Spanish language in the Greater Antilles

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Greater Antilles in the Caribbean
The Greater Antilles in the American double continent

This article deals with the Spanish language in the Greater Antilles . These include the islands of Cuba , Hispaniola, and Puerto Rico , with Hispaniola only being spoken in the Dominican Republic . Many linguistic features are very similar or identical in these island areas, which is why they are summarized here. Some of these traits are not limited to the Greater Antilles, but can also be common in areas close to the Caribbean to the Caribbean coastal regions of the mainland.

  • Cuba: The approximately 11.4 million inhabitants of Cuba speak Spanish, which is established as the official language by Article 2 of the 1992 constitution.
  • Dominican Republic: Almost all of the 9.7 million people speak Spanish. However, it is not established as an official language in the constitution.
  • Puerto Rico: The 1952 constitution did not specify an official language, but members of parliament had to be able to read and write Spanish and English. Now the four million or so people of Puerto Rico speak Spanish and English. Spanish was declared the state language in 1991, and English two years later. However, Spanish is the mother tongue of most, and English is the mother tongue of only around two percent.

historical overview

The Caribbean before the conquistadors

Distribution of indigenous peoples in the Antilles at the time of Columbus' arrival

Before the Europeans discovered the Caribbean, many different peoples lived there. One of the oldest population groups was probably the Ciboneyes , who lived between 10,000 and 8,000 BC. Came from the north via Florida to the Caribbean islands. The largest and strongest group was later formed by the Taíno , who belonged to the Aruak language family . Their main settlement area was Hispaniola. However, they originally came from mainland Latin America ( Orinoco region ) and reached many different islands in the Greater and Lesser Antilles in the year 1000 to 1200 AD.

Conquest by Columbus

The expansion of the Spanish across the Atlantic began in 1492. At that time, Spain was ruled by the Catholic Kings Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon . The year 1492 was marked by many events that strengthened the Spanish kingdoms and thus favored the spread of the Spanish language in Latin America.

At the beginning of the language contact and the spread of the Spanish language in Latin America there was the cruise of Christopher Columbus . On April 17, 1492, the Catholic kings signed a treaty with the Genoa sailor. He should find a shortened trade line to India and take possession of newly discovered islands and lands for the Spanish crown.

On October 27, 1492, Columbus did not reach India, but Cuba, the largest island in the Greater Antilles. From there on, the Europeans spread over the entire southern part of the American continent. The newly conquered land areas in Central and South America were divided between Portugal and Spain in the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494. The largest part went to the Spanish kingdom, which is why Spanish later became the official language in most of the former colonies.

Import of slaves

Shortly after the Europeans expanded to America, the slave trade began there. After the conquerors had already used some of the indigenous peoples as working slaves, they began to import slaves from outside. Mass slavery began in the Caribbean. The islands of Jamaica, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico and Cuba were particularly hard hit. The slaves from Africa were mainly used in the Caribbean by the colonial powers Spain, Portugal, Great Britain, France, Holland and Denmark for work in agriculture. The focus was on sugar cane production, which had its peak from 1680 to 1886.

Linguistic influences

Theories influencing the Spanish variety in the Greater Antilles

There are different positions to develop the linguistic characteristics:

  • on the one hand that American Spanish and its peculiarities have developed independently and independently of dialects of mainland Spain,
  • On the other hand, it is also claimed that American Spanish was shaped by the language of the lower social classes of the Spaniards, who formed the majority during the conquest of America,
  • there is also the opinion that it was influenced by regional characteristics of the varieties in Spain.

Most frequently discussed, however, was the assumption that American Spanish was influenced by regional peculiarities of the Andalusian dialect , since there are many similarities in the American and Andalusian varieties.

To the Andalusian variety

In 1492, as a result of historical events, two main varieties of Castilian emerged in Spain:

American Spanish was shaped at the beginning of the 16th century by the Spanish varieties of Andalusian and Canary, as ships to America started from there. The Spanish from Andalusia and the Canary Islands that came to America with the immigrants is also called Atlantic Spanish . From this, various variants have developed that are still used today by the majority of the Spanish-speaking world for communication.

However, due to its historical prestige, e.g. B. by the writing of the first Castilian grammar by Nebrija , still has a more decisive influence and is therefore not influenced by the number of speakers.

Indigenous influences

When the conquistadors reached the Greater Antilles, it was mainly the Taíno who lived there . These indigenous people had no written culture, and their Taíno language , which belonged to the Aruak language family , was displaced with them and almost obliterated. Some cultural practices and many terms e.g. B. place names, names of plants that were new to the conquistadors, names of foreign foods, etc., were adopted by the conquerors because they had no words for them in Castilian.

Influences of African languages

The import of slaves from Africa to the Caribbean began with the European conquerors and lasted until the 19th century. The slaves were not allowed to use their languages ​​in public. Later, in the so-called "Código Carolíneo Negro" of 1794, the lower appreciation of African origins was legally stipulated and white origins were glorified. So was z. B. Blacks and mulattos of the first generation prohibited from education. However, many traces of African culture and language can still be found today, as these have been preserved to this day despite the oppression. As the intensity of slave imports varied in the Caribbean regions, the African culture and language were unevenly shaped.

Cuba

In Cuba, the slave trade was particularly large compared to the neighboring islands. Millions of slaves were transported to Cuba in less than a century. At the beginning of the 16th century, 40% of the Cuban population from Africa were slaves. Many cultural customs and words from Africa have been handed down, as well as the African religion Yoruba or the syncretism Santería resulting from mixing with Christianity . These religions are still practiced in Cuba today. Until the 20th century, the inhabitants of Cuba, who were still born in Africa, spoke a pidgin with African and Spanish elements. Some of the African words have been kept alive to this day. During the 19th century there were some workers from Curaçao in Cuba . They brought the Spanish-African Creole Papiamentu to Cuba, which mixed with the already existing languages ​​of the Afro-Cubans.

Dominican Republic

The slave trade was less intense on Hispaniola than on the neighboring islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico. The import of slaves as well as the cultivation of sugar cane was greatly reduced by the Haitian Revolution, which was triggered in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (today Haiti ) by slave revolts. In addition to Spanish, the African languages ​​are considered to be the most important influence on today's Dominican Spanish. Compared to Cuba and Puerto Rico, the roots of the African language go back a little further due to the earlier termination of the slave trade, which is why today not very many Africanisms can be found in the variety of the Dominican Republic.

Puerto Rico

Slave imports and sugar cane production began in Puerto Rico in the late 18th century. In addition to the African slaves, many slaves and free blacks were brought from the neighboring Caribbean islands to Puerto Rico. Many Haitian Coming therefore spoke a French Creole and other consisting of Curacao came Papiamentu . During this period, Africans and their descendants formed the majority of the population in Puerto Rico. Due to the strong presence of African languages, many Africanisms have been preserved to this day.

Other occupiers or immigrants and their linguistic influences

Colonial powers in the Caribbean around 1700

Cuba

In addition to the Spanish conquerors, there were also many immigrants from other countries in Cuba. For example, in 1762 the island was occupied and captured by the English for a year. Many French plantation owners also settled in Cuba.

In addition to the immigrants from mainland Spain, many immigrants came from the Canary Islands at the end of the 19th century . Her linguistic influences on Cuban Spanish contributed greatly to the consolidation of the dialect. When Spain and the United States were at war in 1898, half of Cuba's white residents were still born in Spain. Cuban Spanish therefore has a high European component compared to other Latin American dialects. Before the Spanish-American War , the United States was Cuba's largest trading partner. Therefore the influence of the USA on Cuba is not insignificant. A few anglicisms emerged that are still used in Cuba today.

From the 19th to the 20th century, hundreds of thousands of Chinese also migrated to Cuba, replacing the missing labor after the abolition of slavery. Chinese communities emerged in which they retained their language and culture, but also took part in Cuban life. With the Cuban Revolution, however, most of them left Cuba and left no prominent linguistic traces.

Dominican Republic

During the 18th century, Spain sent many Canary Islands residents to Hispaniola. They mainly settled in rural areas in the west of the island and in the cities. They were sent to stop the French invasion of the island. This wave of immigration from the Canary Islands contributed to the consolidation of Spanish in the Dominican variety. The French still prevailed and first confiscated the western part of the island, which is now called Haiti. A little later, the entire island was under French control. In the region of today's Haiti, a Franco-African Creole developed , which is also spoken today in the border areas of the Dominican Republic.

Over the years, the Dominican leaders tried to reintegrate into Spain or the United States in order not to be under French control. In 1861 they were again under Spanish rule. Many Spanish settlers came to the island again. From 1899 to 1924, the Dominican Republic was under the control of the United States. It can be assumed that this occupation already influenced the Anglicisms still used today .

Puerto Rico

As in the case of Cuba and the Dominican Republic, the conquest sent many Spanish settlers to Puerto Rico. For a long time, trade with the Canary Islands was particularly important. This was significant for the development and implementation of Spanish.

Since 1898, Spanish in Puerto Rico has been very much influenced by English in the United States. Puerto Rico is still administered by the United States and the official languages ​​are Spanish and English. Despite the two state languages, Puerto Rico is not bilingual. The main language spoken is Spanish. Nevertheless, many anglicisms have prevailed, which are still used today.

Linguistic particularities

These are the current characteristics of the Spanish language in the Greater Antilles. The most important properties that can be found in language today are shown. For details on each country, see the following main articles:

Phonetics / Phonology

Phonetics and phonology contain the most important properties for determining a dialect or belonging to social groups. The dialect of the Greater Antilles can be distinguished from others by differently realizing the graphemes. While other dialects of Spanish may have similar properties, it is all of them that make up one dialect. Most of the phonetic features can be derived from the dialects of the Spanish conquerors, but some can also be derived from other contact languages.

  • Yeísmo

Yeísmo is a typical feature of various Spanish dialects, e.g. B. Andalusian, as well as the variety spoken in the Caribbean. This means the coincidence of the phonemes / ʎ / (pronunciation of <ll>) and / ʝ / (pronunciation of <y>) to / ʝ / . An example of this are the forms of the Pretérito Indefinido of caerse ( eng . “ To fall”) and callarse (“to be silent”, “to be silent”): él se cayó is pronounced just like él se calló , with which the meaning must be deduced from the context .

  • Seseo

The Seseo is generally widespread in Latin America, including the Caribbean region. No distinction is made between the pronunciation of <s>, <c> and <z>, which are all implemented as [s]. In Castilian one would hear a difference between the words caza [caƟa] (Eng. “Hunt”) and casa [casa] (“house”), which is not the case with Seseo.

  • Aspiration of <j>, <g> and <x>

The graphemes <j>, <g> and <x> are pronounced in Castilian as [x], like the <ch> in the German word "Achtung". In Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, however, these graphemes are either aspirated (breathed) or glottalized - that is, the glottis ( glottis ) is narrowed during the sound formation, which is comparable to a more pronounced <h> in German - or in in some cases completely omitted.

  • Partial deactivation of / tʃ / to / ʃ /

Deaffriction describes the reduction of an affricate. An affricate describes a sound that is created by the homogeneous formation of two sounds, the first of which is a plosive and the second a fricative. In the area of ​​the Greater Antilles in particular, the process of development from the affricate / tʃ / (pronunciation of <ch> as in chispa , dt. Spark) to a fricative / ʃ / is described. However, this process does not always take place completely, that is, the sound / tʃ / is somewhat simplified and pronounced less clearly. Only sometimes does it develop into a / ʃ / as in "Chocolate".

  • Velarization of / n /

In all three countries the consonant / n / is velarized , i.e. the tongue shifts further back towards the velum (soft palate) when the sound is formed . That happens v. a. at <n> at the end of the word. It is z. B. the word sartén ( Eng . "Pan") is not pronounced with [n] at the end, but with ŋ - [sarteŋ]. In Puerto Rico this process takes place less often and mostly only with conjugated verbs (e.g. ellos tienen , dt. "They have"), whereby the <n> can be omitted completely. In the Dominican Republic, / n / is velarized or even elided before non-velar consonants , i.e. completely left out.

  • Disapproval of / r /

Denonization of / r / means that the actually voiced alveolar vibrant / r / is pronounced voiceless. This often happens in the Greater Antilles with the double consonant <rr>. Usually the sound is pre-aspirated , which is represented by the phonetic symbol [hř]. This is how the Spanish word perro (dt. "Dog") is pronounced in most of the Caribbean [pehřo]. In Puerto Rico, however, / rr / cannot be pronounced vibrantly. It is partially velarized and pronounced as [x] as with “ach” in German or as a German / r / [R], which could be explained by the immigration of French at the beginning of the 19th century.

  • / r / and / l / related phenomena

The neutralization of / r / and / l / is a common sound change process in the Greater Antilles. The mixed sound [ɹ] of the two phonemes is formed, which is particularly common in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, but also in Colombia and Venezuela. However, <r> v. a. neutralized more often at the end of the word than / l /, since the latter phoneme is more resistant to changes. There are regional and social differences in this sound change process. This pronunciation of <r> as / l / is used more often by people of lower education and in rural areas and can lead to the exchange of Vibrant / r / and Lateral / l /. So z. B. in Cuba the nickname mi amor to "mi amol" (Eng. "My love / my love"). The phenomenon of the neutralization of the two sounds has existed in Spain since the 10th century, and it was therefore probably brought to the Greater Antilles by the Spanish during the period of colonization. But research has shown that this sound has also caught on because a similar phenomenon existed in the contact languages ​​of African countries, where often no distinction is made between [r] and [l].

In the Dominican Republic there is also increasing elision of / l / and / r / at the end of a word, which means that the sounds are not pronounced at all. Other phenomena in this country are aspiration [h], nasalization (e.g. virgen (dt. "Virgin") is then pronounced vingheng [viŋheŋ]), or vocalization , in which the lateral / l / is converted in the direction [i] will, e.g. B. algo (dt. "Something") then becomes [aigo]. In the Cuban province, v. a. Gemination very common, that is, doubling of the sounds. So algo [aggo] or jerga ( Eng . "Jargon") [hegga].

  • Aspiration or elision of / s /

At the end of a syllable or word, / s / is almost always aspirated in the Greater Antilles or is even dropped. This can be seen very well in the verbs ser and estar (Eng. "To be"), which lead to forms like [eh], [e (s)] for es , [(es) tá], [ehtá] for está or [ (es) taba] for estaba can be reduced, such as B. tú ta hablando , which also creates morphological consequences (→  morphology ). In the Dominican Republic, this pronunciation phenomenon is common in all social classes. This led to a phonological restructuring through hypercorrection , whereby the “lost / s /” is used again, but also in words that previously did not contain any / s /. For this hypercorrection, the humorous term "hablar fisno" was created for hablar fino (German: "express yourself chosen").

  • Attenuation or elision of intervocal / d /

Intervowels, i.e. between vowels, / d / is weakened or not spoken at all. Most often this happens in participatory endings with - ado as in bailado ( Eng . "Danced"), which is then pronounced [bailao]. In Cuba and the Dominican Republic this also occurs in the formation of nouns and adjectives, so dedo (“finger”) becomes [deo].

morphology

  • The Spanish personal pronoun vosotros (dt. "You") is no longer used in the Greater Antilles and is replaced by the polite form in the plural ustedes ("you").
  • In contrast to other parts of Latin America, the only familiar form of address used is (“you”), although this pronoun is also used in Cuba in situations where the politeness form usted (“you”) would be more appropriate.
  • In contrast to many regions in Latin America, the Voseo is currently not used. However, its use has been proven in small parts in earlier times in Cuba.
  • Diminutive forms are very common in the Greater Antilles. Most often, diminutives are formed after / t / or / d /. So many nouns or adjectives are minimized to forms like:
ratico ("a little while") from un rato ("a while")
perrito (" little dog") from un perro (d "dog")
chiquitico ("tiny little") as a double diminutive of chiquito or chico ("small")
está lejito (s) (“it is a little far away”) from estar lejo (s) (“to be far away”), whereby the / s / is aspirated or not spoken
Also, names of people are very often expressed with a diminutive. "Laura" then becomes "Laurita", or "Jorge" becomes "Jorgito".
  • Through the aspiration or elision of / s / the distinguishing feature of the verb of the 2nd person singular ( - "you") is lost. This means that one cannot distinguish the verb forms in the singular from one another.
yo tenía ("I had")
tú tenia (s) ("you had")
él tenía ("he had")
In this example, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd person singular imperfecto are pronounced identically in the verb form and can only be clearly deduced with the associated personal pronoun or from the context.

syntax

z. B. ¿Qué tú quieres? ("What do / do you want?")
In Cuba, it is easy to add an aggressive or challenging tone to a sentence by swapping the verb and the subject pronoun.
  • Due to conjugated connections, subject pronouns are superfluous in the Castilian variety, but are almost always spoken in the Greater Antilles, v. a. yo , and usted . This could also be a consequence of the fact that the ending -s, the common distinguishing feature of the 2nd person singular, is not pronounced, thus creating more clarity in the delivery of the content.
z. B. no me vas a creer que yo escribí un atrículo para Wikipedia.
("You won't believe me that I wrote an article for Wikipedia.")
  • Personal pronouns are often used as leading lexical subjects before an infinitive, which is mainly triggered by the word para (“um”, “für”, “zu”). Although para often requires the subjunctive of the following verb, the verb with the lexical subject in front remains in the infinitive.
z. B. ¿Qué tú me recomiendas para yo entender la lingüística? ("What do you recommend me to understand linguistics better?")
Para yo hacer eso necesitaré más tiempo. ("I need more time to do that.")

Lexicons

Typical expressions

In general, it can be said that the lexical comparison of the varieties of the three Spanish-speaking countries in the Greater Antilles is very difficult, as there are very few words that are used in all regions with the same meaning. Some examples are given below. The words in bold are lexemes used in all three countries. The words in italics are only used in two of the countries. Normally printed words only appear in the corresponding country.

Cuban Spanish
Cuban Spanish Standard Spanish German
bodeguero / bodeguera tendero / tendera (bodeguero / a only refers to wine sellers in Spain) Grocer
chévere estupéndo, buenísimo Super-duper
chiringa cometa Kites (children's toys)
chofe chofer / chófer chauffeur
la farandula gente party People who go out a lot and also have the money to do so
fruta bomba papaya papaya
guagua autobus bus
guajiro / guajira campesino / campesina Farmer
gringo estadounidense, canadiense North American, or in general: a person of English-speaking origin
habichuela judía verde green beans
jaba bolsa (de plástico) Plastic bag
jevo / jeva (col.) novio / novia Friend (partner)
jimaguas gemelos Twins
jinetear - Doing (prohibited) business with foreigners in order to receive foreign currency ( CUC )
jinetero / jinetera - Prostitute who is v. a. seeking among foreigners
máquina coche automobile
el / la yuma el extranjero / la extranjera Foreigner
Dominican Spanish
Dominican Spanish Standard Spanish German
busú mala suerte Bad luck, bad luck
chévere estupéndo, buenísimo Super-duper
China naranja Sweet orange
cocoro / cocolo - Black (English-speaking) person from the Eastern Antilles
guagua autobus bus
gringo estadounidense, canadiense North American, or generally of English speaking origin
habichuela judía roja red bean
jevo / jeva (col.) novio / novia Friend (partner)
mangú - Mashed plantain dish
zafacón cubo de basura Garbage basket
Puerto Rican Spanish
Puerto Rican Spanish Standard Spanish German
¡Ay Bendito! ¡Ay Diós! Oh my God!
bizcocho pastel cake
chévere estupéndo, buenísimo Super-duper
China naranja Sweet orange
chiringa cometa Dragons
guagua autobus bus
gringo estadounidense, canadiense North American, or generally of English speaking origin
habichuela judía roja red bean
jevo / jeva (col.) novio / novia Friend (partner)
matrimonio (matrimonio in Spanish: marriage) Dish with rice and red beans
pastel - Mashed plantain pie
zafacón cubo de basura Garbage basket

Indigenisms

The Taíno people lived in the Antilles. Most borrowings from their language are place names and terms relating to nature or everyday life.

ají (a kind of paprika or pepper plant)
bohío (German straw hut)
canoa (canoe)
ceiba ( kapok tree )
Cuba (Cuba)
guayaba ( guava )
hamaca (hammock)
huracán (hurricane)
maíz (corn)
mamey ( large sapote )
maní (peanut)
papaya (papaya)
yuca ( cassava )

Africanisms

The import of slaves by the colonial powers brought terms from Africa to the Greater Antilles. Nowadays most of the terms in the areas of religion, music, dance and nature have been preserved. The Arabic influences in the Spanish language can also be described as Africanisms, but these words were coined earlier on the Iberian Peninsula and are not exclusively typical of the variety of the Greater Antilles. Here are some Cuban examples, but they are probably also in use in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic due to the existence of the same religions of African origin.

Abakuá (dt. Abakuá )
aché (used in chants and ceremonies of the Yoruba religion, means "all the best" - strength, luck, energy, power etc.)
babalao / babalawo (priests of the religion Yoruba and Santería )
batá (drum instrument)
bembé (term for drum rhythm)
bongó (drum instrument)
chévere (great, great)
conga (drum instrument)
guarapo (sugar cane juice)
mambo ( mambo , dance)
malanga (arum family, the tubers of which are edible)
ñáñigo (member of the Abakuá )
oricha ( Orisha , god of the Yoruba religion )
→ Names of the Orishas: Yemayá, Oggún, Obatalá, Changó, Ochún, Orula etc.
timba ( Timba : drum instrument, since the 1990s also a name for music style )

Anglicisms

Due to the current presence of English in the world, many Anglicisms have also come to be used in Spanish in the Greater Antilles. Some of them have already been adopted from Spanish on the Iberian Peninsula (e.g. coctél - cocktail, checkear - check and much more ), but each country also has its own borrowings from English. Here are some examples of anglicisms used in the Greater Antilles:

Cuba
bisnes - from engl. business, span. negocio (German business)
cake [keɪ (g)] - from engl. cake, span. pastel, tarta (cake, cake)
cel - from engl. cellphone (abbreviation cel ) or span.cellular (mobile phone)
chatear - for chat ( chatting, talking )
choir - from engl. shorts, span. pantalones cortos (short pants)
choping - from engl. shopping, span. ir de compras (shopping)
estar high - from engl. to be high, span. estar colocado / colocada (to be high, to be under the influence of drugs)
ful - from engl. full, span. lleno / llena (full)
sandwich - replaces bocadillo, emparedado (sandwich)
Dominican Republic
bufear - from engl. goof (dt. to play around)
chol - from engl. shorts, span. pantalones cortos (short pants)
guachiman - from engl. watchman, Spanish guárdian (security guard)
poloche - from engl. polo shirt, span. camiseta de jugar polo (polo shirt)
seibó - from engl. savebox (term for cupboard)
teipi - from engl. tape, span. cinte adhesiva (adhesive tape)
zipper - replaces span. cremallera (zipper)
Puerto Rico
cel - from engl. cellphone (abbreviation cel ) or span.celular (dt. Handy)
chatear - from engl. chat (talk, talk)
consumerismo - from engl. consumerism, span. consumismo (consumerism)
empoderar - from engl. empower, span. autorizar a alguien (enable or authorize someone)
estar high - from engl. to be high, span. estar colocado / colocada (to be high, to be under the influence of drugs)
flashlight - replaces linterna (torch)
llamar para atrás - from engl. call back, span. volver a llamar (call back)
printear - from engl. print, span. imprimir (to print)
suplidores - from engl. suppliers, span. proveedores (suppliers)

literature

  • John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish . Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 .
  • Matthias Perl, Armin Schwegler, Gerardo Lorenzino: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas . Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 .
  • Robert Matthew Hammond, Melvyn C. Resnic: Studies in Caribbean Spanish Dialectology. Georgetown University Press, Georgetown 1988, ISBN 0-87840-098-2 .

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Constitución de La República de Cuba - Cuban Constitution (Spanish), website of the Cuban government, accessed October 31, 2013.
  2. ^ A b Johannes Kabatek, Claus D. Pusch: Spanish Linguistics: An Introduction. Narr Francke Attempto Verlag, Tübingen 2009, ISBN 978-3-8233-6658-4 , p. 21.
  3. Michael Zeuske: Brief history of Cubas. Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-49422-2 , p. 10 ff.
  4. Georg Bossong: The Romance Languages: A Comparative Introduction. Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg 2008, ISBN 978-3-87548-518-9 , p. 78.
  5. Hans-Joachim König: Small history of Latin America. Reclam, Stuttgart 2009, ISBN 978-3-15-017062-5 , p. 16 f.
  6. Michael Zeuske: Brief history of Cubas. Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-49422-2 , p. 13.
  7. ^ A b Georg Bossong: The Romance Languages: A Comparative Introduction. Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg 2008, ISBN 978-3-87548-518-9 , p. 78 f.
  8. Michael Zeuske: Black Caribbean. Slaves, slavery culture and emancipation. Rotpunktverlag, Zurich 2004, ISBN 3-85869-272-7 , p. 125.
  9. a b Michael Zeuske: Black Caribbean. Slaves, slavery culture and emancipation. Rotpunktverlag, Zurich 2004, ISBN 3-85869-272-7 , p. 11 f.
  10. ^ Johannes Kabatek, Claus D. Pusch: Spanish Linguistics: An Introduction. Narr Francke Attempto Verlag, Tübingen 2009, ISBN 978-3-8233-6658-4 , p. 272 ​​f.
  11. ^ A b Georg Bossong: The Romance Languages: A Comparative Introduction. Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg 2008, ISBN 978-3-87548-518-9 , p. 79.
  12. ^ A b c John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 328.
  13. Michael Zeuske: Brief history of Cubas. Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-49422-2 , p. 10.
  14. ^ Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 29.
  15. ^ A b c John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 230.
  16. ^ Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 28.
  17. ^ A b John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , pp. 227 f.
  18. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 237.
  19. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 331.
  20. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , pp. 235 ff.
  21. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 329 ff.
  22. ^ Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 46 f.
  23. a b c Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 47.
  24. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , pp. 232, 239, 332.
  25. ^ A b John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , pp. 231, 238, 332.
  26. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , pp. 231, 293, 333.
  27. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , pp. 231 f., 239 f., 332 f.
  28. ^ Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 47 f.
  29. ^ Carlisle González Tapia: Estudio sobre el Habla Culta Dominicana. Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo, Santo Domingo 1994, p. 40.
  30. ^ Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 35.
  31. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 239.
  32. ^ Carlisle González Tapia: Estudio sobre el Habla Culta Dominicana. Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo, Santo Domingo 1994, p. 83 f.
  33. ^ A b c John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 335.
  34. a b c d e John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 233.
  35. John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London 1994, ISBN 0-582-08761-9 , p. 241.
  36. ^ Gerardo Lorenzino: El Español Caribeño: antecedentes sociohistóricos y lingüísticos. In: Matthias Perl u. a .: América negra: panorámica actual de los estudios lingüísticos sobre variedades hispanas, portuguesas y criollas. Vervuert, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-89354-371-6 , p. 51.
  37. Adolfo Alpízar Castillo: Apuntes para la Historia de la Linguistica en Cuba. Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, La Habana 1989.
  38. These tables were drawn up with the help of the following sources:
  39. Michael Zeuske: Brief history of Cubas. Verlag CH Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-49422-2 , p. 10 f.
  40. ^ Dictionary of the Taino Language . Dictionary of the Taíno Language in Spanish. Retrieved October 30, 2013.
  41. Michael Zeuske: Brief history of Cubas. Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-49422-2 , p. 106 ff.
  42. ^ Diccionario de Argot Cubano - Conexión Cubana . Colloquial Dictionary of Cuba, accessed October 30, 2013.
  43. Glosario de Términos Dominicanos - Terminologías Dominicanas , accessed October 30, 2013.
  44. No podemos vivir sin Anglicismos - Fundéu BBVA . Amparo Morales. Retrieved October 30, 2013.
  45. La Academia de la Lengua publica el Diccionario Anglicismos que ayudará a atajar el léxico inglés - Informe21.com . Amparo Morales. Retrieved October 30, 2013.