Heroic realism

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The heroic realism is a term used by the lawyer and Nazi politician Werner Best introduced in 1930, that of Ernst Jünger was popularized and an attitude and belief referred. What is meant is an attitude of "holding out on a losing streak". As such, “heroic realism” is a central conception of the “ conservative revolution ”.

Prehistory of the term

According to the Germanist Werner Hof, the term “skeptical enthusiasm ” appeared as a forerunner of the word “heroic realism” in an essay by the young conservative historian Hans Roeseler in 1922 in the reverse pairing of the elements , which, according to Roeseler, “was the spirit of the truly revolutionary young Germans Generation "will be.

Nietzsche as an artilleryman, 1868

According to the French Germanist, philosopher and sociologist Gilbert Merlio, pre-forms of this attitude can already be found in the 19th century, when the heroic worldview often appeared as the answer to the modernity's crisis of meaning and identity . The development of the heroic worldview from Schiller's concept of the sublime or dignity to the genius or heroic conception of romanticism to Nietzsche's superman and amor fati could be followed . According to Werner Hof, the philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche took the view that the world can only be justified aesthetically , but not ethically . The heroic attitude, which could still be understood as an ethical factor, is only valued for its beauty. It carries its value in itself, not in a why. The heroic realism, according to the German scholar Martin Lindner, is basically "nothing more than an updated new edition of Nietzsche's demand for a" dangerous life "."

Oswald Spengler , according to the Polish Germanist Maciej Walkowiak, did not use “heroic realism” but spoke in 1930 of “brave pessimism” or “brave skepticism ” and referred to Nietzsche's amor fati . His “brave skepticism” corresponds clearly to the “skeptical enthusiasm” of Arthur Moeller van den Bruck , who linked skepticism and pessimistic assessment with increased and immediate power of action. In 1931 in Man and Technology he wrote:

“Time cannot be stopped; there is no wise repentance, no wise renunciation. Only dreamers believe in ways out. Optimism is cowardice. We were born in this time and must bravely walk the path that is destined to us to an end. There is no other. It is a duty to endure the lost post without hope, without salvation. Persevering like that Roman soldier whose bones were found in front of a gate in Pompeii , who died because they forgot to relieve him when Vesuvius erupted. That is size, that is, race. This honest ending is the only thing that cannot be stolen from people. "

Concept formation and popularization

Werner Best

The anthology War and Warriors , in which War and Law was published in 1930

The word creation "heroic realism" as a term for an "illusion-free attitude to life with ongoing readiness to fight" is attributed to the lawyer Werner Best ( NSDAP member). With reference to Jünger and the Nietzsche compilation Der Wille zur Macht , Best formulated in his 1930 essay War and Law , in the anthology War and Warrior edited by Ernst Jünger, his “heroic realism” against a “utopian-rationalist” and “ moralistic-idealistic “world of ideas. In it, he described nationalism as an “inner attitude” that affirmed the “peaceful reality, filled with struggle and tension” of the world. The communist Hilarius Berg commented on Best's essay in a contemporary analysis in 1930: “The instinct that rules life can only have one meaning: struggle. It is eternal war: "Because this 'reality' is called war, it is called tension, it is the inadequacy of every regulation and order". A goal would be said too much, since war is a biological matter of course. Not even the success of the fight is important: "

“It is not the victory that determines the value of the fight. The hope of victory should not even be the determining factor for the fighter. "

According to Berg, the end in itself of the war, strangely enough, determines heroic thinking on the one hand, and heroic morality on the other: "While Friedrich Georg Jünger puts forward the thesis that the purity of heroic thinking can be measured by the degree to which it avoids To portray war as a moral phenomenon, Best sees heroic morality in the affirmation of a lost battle for a lost cause. ”Best described this attitude as “ heroic-realistic ”. The “heroic realism” distinguishes the New Nationalism from all utopian or idealistic positions that take a critical position compared to the existing conditions. From Best's essay, according to German scholar Helmuth Kiesel , speaks of the lawyer and activist who wants to create legal freedom for his future actions through precise legal arguments.

According to the historian Hans-Ulrich Thamer , the later SS-Obergruppenführer Werner Best defined "the norms of action of National Socialism and thus above all of the SS" as early as 1930 in clear reference to Ernst Jünger's conception of man. The Dutch German scholar Jan Ipema was of the opinion: "Despite Best's National Socialist character, this must be seen as a view that was incompatible with the parvenu-like goals of National Socialism." Where he revealed himself to be a student of Jünger, Best had to be "as Lone wolf among his comrades ”. Werner Best believed in 1930 in a “good fight” and in a “heroic morality”, according to the historian Hans-Jürgen Eitner, “but the heroic SS fighter will receive orders that include crimes out of alleged political necessity only as human objects. technical performance. Because the SS man gave his conscience to the Fiihrer Hitler for his use ”. The historian Hans Buchheim drew the following conclusion: “Whoever doesn’t care what for, but only how he fights, is uniquely disposed to act heroically under certain circumstances for criminal goals. While the heroic fighter thinks he is on his own, he is taken into the service of the totalitarian claim along with this dubious basis of his existence - and either notices it at all or too late. "

Ernst Jünger

" The fight as an inner experience "

The term “heroic realism” popularized by Jünger is, according to Gilbert Merlio, “a subsequent theoretical or ideological processing of the war experience”. Like many of his contemporaries, Jünger initially expected a new departure, a renewal of culture, from the First World War . In the material battles and position battles, however, this initial romantic enthusiasm for war soon gave way to another experience, that of "heroic realism". In the warlike " steel thunderstorm ", according to Merlio, "the front soldier no longer knows what values he is fighting and suffering for". Rolf Peter Sieferle writes about it: “This is the attitude of the fighter in the material battle who stands firm without recognizing the enemy.” Jünger wrote in 1922 in Der Kampf as an inner experience :

Fallen German soldiers at Guillemont, 1916

"What is important is not what we fight for, but how we fight."

The media scientist Harro Segeberg described this as a “mixture of horror and fascination” with which the storm troop leader Ernst Jünger “transformed the mass death of material battles into the sacred aesthetics of a heroic-tragic creation of the century”. For the historian Daniel Morat, the “combination of 'apocalyptic and willingness to use violence', which has already been mentioned several times as a characteristic of the Conservative Revolution (...) is evident in the further development of that attitude of activist agreement with modernity, which is perceived as fateful, the disciples in his nationalist articles and which has now been given the name of 'heroic realism'. "

" The heroic realism "

While Ludwig Klages contrasts the modern man, who devastates the whole earth with the help of the "murder tool technology", the prehistoric man close to nature as a kind of role model, according to the philosopher Michael Großheim , Jünger does not allow any escape routes. He advocates a "heroic realism" that renounces sentimental illusions and shows itself to be equal to the force and speed of the processes. According to Daniel Morat, Jünger's response to dependence on technology in 1927 was to accept it as a fateful fact and to assert it:

“Even if it is not our intention, it is our innermost will to sacrifice our freedom , to give up ourselves as individuals and to melt into a large circle of life in which the individual is just as little independent as a cell that is involved in the Separation from the body must die. "

At the same time, Jünger emphasized the heroic dimension of this self-disclosure:

"Nationalism is the first attempt to face a brutal reality with brutality."

Jünger used the term “heroic realism” for the first time in 1930 in the title of an article for The Literary World , which he drew as “Ernst Jünger (Young National Movement)”. "Heroic realism" functioned here as a term for a "modern nationalism": "He does not look for the solutions, but the conflicts - the eternal meaning of life seems to him to be embedded in their sharpness and inexorability." According to media scientist Karl Prümm , to understand "a deeper substance of the real," that layer of an unconditional reality ", to see one's own existence as a" symbol of a deeper and more powerful life ". So it is important to accept the political present as a zone of danger, to accept the emerging conflicts as an expression of an "eternal meaning", to work towards an intensification of this dramatic scenario and to insist on the "unconditional decision".

It was Karl Löwith who, as early as 1935 , recognized a key characteristic in Carl Schmitt's thinking in the “Decision for Decision-Making” and thus postulated a central problem of decisionism as an expression of revolutionary conservatism. Analogously, Löwith saw the heroic realism of Jünger as politically devoid of content.

" The worker "

In his essay Der Arbeiter , Jünger linked “heroic realism” with the problem of technology in a special way. According to Daniel Morat, this document represents the combination of "apocalypticism and readiness for violence" that he described as hallmarks of the Conservative Revolution. With regard to the book, the German scholar Martin Lindner states: “ According to Jünger, “ life ”as it is in today's technical civilization must not be negated - neither by pessimistic flight from the world nor by unrealistic utopianism . He rejects any "evaluation" of reality: "Life disregards such objections as inadmissible, and it is the task of heroic realism to confirm itself nonetheless and precisely for that reason."

According to the conservative revolutionary apologist Armin Mohler, “heroic realism” should not be a fatalism , but “a special concept of freedom”. This concept of freedom, according to the German scholar and historian Nadja Thomas, contradicts the liberal understanding of freedom and confirms the anti-liberal gesture of the “conservative revolution”. Mohler illustrated this “special concept of freedom” with a quote from Jünger's essay “The Worker”, the “Bible of Heroic Realism”:

“The attitude of the individual is made more difficult by the fact that he himself is opposed, that is, is in the foremost fighting and working position. To pause in this position and yet not to be absorbed in it, to be not only material but at the same time bearer of fate, to understand life not only as a field of necessity, but at the same time of freedom - this is a faculty that has already been characterized as heroic realism has been."

In the picture of “holding out on a losing streak”, “heroic realism” shows the essential basic motif of the “conservative revolution”, according to Richard Herzinger . This “contemplative attitude” makes the interpretive approach clear, which enabled intellectuals of the “Conservative Revolution” after 1945 to reinterpret their more or less strong ideological entanglements in National Socialism in their favor. From a “Dionysian victim attitude” cultivated in “heroic realism”, fascism is subsequently understood as a “necessary cleansing catastrophe” in which a new culture can only grow out of a final destruction of the old culture. In this way, National Socialism is given a meaning retrospectively and one's own passive behavior is valued as “enduring a losing position”.

reception

Gottfried Benn

Gottfried Benn, together with Ernst Jünger and Josef Weinheber , was described by Walter Hof as “the most important representative of heroic realism”: “It was only with them that the attempt to break through to a new category became the main concern, a category , in the field of poetry and essay writing that wants to be radically “non-bourgeois” in that sense. ”According to Hof, heroic realism is“ an aestheticized existentialism, an existential aestheticism ”.

According to the Germanist Hans Esselborn, Gottfried Benn's lyrical oeuvre can be classified under the heading of “heroic nihilism” from 1933 onwards. In his poems, the acceptance or even the demand for an unmotivated and unrewarded sacrifice of individual life and happiness for an abstract generality reveals a heroic attitude, similar to that of the "militant nationalists" around Ernst Jünger. This “heroic nihilism”, according to the literary scholar Joachim Vahland, “marks an end position in the history of pessimistic-nihilistic currents in German literature which, in its most extreme formulations, exposes all metaphysical “ solutions ”as superstructural ideologies and, true to the imperative,“ has a lack in reconciliation »accepts metaphysical homelessness - in order to disguise it heroically at the same time."

Martin Heidegger

According to the historian Daniel Morat, there are analogies between Martin Heidegger's (NSDAP member) early “heroic existentialism ” and the “heroic realism” of the Jünger brothers. As early as 1920 he referred to Oswald Spengler in a lecture. The “contempt for happiness” is reminiscent of Jünger's soldier heroism. The “existential imperative ” implicitly transported in Sein und Zeit 1927 (“Be actually !”), According to Morat, is no coincidence that reminds of the expression of the free German youth of 1913, “of their own determination, before their own responsibility, with inner truthfulness their own life to want to shape ”. The design of the actual being to death , so Reinhard Mehring , as a "-forwarding into the possibility "'ve Thomas Rentsch as "soldier's heroic image existence" and referred to as "existence ideal of death-defying front fighter". Opponent, according to Walter Hof, is not the nihil that is made an ally. Opponent is the "everyday life, the bourgeois world of the" man "". Heidegger thus became a "philosopher of the conservative revolution". With the categories “choosing one's choice”, inheritance, fate, community and people, Daniel Morat refers to Heidegger's context of arguments in “Being and Time”, which proves the participation of his existential ontology in the decisionist thinking of the “conservative revolution”. Heidegger's “heroic existentialism” had to be further developed into a “political existentialism”, which took place in several steps in the lectures from 1928 to 1930 before he joined the NSDAP in 1933 (see Martin Heidegger and National Socialism ).

Albert Leo Schlageter's execution by French troops (painting)

According to Karl Löwith, Heidegger's leap from the ontological analysis of death to the heroization of Schlageter in June 1933 was only a “transition from an isolated existence to an ever general, but no less isolated existence, namely German.” According to the philosopher James M. Demske The Greek image of human existence drawn by Heidegger in Introduction to Metaphysics in 1935 can be described as “heroic-tragic” in relation to his interpretation of Antigone , even if he does not admit to any “heroic-tragicism” as a philosophy. According to Daniel Morat, Heidegger distanced himself in 1939 from the concept of heroism, which he no longer considered appropriate to initiate the overcoming of nihilism. Nietzsche's “active nihilism” is at the same time “extreme realism” and Jünger's “heroic realism” is nihilism. In the afterword to What is Metaphysics? In 1943 he expressly refused that he was “trying to gain the impression of a“ heroic philosophy ””.

Alfred Baeumler

It was Alfred Baeumler (NSDAP member), according to the philosopher Hans-Martin Gerlach , who, with his edition of the Kröner edition, created a "mass-effective basic requirement" for Nietzsche's reception under National Socialism. Baeumler was of the opinion that the positions of "heroic realism" fundamentally characterize the philosopher Nietzsche. From Baeumler's point of view, according to the philosopher Andreas Urs Sommer , Nietzsche was not a “moralist, humanitarian or pacifist”; rather, he was guided by the idea that the "struggle [...] is the father of all things". For Baeumlers, Nietzsche's worldview was “not Dionysian , but Heraclitic ” and he used the term “heroic realism” as a formula for this worldview. Karl Löwith commented: "Baeumler completely misunderstands the nature of Nietzsche's heroism, because he does not see it together with its apparent opposite: the tendency to suffering and to the idyll ."

According to Horsa Harald Schacht, Baeumler tried to bring very different aspects under the term “heroic realism”. If necessary, the “will to power” was quoted. Since the fragmentary and aphoristic in Nietzsche's philosophical work could not be denied, Baeumler tried his own system , which, by emphasizing vitality , action or a “ Viking nobility”, assumed a “Nordic-tense nature of Nietzsche”. Over and above the Greek idea of ​​competition, a pure fighting ethic emerged, which Baeumler wanted to make usable for his ideas about leadership and empire. The contemporary philosopher Theodor Schwarz stated: “Typical of Baeumler's“ heroic realism ”is his saying:“ It is by no means indifferent whether you say: Hitler or: the idea ”[...]“ Hitler is no less than that Idea, it is more than the idea, because it is real. ”“ Essentially, ”says Theodor Schwarz,“ Baeumler's realism consists in the rejection of the idea of ​​a free-floating spirit and in the doctrine of the racially conditioned nature of thought. ”

SS and Waffen-SS

5th SS Panzer Division "Wiking"

About Werner Best, the creator of the term “heroic realism” and Ernst Jünger, who formulated the basic ideas for this, “heroic realism” as “struggle for the sake of struggle” became part of the Nazi ideology and especially of the SS. Best was since 1934 close collaborator of Reinhard Heydrich .

However, according to Hans Buchheim, “heroic realism” “did not pose the question of truth, but rather that of correct moral behavior; it had arisen from a philosophical attitude in general. The SS, on the other hand, owed its existence and its special position within the National Socialist movement to no intellectual motives, but exclusively to banal practical purposes ”. While the fighter of “heroic realism” was characterized “by the complete freedom from a purpose of his ethics and by absolute independence”, the SS fighter had to be “unrestricted and available for any purpose”. According to Buchheim, it was significant that Werner Best, as the inventor of the term “heroic realism”, ultimately failed “on the master of pragmatism, Reinhard Heydrich, who was not confused by ideal ideas”, and left the security police after violent disputes. “Despite all the differences,” says Buchheim, “the affinity between heroic realism and pragmatism is obvious; it is understandable why a purely purposeful organization draped itself with a wholly unsuitable ideology. For it is precisely the extreme subjectivism of the heroic fighter, who regards every objective factual reference as insignificant, can be made to serve any purpose if one only ensures that the hero's subjective balance of conscience remains balanced ”.

The supposed "decency" with which the Nazi criminals described themselves after 1945 should distinguish them from criminals in their self-view. They identified themselves as belonging to an elite that had renounced “fame” for a historically necessary deed. But it was the “bare achievement mentality”, emphasizes Hans Buchheim, that actually dominated the SS. Heroism served "as a vehicle and dressing up", the "heroic myth" became a conception of Nazi propaganda and achieved "its greatest significance in the war against the Soviet Union". While H. Buchheim stated that the heroism “may also have really developed in the fighting troops of the Waffen SS”, L. Lehnhardt pointed out that this evaluation was spread in reports in SS newspapers. L.-B. Keil and SF Kellerhoff attribute the formulation of the heroic struggle between the Wehrmacht and the Waffen SS today to neo-Nazis and anti-Semites.

See also

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Walter Hof: The way to heroic realism. Pessimism and nihilism in German literature from Hamerling to Benn. Bebenhausen 1974, p. 235 f.
  2. ↑ Hans Roeseler: Monism and Dualism as Metapolitical Basic Views, in: Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Heinrich von Gleichen, Max Hildebert Böhm (Ed.): The New Front . Gebr. Paetel, Berlin 1922, pp. 47–57, here: 57.
  3. ↑ Gilbert Merlio: The so-called "heroic realism" as the basic attitude of Weimar neo-conservatism . In: Manfred Gangl / Gerard Raulet (ed.): Intellectual discourses in the Weimar Republic. On the political culture of a mixed bag. Frankfurt a. M. 2007, p. 395.
  4. ↑ Werner Hof, The way to heroic realism: pessimism u. Nihilism in German literature from Hamerling to Benn , Rotsch 1974, p. 240
  5. ^ A b Martin Lindner: Life in the Crisis. Time novels of the new objectivity and the intellectual mentality of classical modernism. Stuttgart 1994, p. 93.
  6. ↑ Maciej Walkowiak: Art, history and location of the intellectual, Gottfried Benn and the controversies surrounding modernity , Frankfurt a. M. 2006, p. 163 regarding “Brave pessimism”: Lecture by Oswald Spengler in Hamburg ( Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung , February 5, 1930).
  7. ↑ Quotation from Gilbert Merlio: The so-called “heroic realism” as the basic attitude of Weimar neo-conservatism . In: Manfred Gangl / Gerard Raulet (ed.): Intellectual discourses in the Weimar Republic. On the political culture of a mixed bag. Frankfurt a. M. 2007, p. 403.
  8. ↑ a b c Christoph Schweer, Nietzsche and the Heroic Realism of the Conservative Revolution , In: v. Kaufmann, Sebastian / Sommer, Andreas Urs, Nietzsche and the Conservative Revolution , Walter de Gruyter 2018, p. 87
  9. ↑ a b Steffen Martus : Ernst Jünger . Metzler, Stuttgart and Weimar 2001, p. 64.
  10. ↑ Ronald Smelser, Die brown Elite , Volume 1, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1994, p. 14
  11. ^ A b Hilarius Berg: The ideological foundations of the right-wing radical movement, in: Sozialistische Bildung (Dietz 1930), p. 200f.
  12. ↑ Best quotation from Hilarius Berg: The ideological foundations of the radical right-wing movement, in: Sozialistische Bildung (Dietz 1930), p. 200.
  13. ↑ Helmuth Kiesel, Ernst Jünger. The biography. Siedler, Munich 2007, p. 340.
  14. ↑ Hans-Ulrich Thamer: National Socialist Cult and Extermination Policy. Heinrich Himmler on the Wewelsburg and the plans of the " Operation Barbarossa", in: Westfälische Zeitschrift Vol. 153 (2003), pp. 327–338, here: 332.
  15. ↑ Jan Ipema: Ernst Jünger in the Netherlands , in: Leopold RG Decloedt: The often stony path to success: Literature from Germany in the Dutch-speaking area 1900-2000. Amsterdam: Rodopi 2004, 89-113, here: 93.
  16. ^ Hans-Jürgen Eitner: Hitler's Germans. The end of a taboo, Gernsbach, Casimir Katz 1991, p. 367.
  17. ↑ Hans Buchheim: The SS - the instrument of rule: command and obedience. In: Buchheim / Broszat / Jacobsen / Krausnick (ed.): Anatomy of the SS state. Vol. 1. Munich, DTV, 1994, p. 240.
  18. ↑ Gilbert Merlio: The so-called "heroic realism" as the basic attitude of Weimar neo-conservatism . In: Manfred Gangl / Gerard Raulet (ed.): Intellectual discourses in the Weimar Republic. On the political culture of a mixed bag. Frankfurt a. M. 2007, p. 400.
  19. ^ Rolf Peter Sieferle: "Ernst Jünger's attempt to heroically overcome the criticism of technology", in: Günter Figal and Rolf-Peter Sieferle, Self- Understanding of Modernity, Stuttgart 1991, pp. 133-174.
  20. ↑ Quotation from Gilbert Merlio: The so-called “heroic realism” as the basic attitude of Weimar neo-conservatism . In: Manfred Gangl / Gerard Raulet (ed.): Intellectual discourses in the Weimar Republic. On the political culture of a mixed bag. Frankfurt a. M. 2007, p. 401.
  21. ↑ Harro Segeberg: "We are mistaken forwards". On the function of the utopian in Ernst Jünger's work. In: Lutz Hagestedt (Ed.): Ernst Jünger. Politics - Myth - Art. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter 2004, p. 406.
  22. ↑ a b c Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 80.
  23. ^ Michael Großheim: Ernst Jünger and the modern age. Adnotes to the "worker". In: Günther Figal and Heimo Schwilk (eds.): Magic of cheerfulness. Ernst Jünger zum Hundertsten, Stuttgart 1995, pp. 147–168, here: p. 149.
  24. ↑ Quoted from Kurt Sontheimer, Antidemocratic Thinking in the Weimar Republic: the political ideas of German nationalism between 1918 and 1933 , Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung 1964, p.
  25. ↑ Quotation from Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 81.
  26. ↑ Klaus Frieder Bastian, The Political in Ernst Jünger: Nonconformism and Compromise of Inwardness , Ruprecht-Karl University 1963, p. 276
  27. ↑ Quoted from Christoph Schweer, Nietzsche and the Heroic Realism of the Conservative Revolution , In: Sebastian Kaufmann, Andreas Urs Sommer, Nietzsche and the Conservative Revolution , Walter de Gruyter 2018, p. 89
  28. ↑ Karl Prümm, machine specifications, moments. Ernst Jünger as media theorist , In: Lutz Hagestedt, Ernst Jünger: Politics - Mythos - Art , Walter de Gruyter 2012, p. 364
  29. ↑ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 43.
  30. ↑ Nadja Thomas: The uprising against the secondary world - Botho Strauss and the "Conservative Revolution". Königshausen & Neumann, 2003, p. 126 ff.
  31. ↑ Quoted from Nadja Thomas, The uprising against the secondary world - Botho Strauss and the “Conservative Revolution”. Königshausen & Neumann, 2003, p. 130
  32. ↑ Nadja Thomas: The uprising against the secondary world - Botho Strauss and the "Conservative Revolution". Königshausen & Neumann, 2003, p. 126.
  33. ↑ Christoph Schweer, Nietzsche and the Heroic Realism of the Conservative Revolution , In: v. Kaufmann, Sebastian / Sommer, Andreas Urs, Nietzsche and the Conservative Revolution , Walter de Gruyter 2018, p. 74
  34. ↑ Walter Hof: The way to heroic realism. Pessimism and nihilism in German literature from Hamerling to Benn , Bebenhausen 1974, p. 240.
  35. ↑ Hans Esselborn: The short excursion into the heroic. Gottfried Benn's poetry from the 1930s. In: Joachim Dyck / Hermann Korte / Nadine Jessica Schmidt (eds.): Contributions to literary modernity, Vol. 3 (2011/2012), Berlin, New York 2013, pp. 149f.
  36. ↑ Joachim Vahland: Gottfried Benn. The unreconciled contradiction. Heidelberg 1979, p. 61.
  37. ↑ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 147.
  38. ↑ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 114.
  39. ↑ a b Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 111.
  40. ↑ Reinhard Mehring, Heidegger's tradition of delivery: a Dionysian self-staging , Königshausen & Neumann 1992, p. 26
  41. ↑ Walter Hof: The way to heroic realism. Pessimism and nihilism in German literature from Hamerling to Benn. Bebenhausen 1974, p. 228f.
  42. ↑ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, summary of key statements from pages 111-115
  43. ^ Karl Löwith: My life in Germany before and after 1933. Stuttgart 2007, p. 38.
  44. ↑ James M. Demske: Being, man and death. The problem of death in Martin Heidegger, Freiburg - Munich, Alber, 1963, p. 115ff.
  45. ↑ Daniel Morat: From action to serenity . Göttingen 2007, p. 165.
  46. ↑ James M. Demske: Being, man and death. The problem of death in Martin Heidegger, Freiburg - Munich, Alber, 1963, p. 117.
  47. ↑ Hans-Martin Gerlach, Nietzsche im left and right distorting mirror , In: Renate Reschke, Antike und Romantik bei Nietzsche , Walter de Gruyter 2009, p. 105
  48. ↑ Andreas Urs Sommer, Nietzsche katalytisch, In: Renate Reschke, Marco Brusotti, "Some are born posthumously": Friedrich Nietzsche's effects , Walter de Gruyter 2012, p. 31
  49. ^ Karl Löwith: Nietzsche's Philosophy of the Eternal Return of the Same, Hamburg 1986, p. 211.
  50. ^ Horsa Harald Schacht: Friedrich Nietzsche - still controversial. In: DtStud. 13. 1975. pp. 32-50, here: 35.
  51. ↑ Theodor Schwarz: Irrationalism and Humanism, Critique of an Imperialist Ideology. Zurich / New York, Der Aufbruch, 1944, p. 40.
  52. ↑ Hans Buchheim, Anatomy of the SS State: The SS, the instrument of rule. Command and obedience. Walter-Verlag 1965, p. 281
  53. ↑ Hans Buchheim, Anatomy of the SS State: The SS, the instrument of rule. Command and obedience. Walter-Verlag 1965, p. 285
  54. ↑ Hans Buchheim, Anatomy of the SS State: The SS, the instrument of rule. Command and obedience. Walter-Verlag 1965, p. 286
  55. ^ A b Hans Buchheim, Anatomy of the SS State: The SS, the instrument of rule. Command and obedience. Walter-Verlag 1965, p. 287
  56. ↑ Detlef Hoffmann: Art as an instrument of social homogenization efforts in the Third Reich , in: Käte Meyer-Drawe / Kristen Platt (eds.), Wissenschaft im Einsatz, Munich, p. 198.
  57. ↑ a b Hans Buchheim: The SS - the instrument of rule: command and obedience. In: Buchheim / Broszat / Jacobsen / Krausnick (ed.): Anatomy of the SS state. Vol. 1. Munich, DTV, 1994, 231-246, here: p. 242.
  58. ↑ Jochen Lehnhardt, Die Waffen-SS: Birth of a Legend: Himmler's Warriors in the Nazi Propaganda , Paderborn, 2017 p. 381.
  59. ↑ Lars-Broder Keil, Sven Felix Kellerhoff, German Legends: From the 'stab in the back' and other myths of history , p. 171.