610 Office
Supervisory authority (s) | Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party |
---|---|
Headquarters | Beijing |
Authority management | Huang Ming, director of the office (since May 2016) |
The 610 Office ( Chinese 中央 610 辦公室 , Pinyin Zhongyang 610 bàngongshì ) is a security service in the People's Republic of China , which was named after the date of its establishment on June 10, 1999. The 610 Office was established for the purpose of coordinating the persecution of Falun Gong (also known as Falun Dafa ) and directing the implementation of the persecution. Since it is an office run by the Chinese Communist Party and has no formal legal authority, it is also described as an extra-legal organization. The 610 Office is the implementation arm of the "Central Leadership Group for Handling Falun Gong," later renamed "Central Leadership Group for Handling Heretical Religions." In March 2018 the office was reorganized and its tasks delegated to the Central Commission for Politics and Law and the Ministry of Public Security .
The Central 610 Office is usually headed by a senior member of the Standing Committee of the Communist Party Political Bureau and often directs other state and party organs in the anti-Falun Gong campaign. It is closely related to the powerful Political and Legal Committee of the Communist Party of China. Local 610 Offices have been established at provinces, counties, parishes, and neighborhood levels. There are an estimated 1,000 offices across China.
The main functions of the 610 Office include coordinating anti-Falun Gong propaganda, surveillance and intelligence, as well as punishing and "transforming" Falun Gong practitioners. The office is reportedly involved in extrajudicial convictions, as well as forced relocation, torture and the killing of Falun Gong practitioners.
Since 2003, the 610 Office's mandate has expanded; although Falun Gong remains their top priority, religious and qigong groups, which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) consider "heretical" or "harmful" have also been targeted.
background
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/89/April25Zhognanhai.jpg/220px-April25Zhognanhai.jpg)
Falun Gong, also known as Falun Dafa, is a spiritual qigong practice that consists of meditation, energy exercises and a moral philosophy that is linked to the Buddhist tradition. The practice was introduced in the spring of 1992, towards the end of the "Qigong boom" in China, in northeast China by Li Hongzhi .
Falun Gong initially enjoyed significant public support in the early years of its development and garnered millions of followers. However, in the mid-1990s, Chinese authorities tried to curb the influence of qigong practices and imposed stricter requirements on them. In 1996, possibly in response to increasing pressure to formalize with the party state, Falun Gong filed a motion to withdraw from the state qigong association. After Falun Gong cut ties with the state, it lost public support and has since been heavily criticized and monitored by the country's security apparatus and propaganda department.
After the sudden arrests of practicing Falun Gong practitioners, on April 25, 1999, more than 10,000 Falun Gong practitioners pacified near the Zhongnanhai Government Compound to request official recognition from the State Petitions Bureau and an end to the increasing harassment against them . A group of five Falun Gong officials were met by then Premier Zhu Rongji and presented their demands. Apparently satisfied with his answer, the crowd dispersed peacefully.
Security Tsar and Politburo member Luo Gan was the first to draw his attention to the assembled crowd. Luo reportedly called Communist Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin and asked for a decisive solution to the "Falun Gong problem". Jiang Zemin is said to have been deeply upset by the event and expressed concern about the fact that even high-ranking bureaucrats, Communist Party officials and members of the military practiced Falun Gong. That evening, Jiang circulated a letter in party ranks ordering that Falun Gong must be crushed.
In July 1999, the continued publication of Falun Gong books was banned and state news agencies began to criticize Falun Gong as a kind of "feudal superstition" whose "theistic" orientation contradicts official ideology and national agenda.
founding
On June 7th, 1999, Jiang Zemin called a meeting of the Politburo to discuss the Falun Gong problem. At the session, he described Falun Gong as a serious threat to the Communist Party's authority, "something that has never been in the country since it was founded 50 years ago," and ordered the establishment of a special leadership group within the party's Central Committee, to "be fully prepared for the destruction [of Falun Gong]".
On June 10th, the 610 Office was established to handle the daily coordination of the anti-Falun Gong campaign. Luo Gan was selected to head the office whose job at the time was to study, study, and develop a "unified approach to solving the Falun Gong problem." The 610 Office was not established by any legislative authority, and there are no guidelines whatsoever that describe its exact duties. Yet, according to Professor James Tong of the University of California, it was empowered to “work with central and local, as well as party and government agencies. These in turn were asked to cooperate closely with this office ”.
On June 17, 1999, the 610 Office was subordinated to the newly formed Central Leadership Group on the Handling of Falun Gong, under the direction of Politburo Standing Committee member Li Lanqing . Four other deputy directors of the Central Leadership Group also held high-ranking posts in the Communist Party, including Minister of Propaganda Ding Guangen. The heads of the 610 Office and the Central Leadership Group on the Handling of Falun Gong were "able to reach out to senior government officials and party officials to work on the case and access their institutional resources." They also had personal access to the General Secretary of the Communist Party and the Prime Minister of China.
Journalist Ian Johnson , whose reporting on crackdown on Falun Gong won the Pulitzer Prize, wrote that the work of the 610 Office was "to mobilize the country's indulgent social organizations. Under the orders of the Public Security Bureau, churches, temples, mosques, newspapers, media, all courts, prosecutors and the police quickly sided with the government's simple plan: to destroy Falun Gong; no measures are too exaggerated. Within a few days, a wave of arrests swept through China. At the end of 1999, Falun Gong followers died in custody. "
structure
The 610 Office is led by senior leaders from the Chinese Communist Party, and the Central Leadership Group on the Handling of Falun Gong, which the 610 Office oversees, has been led by a senior member of the Politburo Standing Committee since its inception. First from Li Lanqing (1999–2003), then came Luo Gan (2003–2007), Zhou Yongkang (2007–2012), Li Dongsheng (2013), Liu Jinguo (2013–2015) and Fu Zhenghua (2015–2016). Huang Ming (2016) currently holds this position.
The practice of appointing senior party officials to head the Central Leadership Group on Handling Falun Gong and the 610 Office was designed to ensure that they are superior to other department officials. According to James Tong, the 610 Office is "multi-tiered" over organizations such as the state administration for radio, film, and television; the Xinhua News Agency , China Central Television, and news and publication offices. The 610 Office is tasked with coordinating coverage of Falun Gong in the state press, but it also influences other party and state institutions, including security agencies, in the anti-Falun Gong campaign.
Cook and Lemish speculate that the 610 Office was established outside of traditional state-run security systems for several reasons. First, because some officials within the military and security agencies practiced Falun Gong themselves. As a result, Jiang and other Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leaders feared that these organizations might already be in secret. Second, because they needed a skilled and powerful organization to coordinate the anti-Falun Gong campaign. Third, because the establishment of a top-level party organization sends the message down through the ranks that the anti-Falun Gong campaign is a priority; and finally, the party leaders did not want the anti-Falun Gong campaign to be hindered by legal or bureaucratic restrictions - which is why they founded the extra-legal 610 Office.
Soon after the establishment of the Central 610 Office, a parallel 610 Office was established at every administrative level, including provinces, districts, townships, and sometimes even the neighborhood level if there were Falun Gong practitioners living there. In some cases, these offices have even been established in large companies and universities. Each office now receives its orders from the 610 Office at a higher administrative level or from Communist Party authorities at the same organizational level. In turn, the local 610 Offices influence officials in other state and party bodies such as media organizations, local public security bureaus, and courts.
The structure of the 610 Office overlaps that of the Communist Party's Political and Legal Committee. Both Luo Gan and Zhou Yongkang headed both this committee and the 610 Office at the same time. This overlap is also reflected at the local level, where the 610 Office is regularly linked, sometimes even dividing, with the local Political and Legal Committee the office space.
The individual 610 offices at the local level show slight deviations in the organizational structure. One example of how local offices are organized comes from Leiyang City in Hunan Province . In 2008, the 610 Office there consisted of a "group group" and an "education group". The education group was responsible for the "propaganda work" and "re-education" of Falun Gong practitioners. The group was responsible for administrative and logistic tasks, intelligence gathering and the protection of confidential information.
James Tong wrote that the party's decision to run the anti-Falun Gong campaign by the Central Management Group on the Handling of Falun Gong and the 610 Office reflected "a pattern of institutional choice by the regime" to "ad hoc To use committees instead of permanent agencies, and therefore it placed its power in the upper ranks of the party instead of in functioning state bureaucracies. "
recruitment
Little is known about the local 610 Office recruitment process. On rare occasions when this information was available, it appeared that 610 Office officials from other parties or state agencies (such as Political and Legal Committee staff and Public Security Offices) were being used. Hao Fengjun, a defector and former employee of the Tianjin City 610 Office, was one such officer. Hao had previously worked for the Tianjin Public Security Bureau and was one of the chosen people to be transferred to the newly established 610 Office. According to Hao, although some officers volunteered for posts in the 610 Office, the selection was usually random. Some 610 Office also conducted their own recruiting efforts to get staff with university degrees.
Responsibility system
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/dd/Arrest_of_Falung_Gong_Practitioners_in_China.jpg/321px-Arrest_of_Falung_Gong_Practitioners_in_China.jpg)
To ensure compliance with the Party's anti-Falun Gong policy, the 610 Office implemented a system of accountability that was extended to the basic levels of society. Under this system, the local authorities are held responsible for all outcomes that are related to Falun Gong under their jurisdiction. A system of fines was imposed on regions and officials who did not properly persecute Falun Gong. "This showed that the government was still relying on ad hoc patchwork of edicts, orders and personal connections rather than creating a modern system to govern China," Johnson wrote.
An example of this accountability system was shown in dealing with demonstrators who traveled to Beijing in the early years of the persecution. After the persecution of Falun Gong began in 1999, hundreds of Falun Gong practitioners went to Tiananmen Square or petition offices in Beijing every day to appeal for their rights. In order to stem the flow of demonstrators into the capital, the Central 610 Office blamed local authorities for preventing anyone from their area from traveling to Beijing. "The state government fined mayors and counties for every Falun Gong practitioner in their county who went to Beijing," Johnson wrote. The mayors and county leaders then fined the heads of their local 610 Offices or branches of the Political and Legal Committee, who in turn fined the village chiefs, who subsequently fined the police. The police administered fines to Falun Gong practitioners and periodically demanded money from them to recoup the costs. Johnson wrote that these fines were illegal because no law or ordinance was ever enacted listing these fines. Government representatives only announced it orally in meetings. A Chinese official told Johnson that there was never anything in writing about it, as it should be avoided that such practices are made public.
Functions
Surveillance and espionage
The main duties of the 610 Office include monitoring Falun Gong practitioners and collecting intelligence. At the local level, this involved monitoring workplaces and homes to identify Falun Gong practitioners so that known (or “registered”) Falun Gong practitioners could go to their homes on a daily basis. In addition, there was the coordination of the round-the-clock surveillance of the practitioners. The 610 Office does not conduct surveillance directly. Instead, the local authorities are ordered to do so and report to the 610 Office periodically. The base-level 610 offices then forward the collected information through the chain of operations to the 610 office above them. In many cases, surveillance is aimed at Falun Gong practitioners who have renounced the practice while imprisoned in prisons or labor camps in order to prevent them from "relapsing".
The 610 Office's information gathering is enhanced through the use of civilian informants who are paid for their information. It turned out that the local 610 Office offers substantial financial rewards for such information that leads to the arrest of Falun Gong practitioners. 24-hour hotlines were also set up for civilians to report activities related to Falun Gong. "Responsibility measures" have been adopted in some places, making employers, school authorities, neighborhood committees, and families responsible for monitoring and reporting Falun Gong practitioners within their ranks.
In addition to home surveillance, the 610 Office is said to be involved in overseas intelligence activities. Hao Fengjun, a former 610 agent and defector from Tianjin, said in a public press release in Melbourne, Australia in June 2005 that his job in the 610 Office consisted of collecting and analyzing intelligence reports on foreign Falun Gong populations , including in the United States, Canada and Australia. He added that the intelligence agency's spy network consists of three tiers: first, professional agents who come from the police academy and are paid to travel abroad; secondly, from “work colleagues” who appear as business people and are attached to foreign companies; and thirdly, “friends” who infiltrate foreign countries and “befriend” the Chinese and Westerners. All three levels work on monitoring Falun Gong, among other things.
In October 2005, Hao reported at a press conference of the International Society for Human Rights (ISHR) about further details of intelligence activities abroad: “A large part of the financial resources available for Chinese work abroad are used exclusively for public relations work against dissidents. The main expenses are used to bribe decision-makers. "Bribes and hush money payments are supposed to find willing buyers" in the states of the so-called free western world. According to Hao, China should try to "buy away any kind of criticism of human rights violations." At the press conference, Hao elaborated on his assigned role within the 610 Office: "As part of my work for the 610 Office ... I saw that the office, which was originally only responsible for Falun Gong, had received an add-on. In addition to Falun Gong and other Qi groups, 610 now persecutes a total of 14 religious groups, including the Protestant house churches and Catholics who are loyal to Rome. "
A week earlier, Chen Yonglin, who had worked as a diplomat at the Chinese consulate in Melbourne, had already turned to the media. However, according to his own statement, he was also a member of the 610 Office and was assigned to monitor and infiltrate Falun Gong practitioners, and to collect and share data on even the smallest connection to Falun Gong. Chen Yonglin said that there are 1,000 Chinese agents in Australia, comparing the 610 Office to Hitler's Gestapo: “If the 610 Office is compared to the Gestapo, it is not an exaggeration because it has used all possible means to bring down Falun Suppress gong. These methods also included physical and psychological annihilation. Given such a large population group, this can only be described as a policy of extermination. The comparison with the Gestapo is by no means exaggerated. "
Also in 2005, Tang Wenjuan, head of the consular department of the Chinese Embassy in Berlin , recruited German Falun Gong practitioner (of Chinese descent) Dr. John Zhou as an informant. Tang Wenjuan, agent from the Ministry of State Security, arranged a meeting between Zhou and three agents from the Berlin 610 Office in March 2006. One of these agents was Shanghai 610 Office head Xiaohua Z. and another was Chen Bin. During that meeting, it was agreed that Zhou would report directly to Chen Bin several times a week. First, Zhou provided the 610 Office with Falun Gong practitioners' email addresses. In 2009, he helped Chen with an email address that identified him as a trusted Falun Gong practitioner so he could go straight to an internal email server and access thousands of emails from Shanghai. He also provided Chen with other information relevant to the 610 Office, such as NTDTV's lawsuit against Eutelsat . Zhou claimed in the court that he had no idea that the men he was corresponding with were Chinese secret agents. However, he was informed and warned by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution after his first meeting in 2006, again in October 2009 and for the last time in January 2010. Since Zhou was constantly cooperating with agents from the 610 Office, he was charged with espionage in June 2011 sentenced to two years probation and a donation of 15,000 euros to Amnesty International. According to Der Spiegel , this case demonstrates "how important it is for the [Chinese] government to fight [Falun Gong]" and "refers to the extremely offensive approach being taken by the Chinese secret services."
propaganda
Agitation and demagoguery propaganda against Falun Gong is one of the primary tasks of the 610 Office, both at the central and local levels. The Central Leadership Group on the Handling of Falun Gong includes senior members of the Communist Party's Propaganda Department, including the Propaganda Minister and the deputy head of the Central Leadership Group on Propaganda and Ideological Work. This, combined with the organizational position of the 610 Office over the main news and propaganda organs, gives the office sufficient leverage to direct anti-Falun Gong propaganda efforts at a central level.
Tong noted that in late June 1999, the leading state newspapers started publishing the first "propaganda attacks" against Falun Gong. It began shortly after the establishment of the 610 Office, but before the campaign against Falun Gong was officially announced. The actions were monitored by Ding Guangen, the deputy head of the Central Leadership Group on the Handling of Falun Gong and the country’s propaganda chief. The first media attacks contained only veiled, indirect references to Falun Gong. The content aimed to ridicule “superstitions” and glorify the virtues of atheism. In the weeks leading up to the official start of the campaign, the Central Leadership Group and the 610 Office began to work on preparing a large number of books, editorials, and television programs denouncing Falun Gong that were published after July 20, 1999, when the campaign against Falun Gong officially began.
David Ownby writes that in the months after July 1999, the country's entire media apparatus “churned out hundreds of articles, books, and television reports against Falun Gong. The Chinese public had not seen such excess of propaganda since the height of the Cultural Revolution. ”State propaganda first used the appeal of scientific rationalism to argue that the worldview of Falun Gong is“ in complete opposition to science ”and communism stand The People's Daily newspaper claimed on July 27, 1999 that it was "a battle between theism and atheism, superstition and science, idealism and materialism." Other rhetoric that has appeared in the state press has centered on claims that Falun Gong has misled its followers and is dangerous to their health. To make the propaganda more accessible to the masses, the government published comic books comparing the Falun Gong founder to Lin Biao and Adolf Hitler .
The Central 610 Office also directs local 610 Offices to independently carry out propaganda against Falun Gong. This includes working with the local media and running basic campaigns to “train” target groups in schools and universities, state-owned companies, and social and commercial companies. For example, in 2008 the Central 610 Office issued a policy to engage in propaganda work to prevent Falun Gong from "interfering" with the Beijing Olympics. The campaign was published on government websites in every Chinese province.
Re-education and detention
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/2004-7-6-gao_rongrong3.jpg/220px-2004-7-6-gao_rongrong3.jpg)
610 Offices are working with local security agencies to monitor and track down Falun Gong practitioners. Many of these followers are then administratively sentenced to labor camp re-education or prison terms if they continue to practice and defend Falun Gong. The number of Falun Gong practitioners detained in China is estimated to be hundreds of thousands; Falun Gong practitioners are the majority in some facilities.
610 Offices across China operate an informal network of "transformation" facilities (called brainwashing centers). These facilities are specifically used to ideologically reprogram Falun Gong practitioners, subjecting them to physical and mental coercion to force them to give up Falun Gong. In 2001, the Central 610 Office issued an order that "all neighborhood committees, state institutions, and corporations" should begin using the facilities for transformation. Not a single Falun Gong practitioner should be spared, including high school students and the elderly. In the same year, the 610 Office reportedly passed orders that those who actively practice Falun Gong must be sent to prisons or labor camps, and those who do not renounce their belief in Falun Gong are socially isolated and from their families and employers should be monitored.
In 2010, the Central 610 Office launched a three-year campaign to intensify the "transformation" of well-known Falun Gong practitioners. Documents from local 610 Offices across the country disclosed details of the campaign, including setting re-education rates, and asking local authorities to force Falun Gong practitioners to attend sessions for re-education. If these measures fail and practitioners do not give up their practice, the practitioners will be detained in labor camps.
In addition to prisons, labor camps, and re-education facilities, the 610 Office can arbitrarily send sane Falun Gong practitioners to mental health facilities. In 2002, it was estimated that around 1,000 Falun Gong practitioners were being held against their will in mental hospitals where abuse was common.
Disruption of the judicial system
The majority of the detained Falun Gong practitioners are administratively sentenced to re-education by labor camps, but several thousand have also been sentenced to extended prison terms. Often this is done on charges of "working with a heretical organization to undermine the implementation of the law," a weakly expressed provision that often results in convictions of over 10 years.
Chinese human rights lawyers alleged that the 610 Office regularly interfered with legal cases involving Falun Gong practitioners and undermined the judges' ability to judge independently. Lawyer Jiang Tianyong has stated that cases where the accused are Falun Gong practitioners will be decided by the local 610 Office, rather than through legal action. In November 2008, two lawyers tried to represent Falun Gong practitioners in Heilongjiang . They noted that the presiding judge of the cases was seen meeting with 610 Office agents. Other lawyers, including Gao Zhisheng , Guo Guoting, and Wang Yajun , alleged that the 610 Office prevented them from seeing their Falun Gong clients or defending them in court.
Official documents support allegations of interference by the 610 Office. In 2009, two separate documents from Jilin Province and Liaoning Province stated that lawsuits against Falun Gong practitioners must be reviewed and approved by the 610 Office. The 610 Office has organizational ties to the Political and Legal Committee of the Communist Party of China, which enables it to exert great influence at both the central and local levels in the People's Supreme Court and the Ministry of Justice of the People's Republic of China .
Allegations of torture and homicide
Several sources reported that officials from the 610 Office were either involved in or ordered the torture of detained Falun Gong practitioners. In a letter to the Chinese leadership in 2005, prominent human rights attorney Gao Zhisheng said that 610 Office officials beat and sexually harassed Falun Gong practitioners: "Of all the true reports of incredible violence I have ever heard of; Of all the records of inhuman torture by the government on their own people, what shakes me most is the common practice that the 610 Office and police have attacked female genitals. ”Defector Hao Fengjun described one of his colleagues beat an elderly Falun Gong practitioner with an iron bar in the 610 Office. This event helped Hao in his decision to leave for Australia. The 2009 UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Killings reported allegations that the 610 Office was involved in the torture deaths of Falun Gong practitioners in Beijing prior to the 2008 Olympics.
Ian Johnson of the Wall Street Journal reported in 2000 that Falun Gong practitioners were tortured to death in the "transformation" facilities run by the 610 Office. The Central 610 Office informed the local authorities that they can use any means necessary to prevent Falun Gong practitioners from traveling to Beijing to protest the illegal ban. An order that is reported to have resulted in widespread ill-treatment in detention.
Advanced features
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4c/Chen_Guangcheng_at_US_Embassy_May_1%2C_2012.jpg/220px-Chen_Guangcheng_at_US_Embassy_May_1%2C_2012.jpg)
In 2003, the name of the Central Leadership Group for Handling Falun Gong was changed to "Central Leadership Group for Handling Heretical Religions". In the same year, her mandate was expanded to include the elimination of 28 other "heretical religions" and "harmful qigong practices". Although Falun Gong remained the primary concern of the 610 Office, there was evidence of local offices targeting members of other groups. Some of them have been identified as Buddhist or Protestant denominations. Again, the activities of the 610 Office consisted of monitoring members who appeared to be engaged in propaganda efforts and arresting and detaining those members.
In some cases, the 610 Office performed functions unrelated to monitoring and persecuting unrecognized religions. For example, the Economist newspaper reported that officials from the 610 Office were involved in enforcing the house arrest of Chen Guangcheng , a blind human rights lawyer . Chen Guangcheng became known for resisting forced abortion and forced sterilization .
In 2008 a new series of “Leading Groups” appeared with the mandate of “Maintaining Stability”. For this purpose, local offices were set up in each district of the large coastal cities, charged with “tracking down” anti-communist elements of the party. The Stability Maintenance branches overlap significantly with the local 610 Offices; sometimes they even share offices, staff and managers.
Cook and Lemish write that increasing reliance on ad hoc bodies, such as the 610 Office and Stability Maintaining Offices, may suggest that Communist Party leaders fear that existing state security services may be performing could be ineffective for their needs. That these officials increasingly rely on arbitrary, extra-legal and personalized security forces to protect their power not only bodes badly for China's human rights record, it would also threaten the stability of the CCP's internal policies if the work of the 610 Office becomes politicized.
present
On November 21, 2018, Bitter Winter , an online English-language magazine from CESNUR , published a Liaoning Provincial Secret Police document known as the 610 Office. The leaked Liaoning Province document calls for proactive attacks, high pressure intimidation, and the establishment of special forces as the key to an overall increased commitment to the persecution of Falun Gong . The document also calls for increased surveillance of Chinese social media and chat groups to control and censor their participants and prevent them from spreading messages about Falun Gong. The document also states that anyone by the 610 Office who provides information to the US-based Minghui.org, a website documenting the persecution of Falun Gong in China, should be targeted.
Observers: Massimo Introvigne , editor-in-chief of Bitter Winter and founder of CESNUR, an Italian non-profit center for new religion study that advocates religious freedom , told the Chinese-language Epoch Times that one should not believe the Chinese Communist Party is persecuting some groups because they are “extremist or violent”: “This is just Chinese propaganda. ... it simply persecutes groups that are growing rapidly and seen as potentially threatening to the Communist Party's cultural hegemony. ... False reports of extremist doctrines and violence are later created to justify the persecution. "Tina Mufford, assistant director of research and policy for the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom , described the document as alarming and worrying:" It is a Signal that the international community needs to pay more attention to marginalized communities like Falun Gong. ”Mufford added,“ It is so shocking because these are people who have done nothing wrong; they have broken no laws, they have committed no crimes, and yet the Chinese authorities are targeting and arresting them. ”Rosita Šoryte, president of the Italy-based International Observatory of Religious Liberty of Refugees (ORLIR), a research group that collaborates Employing and advocating refugees from religious persecution, wrote that "the Chinese authorities are continuing their policies of persecution, torture and extermination instead of dialogue and mutual respect and understanding."
Bibliography
- David A. Palmer: Qigong Fever: Body, Science, and Utopia in China. Columbia University Press, New York 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-14066-9 .
- David Ownby: Falun Gong and the Future of China. Oxford University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-19-532905-6 .
- Gao Zhisheng: A China More Just. Broad Press, San Diego 2007, ISBN 1-932674-36-5 .
- Ian Johnson: Wild Grass: Three Portraits of Change in Modern China. NY: Vintage, New York 2005, ISBN 0-375-71919-9 .
- James Tong: Revenge of the Forbidden City, The Suppression of the Falungong in China. 1999-2005, Oxford University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-19-537728-6 .
- Lionel M. Jensen, Timothy B. Weston: China's Transformations: The Stories Beyond the Headlines. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, United States 2007, ISBN 0-7425-3863-X . (Chapter 4, David Ownby: Qigong, Falun Gong, and the Body Politic in Contemporary China )
- Mickey Spiegel: Dangerous Meditation: China's Campaign Against Falungong. Human Rights Watch, 2002, ISBN 1-56432-270-X .
Web links
- Falun Dafa Information Center: 610 Office
- US State Department: China's Human Rights Record and Falun Gong
- Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution: Report on the Protection of the Constitution 2011
Individual evidence
- ↑ 公安部 副 部长 傅 政 华 已 担任 中央 610 办公室 主任 . (No longer available online.) Changzhi County Public Security Bureau , Sept. 28, 2015, archived from the original on Oct. 30, 2016 ; Retrieved October 30, 2016 (Chinese). Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- ↑ 中央 第十四 巡视组 专项 巡视 中央 防范 和 处理 邪教 问题 领导 小组 办公室 工作 动员 会 召开 . Central Disciplinary Commission of the Communist Party of China , July 7, 2016, accessed October 30, 2016 (Chinese).
- ↑ a b Larry Ong, Inspection of 'Chinese Gestapo' Begins With Unusual Announcement , Epoch Times, July 8, 2016, accessed October 24, 2016
- Jump up ↑ Mickey Spiegel, Dangerous Meditation: China's Campaign Against Falungong , New York: Human Rights Watch, 2002. ISBN 1-56432-270-X , accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Sarah Cook; Leeshai Lemish, The 610 Office: Policing the Chinese Spirit , China Brief 11 (17), September 16, 2011, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution: Report on the Protection of the Constitution 2011 ( Memento of April 18, 2013 in the Internet Archive ), page 391, accessed on February 9, 2018
- ^ A b Communist Party Calls for Increased Efforts To "Transform" Falun Gong Practitioners as Part of Three-Year Campaign , Congressional Executive Commission on China, March 22, 2011, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v James Tong, Revenge of the Forbidden City: The Suppression of Falungong in China, 1999–2005 , New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN 0-19-537728-1 , accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ 中共中央 印发 《深化 党 和 国家 机构 改革 方案 , Xinhuanet, March 21, 2018, accessed March 26, 2018
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Annual Report 2008 , Congressional-Executive Commission on China, October 31, 2008, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i Annual Report 2009 , Congressional-Executive Commission on China, October 10, 2009, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b c David Ownby, Falun Gong and the Future of China , New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-19-532905-6 , accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b David Palmer, Qigong Fever: Body, Science and Utopia in China , New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2007. ISBN 0-231-14066-5 , accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ Ethan Gutmann, An Occurrence on Fuyou Street , National Review, July 20, 2009, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ Jiang Zemin, "Letter to Party cadres on the evening of April 25, 1999," republished in Beijing Zhichun (Beijing Spring) No. 97, June 2001
- ^ A b c d e Ian Johnson, Wild Grass: Three Portraits of Change in Modern China , New York, NY: Vintage, pp. 251-252; 283–287, 2004. ISBN 0-375-71919-9 , accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ a b c d Yiyang Xia, The illegality of China's Falun Gong crackdown — and today's rule of law repercussions (PDF) , European Parliament, June 2011, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b Fengjun Hao, Hao Fengjun: Why I Escaped from China (Part II) ( Memento of December 25, 2013 Internet Archive ), The Epoch Times, June 10, 2005 web.archive.org, accessed on 27 October 2016
- ↑ Gary Hughes, Tom Allard, Fresh from the Secret Force, a spy downloads on China , Sydney Morning Herald, June 9, 2005, accessed February 9, 2018
- ↑ Hao Fengjun, Chinese defectors report on persecution and secret service practices ( memento of the original from January 19, 2018 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , ISHR, October 27, 2005, accessed on February 9, 2018
- ↑ Arte 7 Documentation - The Thousand-Headed Dragon ( Memento from October 31, 2016 in the Internet Archive ), ARTE, October 25, 2016, accessed on February 9, 2018
- ↑ a b Sven Röbel, Holger Stark, A Chapter from the Cold War Reopens: Espionage Probe Casts Shadow on Ties with China , Spiegel International, June 30, 2010, accessed October 27, 2016
- ^ Matthew Robertson; Yu Tian, Man Convicted of Spying on Falun Gong in Germany , The Epoch Times, June 12, 2011, accessed October 27, 2016
- ^ Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution: Report on the Protection of the Constitution 2011 ( Memento from April 18, 2013 in the Internet Archive ), page 394, accessed on February 9, 2018
- ↑ David Ownby, Qigong, Falun Gong, and the Body Politic in Contemporary China , in China's transformations: the stories beyond the headlines, Lionel M. Jensen, Timothy B. Weston ed. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007. ISBN 0-7425-3863-X , accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ Xing Lu, Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: the impact on Chinese thought, culture, and communication , University of South Carolina Press, 2004, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ Seth Faison, If it's a Comic Book, Why is Nobody Laughing? , New York Times, August 17, 1999, accessed October 27, 2016
- ^ Amnesty International, 2006 Annual Report on China , accessed October 27, 201
- ↑ Sara Davis, Mike Göttig, C. Christine, We Could Disappear at Any Time: Retaliation and Abuses against Chinese Petitioners , New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, December 8, 2005. Retrieved on October 27, 2016
- ↑ John Pomfret, Philip Pan, Torture is Breaking Falun Gong: China Systematically Eradicating Group , The Washington Post, August 5, 2001, accessed October 27, 2016
- ^ Charles Hutzler, Falun Gong Feels Effect of China's Tighter Grip, The Asian Wall Street Journal, April 26, 2001
- ^ Sunny Y. Lu; Viviana B. Galli, Psychiatric abuse of Falun Gong practitioners in China. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry Law 30: 126-30, 2002, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ 2010 Annual Report , Falun Dafa Information Center, April 25, 2010, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ China: Lawyer Barred from Representing Client by "6-10" Agents , Human Rights in China, September 10, 2009, accessed October 27, 2016
- ^ Gao Zhisheng, A China More Just . Broad Press, 2007. ISBN 1-932674-36-5 , accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ Ethan Gutmann, Hacker Nation: China's Cyber Assault ( Memento of the original from December 24, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , World Affairs Journal, May / June 2010, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ Philip Alston, Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions , May 29, 2009, accessed October 27, 2016
- ^ Ian Johnson, Death Trap: How One Chinese City Resorted to Atrocities to Control Falun Dafa , Wall Street Journal, December 26, 2000, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ Bryan Edelman and James T. Richardson, Falun Gong and the Law: Development of Legal Social Control in China , Nova Religio 6.2, 325, 2003, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ Willy Lam, China's New Security State , Wall Street Journal, December 9, 2009, accessed October 27, 2016
- ↑ a b c Chorus of International Criticism Grows for China's Recent Ramping-Up of Falun Gong Persecution in Chinese Province , The Epoch Times, December 2, 2018, accessed December 3, 2018
- ↑ CCP Calls for Crackdown Against Whistleblowers and Media , Bitter Winter, November 21, 2018, accessed December 3, 2918