undertaken in the period from 2020 to 2030. President Duda signed the amendment on October 23, 2017.

Adam Duda, General and former chairman of the Armaments Inspectorate ( Polish : Inspectorate Uzbrojenia ), notes in connection with the leadership under Macierewicz an increasing delay of various armaments projects. For example, the functionality of the Patriot defense missiles is not expected before the year 2022. After the change of government there were several cancellations of tenders, such as the planned delivery of 50 transport helicopters or the purchase of a BMS system. Other projects would still not come out of the analysis phase.

According to research by journalist Paweł Wroński , the Minister of Defense made misappropriated expenses. The modernization of the police force, air rescue and the acquisition of government aircraft have been financed from the defense budget. At the same time, a reduction in key investments can be observed.

Abortion law

On September 23, 2016, a majority of MPs (267 votes) in the Sejm , the lower house of the Polish parliament, voted in first reading for a further tightening of abortion law. To date, a woman has been allowed to abort her unborn child in three cases: if her own life is in danger, if the child is seriously ill or disabled, or if it was conceived through a crime or incest .

If the proposal had been implemented into current law, an abortion would only be permitted if the life of the pregnant woman was in danger. Women and doctors who violate the ban on abortion face several years in prison. The planned tightening of abortion law has been criticized by human rights activists and women's movements. At the beginning of October 2016, police cautiously estimated that around 100,000 people across the country demonstrated against a complete ban on abortion. In a session called on October 6, 2016, the Polish parliament rejected the draft law of the citizens' movement “Stop Aborcji” (English: “Stop abortions”) by a large majority after a second reading. 352 MPs voted against the initiative, 58 were in favor, 18 abstained. The vote is considered the first major defeat of the ruling PiS party.

History politics

Party leader Kaczyński speaking about the unveiling of the monument for his twin brother Lech in 2018.

The Eastern European historian Martin Schulze Wessel summarizes the history policy of the PiS: “The critical reflection of one's own national history is falling into the shadow of a new historical mythology. Just as the national poet Adam Mickiewicz understood Poland as the “messiah of the peoples” in the 19th century […], intellectuals close to the government are now designing a new self-image in which messianic-martyrological elements also emerge. The desire for international recognition of the heroism and sacrifice of Poland in World War II is combined with a self-image of the historical purity of the nation. "

The amendment to the Law on the Institute of National Remembrance (Holocaust Law), which was signed by President Andrzej Duda on February 6, 2018 , met with national and international criticism . It made the use of terms such as "Polish extermination camps" a criminal offense. A fine or imprisonment of up to three years was threatened to anyone who publicly and contrary to the facts attributed responsibility to the Polish nation or the Polish state for crimes committed by the Third German Reich as defined in Article 6 of the London Charter . This also applied to crimes against humanity and peace, as well as war crimes .

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned against distorting history, and the US State Department warned against restricting freedom of expression and science. The Polish government stressed, however, that this was not the intention, and science and art are expressly exempt from the threat of punishment. However, Bogdan Klich from the opposition Citizens' Platform criticized the very broad scope of the law. Discussions about history should not take place “under the eyes of the public prosecutor”. The standard rated the law as "a kind of censorship law".

German-speaking translators from the ranks of the VdÜ and other mediators of Polish literature also protested at the end of February 2018 against the cultural policy of the PiS that was being revealed here. The translators from Slavic languages such as Martin Pollack , Olaf Kühl , Gabriele Leupold , Andreas Volk, Peter Oliver Loew , Marta Kijowska , Renate Schmidgall and Lothar Quinkenstein are particularly noteworthy . Signed and signed by the ranks of publishers and editors . a. Michael Krüger , Jo Lendle , Katharina Raabe and Sabine Baumann .

Second sole government (since 2019)

In the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2019 , the PiS won the best election result of a party in the history of democratic Poland with 43.6%. In the Sejm she received 235 of 460 seats and was thus able to defend her absolute majority, but in the Senate election she was only able to secure 48 of the 100 seats and therefore no longer has a majority in the second chamber.

Party leader

No. image Surname Term of office
1. Lech Kaczyński.jpg Lech Kaczyński June 13, 2001–
January 18, 2003
2. Jarosław Kaczyński Sejm 2016a (cropped) .JPG Jarosław Kaczyński Since January 18, 2003

Election results

Election results PiS.svg

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość ran for the first time in the Sejm and Senate elections in 2001 . Due to the growing popularity of the SLD - UP coalition , an agreement was reached with the parties AWS , UW , PO and ROP , which resulted in a common list of candidates for the Senate (" Blok Senat 2001 "). Most of the candidates presented by the PiS for the Sejm came from former members of the Christian Democratic Porozumienie Centrum and Stronnictwo Pracy , as well as the national conservative Przymierze Prawicy . In the elections, she received 9.5% and was able to send 44 members to the Sejm, although the formation did not achieve a mandate for the Senate. For the self-government elections in 2002 , the party formed a coalition ( POPiS ) with Platforma Obywatelska in 14 of 16 voivodships , which received the most votes in Lesser Poland and Pomerania .

In the Sejm elections on September 25, 2005 , the PiS emerged as the strongest party with 26.99% of the vote. The presidential elections on October 23, 2005 won Lech Kaczynski in a runoff against the clear leader in most forecasts Donald Tusk . In the early parliamentary elections on October 21, 2007 , however, the PiS lost its leadership role against the liberal-conservative Civic Platform (PO) of opposition leader Donald Tusk. However, this trend ended with a narrow victory for the PiS in the municipal elections in 2014 . This was the first choice the party won since 2005. In the presidential election on May 24, 2015 , the party proposed candidate Andrzej Duda won the election with 51.55% of the vote. Prawo i Sprawiedliwość won the parliamentary elections in 2015 with 37.6% and received 235 of the 460 seats in the Sejm , so it has an absolute majority. The PiS is also represented in the Senate with an absolute majority (61 out of 100 mandates).

Results in the parliamentary elections
year Sejm senate Map
(constituencies) 		position
be right Mandates Mandates
number % +/- number +/- number +/-
2001 1,236,787 9.50 (4.) -
44/460
 - - - 2001 Polish parliamentary election - Vote Strength.svg opposition
2005 3,185,714 26.99 ( 1. ) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 17.49
155/460
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 111
49/100
 - 2005 Polish parliamentary election - Vote Strength.svg Government
( Marcinkiewicz , Kaczyński )
2007 5,183,477 32.11 (2.) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 5.12
166/460
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 11
39/100
 Red Arrow Down.svg 10 2007 Polish parliamentary election - Vote Strength.svg opposition
2011 4,295,016 29.89 (2.) Red Arrow Down.svg 2.22
157/460
 Red Arrow Down.svg 9
31/100
 Red Arrow Down.svg 8th 2011 Polish parliamentary election - Vote Strength.svg opposition
2015 5,711,687 37.58 ( 1. ) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 7.69
235/460
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 78
61/100
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 30th Polish Sejm election results 2015.svg Government
( Szydło , Morawiecki I )
2019 8.051.935 43.59 ( 1. ) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 6.01
235/460
 -
48/100
 Red Arrow Down.svg 13 2019 Polish parliamentary election - Vote Strength.svg Government
( Morawiecki II )
Presidential election results
year candidate Ballot I Ballot II annotation
be right % be right %
2005 Lech Kaczyński 4,947,927 33.10 (2.) 8,257,468 54.04 ( 1. ) Won against Donald Tusk
2010 Jarosław Kaczyński 6,128,255 36.46 (2.) 7,919,134 46.99 (2.) Against Bronislaw Komorowski lost
2015 Andrzej Duda 5,179,092 34.76 ( 1. ) 8,719,281 51.55 ( 1. ) Won against Bronisław Komorowski
2020 Andrzej Duda 8,450,513 43.50 ( 1. ) 10,440,648 51.03 ( 1. ) Won against Rafał Trzaskowski
Results in the municipal elections
year Sejmiks Powiats Gminas City presidents,
mayors,
community leaders
be right Mandates be right Mandates Mandates Mandates
% +/- number +/- % +/- number +/- number +/- number +/-
2002 Coalition with PO ? - ? - ? - ? -
2006 25.08 -
170/561
 - 19.76 ? 1242 ? 3079 ? 77 ?
2010 23.07 Red Arrow Down.svg 2.01
141/561
 Red Arrow Down.svg 29 17.24 Red Arrow Down.svg 2.52 1085 Red Arrow Down.svg 157 2885 Red Arrow Down.svg 194 37 Red Arrow Down.svg 40
2014 26.89 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 3.82
171/555
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 30th 23.53 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 6.29 1517 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 432 3673 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 788 124 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 87
2018 34.13 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 7.25
254/552
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 83
Results of the elections to the European Parliament
year be right Mandates
number % +/- number +/-
2004 771.858 12.67 (3.) -
7/54
 -
2009 2,017,607 27.40 (2.) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 17.73
12/50
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 8th
2014 2,246,870 31.78 (2.) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 4.48
19/51
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 4th
2019 6,192,780 45.38 ( 1. ) Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 13.60
27/52
 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg 8th

electorate

For a long time, the stereotype of the party was characterized by an older electorate (with a wink in the Polish press referred to as the “ mohair barets”), whereas a voter from the Platforma Obywatelska is rather young and comes from the big city. Although this applied to the parliamentary elections in 2007 , which the PO was able to win through young voters, among others, polls carried out by the IPSOS institute for the European elections in Poland in 2014 and the municipal elections in Poland in 2014 show that this trend has changed. According to this, law and justice received the most votes in the 18 to 25 age group. This voter migration is interpreted , for example, by a bad situation on the labor market . Since responsibility for this problem is assigned to the ruling party, the then opposition party was able to successfully channel this frustration. Young voters often voted in protest at the party's previous policy. In the age groups from 26 to 59 years, however, the PiS only took second place because, according to the survey, these voters prefer stability and a feeling of security. The party again succeeds in mobilizing the majority of the votes among the elders, since they have a ("patriotic") symbolic politics. They are also more inclined to make social promises.

In the 2015 parliamentary elections, the PiS was in first place in all age groups, the higher the age of the voters, the higher their share of the vote (under 30-year-olds: 25.8%; 60-year-olds and older: 47, 1 %). The proportion of women and men is roughly equal (2014: 33% to 30.05%; 2015: 38.3% to 37.1%).

In the 2014 post-election surveys, 15% of PiS voters identified themselves as “decidedly right”, 37% as “right”, 7% as “center-right”, 2% as “center-left”, 7% as “left” and 1% as “decidedly left”. The remaining 31% made no statement on this.

In the area of ​​education, the pattern is similar to the 2007 election. Here, the party's share of the vote is mainly high among people with a lower level of education and the lower the higher the level of education achieved by the voters. In the parliamentary election on October 25, 2015 , however, it also took first place in the group of university graduates and was able to replace the leadership role of the PO with 29.1% to 26.8%. However, the lead turned out to be far smaller than that of the voters who had at most a secondary school leaving certificate, here the PiS won 55% of the votes.

Traditionally, the PiS scores significantly higher in the east and south of the country than in the west and north. Remarkably, the border between the majority PiS and the predominantly PO-voting areas in the 2010 presidential election almost completely corresponded to that between the Russian and Prussian-dominated areas during the Polish division before 1918. In popular parlance and in the press, "Poland A" (socio-economic the well-developed, liberally voting West) and “Poland B” (less developed, national-conservative East).

literature

Web links

Commons : Prawo i Sprawiedliwość  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

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Parties and electoral alliances in the Sejm
Currently in the Sejm

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) | Platforma Obywatelska (PO) | Kukiz'15 (K'15) | Nowoczesna (.N) | Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL) | Election Committee German Minority (MN)

Formerly represented in the Sejm

Twój Ruch (TR) | Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD) | Liga Polskich Rodzin (LPR) | Ruch Odbudowy Polski (ROP) | Akcja Wyborcza Solidarność (AWS) | Unia Pracy (UP) | Unia Demokratieyczna (UD) | Porozumienie Centrum (PC) | Konfederacja Polski Niepodległej (KPN) | Kongres Liberalno-Demokratieyczny (KLD) | Polska Partia Przyjaciół Piwa (PPPP)