Nang Talung
Nang talung ( Thai หนังตะลุง ), also nang kuan , or nang for short , is a form of shadow play that is performed in the south of Thailand as a popular theater at family celebrations and village festivals. The small, translucent figures with an average length of 50 centimeters are also used in the similar shadow play wayang kulit gedek in Malaysia and distinguish the nang talung from the large figure plates of the courtly tradition of the nang yai dance drama, which occurs in the vicinity of Bangkok in central Thailand. Until the beginning of the 20th century, stories from the Ramakian were mainly staged; today, its plot structures are linked to political issues and social events from life in the villages. Nang talung performances can be seen at public festivities for an admission fee, while others have a ceremonial function at family celebrations.
distribution
In Thailand, three regions have their own shadow play traditions , the oldest of which is playing with large figure plates, nang yai , which are held in both hands by the actors dancing in front of and behind the screen. The nang yai was one of the several-day festive events organized by the royal family in central Thailand for entertainment. This drama used to be called simply nang (“skin”, “parchment”, “leather”) in Thai . The adjective yai ("large") has been added to the southern Thai nang talung since the second half of the 19th century . The addition talung stands for the region of origin Phatthalung , a province in southern Thailand. The regional name in the south is nang kuan , named after the village of Kuan Prao in Phattalung, in which, according to tradition, the shadow play is said to have originated. During the reign of King Rama III. (r. 1824-1851) the southern Thai shadow play in central Thailand was called nang kaek according to its supposed Malay origin , because kaek are called Indians and Muslim Asians in Thailand. According to one report, Chaophya Surawong is said to have brought Waiyawat (Won Bunnag ) nang talung to Bang Pa-in, north of Bangkok, to present it to King Chulalongkorn (Rama V, r. 1868–1910). Before that, nang talung had also been performed in central Thailand. There is also a little-known Thai shadow play with small figures in the area of Ubon Ratchathani in the northeast of the country, which is called nang pramo thai ( nang bra mo thai ). A shadow play troupe founded in Ubon in the 1920s performed throughout the northeast as far as Vientiane in Laos, but was sidelined in the 1930s due to the increasing popularity of the popular theater likay, which was probably created at the end of the 19th century . Since the end of the Second World War, the shadow play in the northeast has been able to hold its own against other popular entertainments within a modest framework.
The nang yai with large figure plates carried by actors probably goes back to the corresponding play sbek thom (also nang sbek ) in Cambodia . In addition to the wayang kulit gedek shown by Thais in the Malaysian states of Kelantan and Kedah , the nang talung is also associated with the Cambodian sbek touch (also nang trolung or nang kaloung ). The wayang gedek in Malaysia differs slightly from the nang talung in the design of the characters, the musical accompaniment and a reduced invocation ceremony to the gods before the start of the game, which takes the Muslim environment into account. In addition to the wayang kulit gedek from Thailand, three other forms of shadow play are known in Malaysia, which are taken over from Java . The wayang kulit Siam , despite its name, is a shadow play performed by Muslim Malay in the villages of the Malay Peninsula to the Malay- speaking population in southern Thailand. Malay Muslims make up the majority of the population in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand . Your wayang kulit Siam is a parallel shadow play tradition independent of the nang talung of the Thai Buddhists . In the Malaysian part of the peninsula there are also wayang kulit Jawa (the adaptation of the old Javanese wayang kulit purwa ) and the wayang kulit Melayu, which is no longer listed today .
At the beginning of the 20th century, the courtly nang yai almost completely disappeared ; Today this oldest Thai form of theater is only kept alive as a museum cultural asset in three places. The nang talung was known in the central region until the 1950s. Since then the word nang has passed to the cinema as the most popular form of entertainment. Nang klarng plaeng is the name of a traveling cinema in which a screen is set up in public places and Chinese action films are shown. Unlike nang yai , which was once under the care of the king, nang talung is a village theater form whose audience consists of peasants and simple workers. In this environment it is still performed. Since the end of the 20th century, special performances for tourists have been increasingly taking place and the Tha Madua sub-district south of the city of Phatthalung is advertised as an “artisan village” where tourists can buy shadow puppets . In the village, which is considered the birthplace of shadow play, figures are also made for the active shadow play troops.
The nang talung is performed mainly by the Thai Buddhists in the southern provinces of Nakhon Si Thammarat , Phatthalung, Songkhla and Trang . To the north it is distributed as far as the provinces of Surat Thani and Chumphon . The main area of distribution is the east coast, especially the first three provinces mentioned. According to one estimate, there were up to 200 shadow players across southern Thailand in the 1980s. Most came from rural areas and had little schooling, while the most popular found their audience in the larger cities. Nang talung is considered the most popular traditional cultural event among the lower classes in southern Thailand. Another traditional form of entertainment in the south is the dance drama manora (also manora chatri ).
origin
It is generally believed that the Southeast Asian shadow plays developed under the influence of Indian culture, which in the first centuries AD probably spread from South India to Sumatra , Java, the Malay Peninsula and Funan in what is now Cambodia. The only question is whether the Indian shadow play traditions came north via Java or first to Cambodia and were carried on from there. The nang yai (there for more information on the general spread of shadow play in Southeast Asia) probably came through Cambodia, where the sbek thom was known in the Khmer Empire of Angkor (9th to the beginning of the 15th century) or possibly already before, at the latest with the conquest the Kingdom of Ayutthaya to Thailand. The origin of the nang talung , however, is less clear. According to the Irish-Malaysian cultural historian Mubin Sheppard (1968), the Cambodian nang trolung got its name after an ancient Khmer town called Trolung, where it was founded. Sheppard recognizes an early cultural contact between the Malay kingdoms Ligor and Pattani with the Khmer empire, when a Malay prince under the king name Suryavarman I ruled over Angkor in the first half of the 11th century. Written sources that prove the existence or even an origin of the nang talung from the Khmer empire around this time are not available. There are only common features of the Ramayana shadow play figures des nang trolung , which are still shown in Battambang today, and Malay figures of the same Indian epic from the states of Kelantan and Trengganu , which date from the end of the 19th century, when not yet the Thai influence on the costumes had prevailed. According to Sheppard, the completely different appearance of the Javanese shadow puppets speaks for an influence of the Khmer.
In summary, according to this thesis, the nang talung should come from the Cambodian town of Trolung. In contrast, EHS Simmonds (1961) takes the view that the nang talung came from the south via the shadow play traditions in Kelantan.
The type of shadow play figures , which in nang talung usually only have one movable arm with pivot points on the shoulder, elbow and wrist, corresponds to the wayang kulit Siam and some southern Indian shadow play traditions , such as the Tholpavakuthu , where such simply movable figures appear next to static figure plates. The figures of the Javanese wayang kulit , on the other hand, apart from a few static scene panels, especially the gunungan , are usually significantly more mobile and have arms and legs that can be moved several times. In Java only one captain ( dalang ) speaks the narrator and all of the roles, as does some of the nang talung . However, sometimes the captain and an assistant share the role of speaker and presenter during the nang talung . In this case, the two sit on the left and right under the lamp. In Cambodian nang trolung, the captain ( khru , from Sanskrit guru ) is usually assisted by two helpers and occasionally a woman plays the female roles. In this respect, too, both shadow plays are closer to the South Indian forms.
Performance practice
Construction and invocation ceremony
The occasions for a performance are similar to other shadow play traditions in the region: Nang talung can be shown at public, secular festivities, on religious festivals in a wat or at a commercial event of a business enterprise. Private occasions in the family include transitional ceremonies, for example at funerals or when a son enters a Buddhist monastery as a novice. Often, shadow play is part of fulfilling a vow that someone has made to a helpful spirit in the event that the spirit has freed a sick child from a suspected state of obsession or allegedly cured another illness. The costs of a shadow play troupe ( rong ), consisting of performers and musicians, depend on their popularity, the length of the journey and, to a lesser extent, on the occasion. For the wealthy private client, ordering a shadow play brings prestige gain within the community. At public festivals, visitors pay admission.
A makeshift stage is usually set up for an outdoor shadow play. This consists of a platform ( rong nang ) erected about two meters above the ground, three meters at the front and two meters at the sides and usually covered with a flat roof made of bamboo poles and palm fronds. The back remains open, while both sides of the hut are closed from view. According to other information, the stage has side lengths of five by five meters. Depending on the size of the stage building, the screen is a five-meter-long and three-meter-high, white screen that has to be sewn together from a one-meter-wide and a two-meter-wide panel. The gods and other heavenly figures are moved in the area of the upper, narrower strip, which represents the sky. The lower strip, over which the lower figures are moved, embodies the earth. The screen must not face west. Other ritual prohibitions prohibit the setting up of the stage in certain unhappy places, which include a cemetery, a place under large trees and a hollow with a pond. The audience sits on the floor in front of the stage.
The pawns that are not needed during the game are put into a banana trunk that lies behind the screen on the platform floor. The oil lamps that were previously used and hung from the ceiling behind the screen have given way to electric light bulbs. The modernizations also include a microphone and loudspeaker with which the captain amplifies his voice. The music ensemble is made up of five to ten musicians who, depending on the type of staging, use Thai instruments from the small court orchestra pi phat chatri , play pop music with electric guitars, keyboards , conga and drums or combine both. The pi phat chatri , which consists of five instruments, includes the beaker drum thon struck in pairs as the most important rhythm instrument , the double reed instrument pi nai , the medium-sized, hanging hump gong khong mong , the hardwood rattle krub and the hand cymbal ching as a clock. A musician often operates the rattle with his left hand while striking the gong with his right hand. At a public event, the shadow play usually starts at midnight and lasts until dawn; Performances in private settings start in the evening after dark and also last the whole night or as long as the audience holds out. At midnight, the actors take an hour's break.
The invocation ceremony ( wai khru ) before the performance begins can last over an hour and is similar to that of nang yai . It shows that the captain is seen as the leader of religious ceremonies, as is the case with other shadow games in Indian tradition. Three characters are placed in the middle of the stage. The first to appear is the figure of Rüsi (hermit, corresponds to a Rishi in Indian mythology), who is revered by the puppeteers as the inventor of theatrical art in general and as a spiritual teacher and ancestor of their shadow play. The game leader silently recites some magical invocations ( khatha, from Pali gatha ) with which some deities, demons and Buddha are asked for assistance, so that they keep harmful influences away from the performance and its participants. Then the figure of Phra Isuan ( Shiva ) is fetched, who sits on his mount, the bull ( Nandi ) and, like Rüsi, is considered a great teacher. Shiva is not addressed primarily as the creator of the world as usual, but as the creator of the performing arts. The third character is a young prince, rup naa bot ("character that precedes the story"). The prince, who holds a lotus flower in his hand but does not wear a crown, in turn pays homage to the gods, guardian spirits and house spirits ( phi ruan ). He obviously embodies Phra Narai ( Vishnu ). Finally, a fourth figure appears who can be a joker ( thua talok ) or another hermit. The teachers are approached again to bring the characters to life so that the game can now begin.
Characters
In contrast to the Javanese wayang kulit , in which the main characters have abstract, bird-head-like, rigid faces, the faces and bodies of the nang talung figures are represented much more lifelike. There are between 70 and 100 different types of figures, which are divided according to their size into small (about 30 centimeters wide and 40 centimeters high), medium (50 centimeters wide and 70 centimeters high) and large (80 centimeters wide and 100 centimeters high). The characters are selected according to the screen size. Typically smaller figures are used indoors than outdoors. The figures are cut out of dried cowhide , painted and varnished. Many old figures are not painted. A bamboo stick is attached to the back to hold the figure in your hand; with a second bamboo stick one arm can be moved in most of the figures. Jester characters have two arms and a lower lip that are posable. Today, instead of thick, self-dried cowhide, manufacturers usually use thinner, translucent parchment from industrial production. The jokers, which are still made of thick skin, are an exception, because they are used more often and should therefore be more stable. A set of figures consists of 150 to 200 parts.
The axis of the figures is in a slight S-curve. The torso is usually shown head-on, with the legs twisted slightly so that both feet point to one side. The face of the male figures always appears in profile, that of the female figures almost frontally. The faces of the heroes of the Javanese wayang kulit , on the other hand, always appear in profile. Another difference compared to Java is the bare upper body of the Nang Sida ( Sita ) and some other female figures, which is completely cut out except for the jewelry that is hung around and appears bright white in front of the white screen.
The traditional main characters are characterized by iconographic peculiarities. The nobles ( chao müang , roughly "lords of the principality") are the noble heroes and their relatives, primarily Phra Ram ( Rama ) and Nang Sida. They are usually recognizable by a Siamese pointed crown and a halo. The nobles act according to the Dharma, do not willingly kill living beings and used to speak in a special high-level language. The costumes of the nobles were subject to fashions, which is why they appear in three styles: traditional, likay and modern. The style named after the popular theater likay is less lavishly ornamented.
Their counterparts in epic literature, the demons or monsters ( yak, Sanskrit yaksha ), behave grossly, immorally and act according to their base instincts. They have a ruling class that rules over the common people ( muang ) and serves the king of demons. Noble demons have daughters but no wives.
Divine beings ( thewada ) fly along the upper third of the screen and intervene at certain moments in what is happening on earth. The spirits of the deceased ( phi ) and the demons ( pret , from Sanskrit preta , a demon of the realm of the dead, which belongs to the Bhutas in Indian mythology ) embody hell, which is not represented as a scenic figure, otherwise they rarely occur .
The hermits and primal teachers ( rüsi ) teach the good princesses and princes knowledge and magical power, some “ rüsi who do not know the Dharma” ( rüsi anthapan ) teach the demons. This occurring in some games rüsi are independent of one rüsi occurs at the opening ceremony of each shadow play.
The servants move in the vicinity of the nobles. While the female servants are of secondary importance, the male servants are the indispensable jokers ( thua talok ) who always accompany the nobles in pairs and enrich the scenes with humorous, often suggestive dialogues that deal with religion and politics. The fact that they belong to the common people is shown by their uncouth southern Thai dialect. As in other shadow play traditions, the jokers stand out clearly from the other characters in their appearance. Six main and a few other jokers are known by name, some are equipped with parts of the body of animals, all are black, emaciated and stick out hunger bellies over their sarong . They always behave improperly and are particularly noticeable when they try in vain to imitate the neat, courtly manners of the nobles. Otherwise, her main concerns are food, sex, and physical well-being. The jesters do not have the magical powers of the noble heroes, but are nevertheless considered to be powerful in a certain way and are associated with long-dead ancestors. Their appreciation is shown by the way in which the playing figures are usually placed in the transport box: the nobles and gods are placed over the demons and simple figures, the jokers above and the rüsi comes on top . The joker Theng stands out as being particularly disrespectful to the authorities and the monks. It has become a symbol of the people among the rural population.
Other characters are used as required in pieces with current and political topics: a rich man, bandits, Chinese and western foreigners.
Main game
Judging by the dolls that have survived from the 19th century, mainly regional adaptations of the Ramakian , the Thai version of the Ramayana , were performed back then and until 1932, as was the case with the nang yai . Since then, the narrative action no longer follows the Ramakian closely , but is based on a regional oral tradition that has merely taken over the basic structure of a great struggle between good and evil from the Ramakian and other Hindu epics and adds some content. Otherwise, jatakas (stories from the life of Buddha) and improvised narratives from everyday village life can be staged. As in the Indian epics, there are gods who descend from heaven and intervene in the fight against demons because the latter have kidnapped a person who must be saved. The good corresponds to the religious law Dharma and ultimately triumphs over evil according to the inevitable basic principle of life ( karma ). In modern productions, the shadow actors mix in actions and characters from TV films (with cowboys, gangsters and bar girls). Sung verses are integrated into the course of the narrative, mostly composed by the presenter himself. In the past, these songs were based on the work of the Bangkok-based poet Sunthon Phu (1786–1855). Stories often begin with the start of a journey or with a problem that needs to be resolved. Separate adventures of several heroes in different locations do not always come together to form a common storyline and after numerous friends have participated in the fight, the play can end without a coherent conclusion. Another level of staging is created by the joker characters, who have been increased by a few types since the 1970s and address current issues and topics with an educational mandate.
The plot is presented as a narrative in verse, in the form of dialogues and the jokers' speeches interspersed with songs and jokes. At the beginning of a typical scene, the captain describes in a verse or two the external environment and the intentions of the individual characters before they enter into a dialogue with one another. In between, further verses follow in which the emotional state of the characters and their situation are illustrated. This is done in the standard Thai language, while the jokers make their intermediate comments in the southern Thai dialect.
Since the 1970s, three themes can be distinguished in southern Thai shadow play, although there are stylistic overlaps: the religious-magical imagination, the traditional style and the modern style.
Social and ritual significance
In the 19th century the region was divided into various principalities ( müang ), with a class of aristocracy at the top and serfs ( phrai ) and slaves as their subjects. According to the Buddhist understanding, the ethical law (Dharma) was behind the power of the ruler and his ability to ensure prosperity, peace and order. The ruler was considered a good, feared and empowered person ( phudi ). If the ruler lacked this religious-magical power, the müang were on the point of getting into disarray or being plundered by bandits. In order to avoid this and to strengthen the ruler's power, there was a scene in the shadow play called “Creation of müang ” ( Tang müang ), in which the ruler's merits were praised.
This power, defined by Buddhist teaching, was available exclusively to the nobility. The rest of the people could acquire another type of magical power called saksit ("holy", "sanctified"), which emanates from gods or other heavenly beings. The invocation ( wai khru ) of the deities or some other kind of ritual worship was suitable for this acquisition of magical power . Some serfs acquired religious knowledge and magical skills from the monks in their youth as servants in a monastery ( wat ), which they could use in adulthood in their work as healers or even as shadow actors. Women did not acquire these skills in a wat, but from naturopaths.
The shadow player ( nai nang, comparable to the Indonesian dalang ) had to have magical abilities and these abilities became effective during the invocation ceremony , which is why the invocation addressed to the original teacher ( rüsi ) was a significant method to receive magical support and, for example, to Fulfilling a vow could serve. The appearance of the jokers also provided the supernatural power of saksit . The right choice of the invoked otherworldly powers was decisive for the puppeteer, because it was important to keep malicious spirits away with certain formulas. In the past, there were no written instructions because the shadow play teacher only passed on the contents of the stories and the magical formulas to his students orally. The concrete transmission of the magical power took place predominantly through gifts. Anyone who commissioned a shadow play performance to fulfill a vow gave a gift to the demonstrator and additional gifts ( ngoen advice ) to be passed on to his teacher. For the demonstrator, the latter meant that he would buy the gifts or, in the case of a donation, food from the money and give them to monks.
With the abolition of the absolute monarchy in 1932, the social structure changed fundamentally because serfdom was ended. The principalities ( müang ) were replaced by regional administrations controlled by the central government. The religious basis of the national community was transferred to a newly constructed national identity. In the decades that followed, the nang talung gained the reputation of belonging to a backward-looking, outdated tradition. During the first reign of Plaek Phibunsongkhram from 1938 to 1944, all shadow players had to register and present texts of their performances. In addition, all "supernatural" characters had to be removed from the scenes. This, the difficulty of getting a written version of the pieces, which have always been handed down orally, and other bureaucratic requirements drove many shadow players to give up. In the 1960s, a law forced the performance to stop at midnight, which was a significant restriction. Only after the popular uprising in 1973 were the regulations relaxed. The shadow actors were mostly critical of the government and after 1976 they were under pressure from the right-wing military government. Political performances directed against the central government with a Marxist perspective were called nang kaanmuang ("political theater plays"). Until the 1980s, official bodies held the shadow play responsible for anti-national moods or condemned it as a haven of superstition, at best they behaved indifferently. A now highlighted, independent southern Thai tradition helps the shadow play to be appreciated, which goes hand in hand with a changed relationship to the staged stories. Nobles and serfs no longer appear in descriptions of everyday life, but only in mythical stories; Demons, jesters and rüsi are supposed to function as symbols of the national tradition.
Religious-magical imagination: The shadow play can still serve to fulfill vows. The original teacher ( rüsi ) continues to play an important role as a transmitter of holy power ( saksit ). In such performances, the client has to hand over an extra fee to the game leader for the invocation ( wai khru ), which goes to the monks in the form of food donations and, furthermore, as an intended sacrifice to the mythical primal teachers. Religious-magical ideas are most closely related to the ancient tradition.
Traditional style: Since the 1980s, game guides have no longer been learning their work as adolescents in a Buddhist monastery, as they did before, but predominantly at general secondary schools, where shadow play is taught as an essential aspect of southern Thai culture. After the military coup in 1976 , the traditional shadow play experienced a revival. Its proponents fear that the game will lose its identity through modern tendencies and lament the purely commercial interests of modern shadow players and their turning away from nationalist goals. The religious invocation ( wai khru ) and the magical formulas ( khatha ) are scientifically reinterpreted as psychological rituals that have a personality strengthening function.
Modern style: Performances of the modern style could be seen at public festivals in the 1980s for an entrance fee. The most famous shadow player of the time, Nang Phrom Noi, marketed shadow play as a product that met the entertainment needs of the audience. In response to demand, he criticized the policy or made more lewd jokes. Since he mainly addressed a younger audience, his subjects included love stories and the relationship between the younger and older generations. A main feature of the modern style is the most "realistic" possible representation of the world, in which mythological figures no longer fit. Divine heroes become poor men from the village, demons and ogres become greedy necks, and servants become helpers. Political issues and social problems are common. It is not the former demon who embodies deceit and dishonor now, but a government official. The cultural change and the identification with an own southern Thai culture ended the timelessness of the shadow play themes.
literature
- Sven Broman: Shadows of Life: Nang Talung, Thai Popular Shadow Theater . White Orchid Press, Bangkok 1996
- Paul Dowsey-Magog: Popular Workers' Shadow Theater in Thailand. In: Asian Theater Journal, Vol. 19, No. 1, Spring 2002, pp. 184-211
- Gerd Höpfner: Southeast Asian shadow plays. Masks and figures from Java and Thailand. (Picture books of the Staatliche Museen Berlin - Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz, volume 2) Museum für Völkerkunde, Staatliche Museen Berlin - Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 1967, pp. 20f
- Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool: Relevance of the Textual and Contextual Analyzes in Understanding Folk Performance in Modem Society: A Case of Southern Thai Shadow Puppet Theater. In: Asian Folklore Studies , Vol. 48, 1989, pp. 31-57
- Siew Lian Lim: The Role of Shadow Puppetry in the Development of Phatthalung Province, Thailand 2013. Southeast Asia Club Conference Northern Illinois University
- Friedrich Seltmann: Comparative components of the shadow play forms of South India, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Bali and Java. In: Tribus. Publications of the Linden Museum, No. 23, Stuttgart 1974, pp. 23-70
- Michael Smithies, Euayporn Kerdchouay: Nang Talung: The Shadow Theater of Southern Thailand . In: Journal of the Siam Society, 60, 1972, pp. 379-390
- Peter Vandergeest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool: The Southern Thai Shadowplay Tradition in Historical Context . In: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Vol. 24, No. 2, September 1993, pp. 307-329
Web links
- Sone Simatrang: shadow theater of the world. V. Thailand: Nang Talung. Homepage of Werner Nekes
- Thawon Anusiri: Discoveries about the Performance of Nang Talung (Southern Thai Shadow Puppet Theater). Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University
- Nualmorakot Taweethong: The History of Nang Talung: 'Shadow play' from Asia to Southern Thailand. The 2nd International Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences April 10th, 2010. Faculty of Liberal Arts, Prince of Songkla University
- Nang Talung. i.culture.go.th
- Forms of Puppet Theater, Nang Talung and Variants of Hun . Asian Traditional Theater & Dance
- Nang Talung Museum: Thai shadowplay made awesome. oneweirdglobe.com
Individual evidence
- ↑ Michael Smithies, Euayporn Kerdchouay: Nang Talung: The Shadow Theater of Southern Thailand , 1972, p. 380
- ↑ See Michael Smithies, Pitaya Bunnag: Likay: a note on the origin, form and future of Siamese folk opera . In: Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 59 (1), 1971, pp. 33-65
- ↑ Terry E. Miller, Jarernchai Chonpairot: Shadow Puppet Theater in Northeast Thailand . In: Theater Journal , Vol. 31, No. 3, October 1979, pp. 293-311, here p. 294
- ↑ Friedrich Seltmann, 1974, p. 23
- ↑ Aki Uehara: Performance Practice, Music and Innovations in Wayang Kulit Gedek in Kedah . (MA thesis) Universiti Sains Malaysia, April 2008, p. 14
- ↑ Ghulam Sarwar Yousof-: Issues in Traditional Malaysian Culture. Partridge, Singapore 2013, p. 62
- ↑ Michael Smithies, Euayporn Kerdchouay, 1972, p. 380
- ^ Richard Barrow: Shadow Play Handicrafts Village . (Blog)
- ↑ Siew Lian Lim, 2013, p. 2
- ↑ Irving Johnson: Little Bear Sells CDs and Ai Theng Drinks Coke: Sacred Clowning and the Politics of Regionalism in South Thailand. In: Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Dynamics of the Local) October 2006, pp. 148–177, here pp. 150f
- ↑ Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool, 1989, p. 31f
- ↑ Priyambudi Sulistiyanto: Introduction: To look at the local close-up. In: Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Dynamics of the Local) October 2006, pp. 143-147, here p. 144
- ↑ See Henry D. Ginsburg: The Manora Dance Drama. An Introduction. In: Journal of the Siam Society, 60, 1972, pp. 169-181
- ↑ Dato Haji Mubin Sheppard: The Khmer Shadow Play and its Links with Ancient India. A possible source of the Malay Shadow Play of Kelantan and Trengganu. In: Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 41, No. 1 (213), July 1968, pp. 199-204, here pp. 199, 204
- ^ Fan Pen Chen: Shadow Theaters of the World. In: Asian Folklore Studies, Vol. 62, No. 1, 2003, pp. 25–64, here p. 36
- ^ EHS Simmonds: New Evidence on Thai Shadow-Play Invocations. In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London, Vol. 24, No. 3, 1961, pp. 542-559, here p. 557
- ↑ Gerd Höpfner, 1967, p. 20
- ^ Friedrich Seltmann, 1974, pp. 28f, 46f
- ↑ Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool, 1989, p. 34
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 310
- ↑ Sone Simatrang: Shadow Theater of the World. V. Thailand: Nang Talung .
- ↑ Darunee Choosri, Manop Wisuttipat: Music in the Keamroey Rituals of Shadow Puppet: A Case Study of Ayarn Narong Talung Bandith Ensemble. In: European Journal of Business and Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 11, February 2013, pp. 69–74, here pp. 71f
- ↑ Friedrich Seltmann, 1974, p. 54
- ↑ Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool, 1989, pp. 35f
- ↑ Gerd Höpfner, 1967, p. 21
- ↑ Paritta Chalermpow Koanantakool, 1989, p. 38
- ↑ Nang Talung: Shadow Puppets. culture.nstru.ac.th (list with names of some jokers)
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 312f
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 316
- ↑ Paul Dowsey-Magog, 2002, pp. 188f
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 311
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 315f
- ↑ Paul Dowsey-Magog, 2002, p 185
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 314f, 325
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, pp 321-323
- ↑ Peter Vander Geest, Paritta Chalermpow-Koanantakool, 1993, p 319F