Conservative Revolution

"Conservative revolution" is a collective term for trends that developed in the Weimar Republic . What these currents had in common was that their ideologies were decidedly anti- liberal , anti- democratic and anti- egalitarian . Their right-wing conservatism differed fundamentally from the traditional concept of conservatism used by the German Center Party or the German National People's Party and did not manifest itself in a political party. The conservative revolution is treated as a trailblazer for National Socialism in historical studies. Today representatives of the New Right fall back on the ideological patterns of the Conservative Revolution.

Because the term Conservative Revolution is used to make nationalistic , anti-democratic thinking socially acceptable, and because of the great heterogeneity of the ideologemes summarized in this way, it is still controversial in specialist science to this day. More rarely, it has recently been used for various processes, people and tendencies of the recent past , mostly associated with neoconservatism or neoliberalism .

Concept history

The conservative revolution

Friedrich Engels wrote (in French) in February 1848 regarding the Polish November uprising of 1830:

“Let's put it frankly: the uprising of 1830 was neither a national revolution (it excluded three quarters of Poland) nor a social or political revolution; it changed nothing in the internal situation of the people; that was a conservative revolution. "

The term “conservative revolution” corresponded to that of reform or peaceful revolution in the English-speaking world. In November 1848, the English scholar Thomas Babington Macaulay described the Glorious Revolution in contrast to the French Revolution as a “preserving revolution”. His compatriot William Hepworth Dixon used the term “conservative revolution” in the second volume of his historical treatise Free Russia , published in 1872, for the effects of the Great Reforms of Tsar Alexander II within the Christian Orthodox clergy. The American historian John Fiske used the attribute conservative to denote the moderate implementation of innovations in the American Revolution compared to the French Revolution.

Armin Mohler , on the other hand, named an article from May 24, 1848 in the newspaper Die Volksstimme as the earliest dating , in which the word pair "Revolutionary reactionaries and conservative revolutionaries" occurs in a list. In 1851, according to Mohler, the author Aurelio Buddeus may have used the term in his work Russia and the Present , and the term “conservative revolution” appeared as the book title in 1875 with Juri Samarin (1819–1876), a pioneer for the abolition of serfdom in Russia and Slavophile nationalists. He also enumerated the Russian writer Fyodor Michailowitsch Dostojewski and Charles Maurras , leader of Action française .

In fact, the Baltic German Aurelio Buddeus used the subtitle "Revolutionary Conservatism" in the table of contents of his second volume on Russia and the Present in 1851. He used it to describe the interplay between bureaucracy and centralized power in Russia. The power of the tsar is strengthened through the enforcement of laws and the emergence of a non-tsarist leadership is prevented. In 1875 Juri Samarin published together with Fyodor Mikhailovich Dmitrijew the work Revolutionary Conservatism (Russian Революционный консерватизмъ), in which he attacked the reactionary opponents of the land reform. Dostoyevsky used Samarin's name to identify a clique of medals at the Russian court as a counterpart to the radicals, socialists and nihilists. The term “revolutionary backwards” had a similar meaning. In this sense, both Samarin and Dostoyevsky use the term Conservative Revolution for reaction. As early as 1846, the reformed theologian Alexander Schweizer called the Züriputsch , the violent expulsion of the liberal Zurich government in September 1839 by the reactionary rural population, a “conservative revolution”. Mohler's understanding of the Conservative Revolution only applies to Maurras.

The term in the early 20th century

From 1880 to the early 20th century, the term conservative revolution underwent a significant change, because from then on it was to have little in common with reform or reaction. If the members of the reaction consisted of the nobility and clergy, the majority of the representatives of the German anti-modernists who Armin Mohler summarized under the catchphrase Conservative Revolution in 1950 belonged to the academic bourgeoisie and the rising middle class. Their goal was not the reintroduction of the monarchy and the return to a pre-revolutionary age, but - not unlike the revolutionaries - the establishment of an ahistorical ideal. Unlike conservatives, they did not seek preservation through change. In the question of the French Revolution, the differences between reaction and conservatism become clear; if the reactionary wants to abandon the revolution to oblivion by returning to the pre-revolutionary state, the conservative shapes its effects, while the revolutionary conservative strives to destroy it in time. Despite Mohler's attempt to distinguish the Christian from the pagan concept of time, the closeness to the apocalyptic concept of time is evident here.

In the German-speaking world, terms such as conservative power (Moeller van den Bruck, 1910), creative restoration (Rudolf Borchardt, 1927), German revolution (Edgar Julius Jung, 1933) or revolution from the right (Hans Freyer, 1931) were circulating . Not all representatives of that revolt used the term (Maurice Barrès), others only wanted to see it realized in the area of ​​the spirit and ostensibly had no political ambitions.

Charles Maurras (1925)

Charles Maurras used the term in his Enquête sur la monarchie (1900). He describes a radical reaction as a revolution against the revolution, by a determined and well-organized minority.

"In practice a revolution, especially a conservative revolution, a restoration , a return to order will only be successfully carried out with the help of certain elements in the administration and the military."

Until the 1880s, the royalists and bourgeoisie chose the coup d'état and the establishment of a dictatorship as a means against the republic. The tactic of forcibly gaining political power through a minority had already been advocated by the Republicans and members of the Paris Commune, Louis-Auguste Blanqui and Gaston Da Costa . The Baden revolutionary Karl Heinzen recommended in Murder and Liberty in 1881 that violence should even be used as a means to an end against European monarchs and civilians.

Thomas Mann referred him to Friedrich Nietzsche in his Russian anthology (1921) :

“Its synthesis is that of enlightenment and faith, of freedom and bondage, of spirit and flesh, 'God' and 'world'. It is, in artistic terms, that of sensuality and criticism, in political terms, that of conservatism and revolution. Because conservatism only needs to have a spirit in order to be more revolutionary than any positivist liberalist enlightenment, and Nietzsche himself was from the beginning, even in the 'Untimely Considerations', nothing other than conservative revolution. "

Man had Dmitry Sergeyevich Mereschkowskis 1903 translated into German essay Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky as a man and as an artist. A critical appreciation of her life and work is received. The Russian symbolist saw in both narrators representatives of the struggle between flesh and spirit, whose reconciliation may succeed in the Third Reich . In his novel Doctor Faustus , published in 1947 , the later Republican of reason gave the following determination:

"Radicalism of preservation, which had nothing more peculiar, but rather something revolutionary and seems more corrosive than any liberalism, but at the same time, as if mockingly, had a laudable conservative appeal."

Hugo von Hofmannsthal, 1910

Hugo von Hofmannsthal chose the term at the end of his speech The literature as the spiritual space of the nation :

“The process I am talking about is nothing more than a conservative revolution on a scale that European history does not know. Their goal is form, a new German reality in which the whole nation can participate. "

Based on literature, he wanted to create a national awareness of tradition that could not be torn apart by historical upheavals. While France as a nation is held together by an indissoluble fabric of language and spirit, Germany's “productive intellectual forces” are torn apart; here the concept of spiritual tradition is hardly recognized. Although Hofmannsthal did not mean the term directly politically, the speech was taken up positively by the national-conservative side. This prompted Thomas Mann to raise worried objections to Hofmannsthal shortly afterwards, as he wrote in a letter to Willy Haas in 1955 :

“And yet, what kind of mouths did the word about the Conservative Revolution slip into! It is also not quite my right, as fine as they are, who hold this speech particularly high today. "

From around 1930, the conservative Volkstums theorist Wilhelm Stapel and the lawyer and politician Edgar Julius Jung used the term in their political writings. Jung's speech in Marburg gave the term political meaning.

In 1941 the book The Conservative Revolution was published in the United States by Hermann Rauschning . The former president of the Danzig Senate was inspired by an essay by the Germanist Detlev W. Schumann (1900–1986) on Hofmannsthal's speech published in 1939. In it, Rauschning defines the Conservative Revolution as a counterforce against the movement that had come to victory with the French Revolution , namely the belief in the changeability of people, the intellectual transparency of all things and the attempt to understand each object from itself.

Armin Mohler, who was Ernst Jüngers' private secretary in the 1950s , triggered a broad historical-political debate with his dissertation The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932 . Mohler referred the term to around 350 people, whom he assigned to five different anti-republican, but only partially National Socialist groups. He presented this as an independent current of the Weimar period with a political profile that in some cases clearly differed from National Socialism.

Despite similar thinkers and currents in other European countries - such as Georges Sorel , Maurice Barrès , Julius Evola , Vilfredo Pareto or Wladimir Zeev Jabotinsky - the term in German is mostly only related to the German faction from the time of the Weimar Republic.

Scientific reception of the term

Mohler's term is widely used in academic discourse today to describe the anti- republic rights of the Weimar Republic, neither Nazi nor monarchist, with its cultural criticism and its resistance to processes of social modernization . For the French Germanist Louis Dupeux , the conservative revolution in the Weimar Republic was the dominant ideology, which was to be regarded as German prefascism (préfascisme allemand) .

However, due to the great heterogeneity of the approaches and ideas summarized in this way, the term is still controversial today. The American historian Peter Gay puts the term “Conservative Revolution” in context with such things as “Young Conservatives”, “National Bolshevism” or “Prussian Socialism”:

"These were apparently responsible attempts to break away from conventional political terminology, but in reality they only testified to a perverse delight in the paradox and were a deliberate, life-threatening attack on reason."

The sociologist Stefan Breuer criticizes: "The syntagmatic conservative revolution is one of the most successful creations of the recent historiography of ideas [...] an untenable term that causes more confusion than clarity." Nevertheless, it has become historically effective. Instead, Breuer suggests the term “new nationalism”, which has not caught on in specialist science.

The historians Eberhard Kolb and Dirk Schumann take offense at Mohler's apologetic tendency: He himself described his book as “Help for the Right Intelligence in Germany” and significantly avoided the question of the extent to which the right-wing intellectuals he summarized contributed to the rise of National Socialism contributed.

The historian Volker Weiß criticizes numerous omissions and legends that Mohler used. He simply leaves out the entanglement of several of his protagonists in National Socialism such as Carl Schmitt , Ernst Forsthoff , Hans Grimm , Giselher Wirsing or Max Hildebert Boehm . The fact that he also included resolute anti-Semites such as Heinrich Claß , Hans FK Günther and Houston Stewart Chamberlain , who “were indispensable in the prehistory of National Socialism”, in the Conservative Revolution, made Mohler's compilation “finally grotesque”. In his approach, which fluctuated “between science and myth ”, Mohler was primarily concerned with constructing a non-National Socialist German right and rescuing the idea of the Reich in the political discourse of the Federal Republic.

The journalist Thomas Assheuer describes Mohler's work as a "selling trick" with the intention of enabling a political alliance between the right-wing extremists and the conservatives of the Federal Republic:

“The highly aggressive traditional stocks should no longer be labeled as right, they should henceforth be labeled as conservative. [...] The old ideas [were] cleanly cleaned of suspicion of fascism and made palatable to the public as normal, conservative basic food. "

This article needs to be revised: The article reflects the opinion of Armin Mohler, actor of the New Right, without reflection. Research (Breuer, Beyme, Weiß, Nolte, Griffin, Woods, Dietz and many more) are severely underrepresented. Helps to improve with this article.
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Well-known representatives

According to Mohler, the poet Stefan George was ascribed a powerful spiritual influence on representatives of this movement .

Mohler belongs to the direction or its environment with different weighting u. a .:

Hans Freyer Hugo von Hofmannsthal and the Lensch-Cunow-Haenisch group the brothers Ernst Jünger and Friedrich Georg Jünger Edgar Julius Jung

Ludwig Klages Thomas Mann Arthur Moeller van den Bruck and his June club Ernst Niekisch Martin Niemöller Georg Quabbe

Ernst von Salomon Carl Schmitt Othmar Spann Oswald Spengler Wilhelm Stapel August Winnig Hans zehrer and the fact circle

From 1922 onwards, Thomas Mann increasingly distanced himself from his conservative, monarchist attitude, which he had shown in the considerations of an apolitical and in other publications, and advocated the Weimar Republic and its values. In a diary note dated September 26, 1933, he described National Socialism as the “political reality of that conservative revolution”, an intellectual movement that he resisted out of “disgust for its reality”.

The assignment of Ernst Jünger to the Conservative Revolution or the young Conservatives is also controversial.

Ideas World

The authors of the Conservative Revolution did not form a fixed group, but rather a ramified journalistic network. They did not create a uniform doctrine , but they all tried, similar to Italian fascism , to bring the "phenomena of modernity" into a theoretical synthesis with a right worldview. The conservative revolution can also be understood as a reaction to a societal modernization that is perceived as crisis-ridden, as a neoconservative intellectual search movement in the upheaval of the prevailing modernity . Rolf Peter Sieferle interprets it as a “German anti-Western overmodernism” and “an attempt to revolutionize the criticism of technology ”, and Richard Herzinger sees it as “an attempt to outdo the modernization process”.

The Conservative Revolution can be characterized on the basis of its relationship to and its definition of essential concepts and theories of intellectual history and social theory. Due to the lack of distinction between the term “conservative revolution” and other right-wing, but also completely differently oriented efforts of the time, as well as because of the inconsistency of their subgroups (according to Mohler) and the pronounced individualism of their “most important representatives”, this should always be considered a rather "Suggestive attempt at conceptual approximation" can be regarded as a strict classification.

As Mohler describes, many contradictions in this supposed movement can be understood by analyzing its goals. So she tried to use the opposing (antagonistic) - from her point of view only apparent and "Germany dividing" - terms of the political spectrum such as "right - left ", " conservative - revolutionary ", "nationalistic - socialist ", " individualistic - collectivist " u. a. to be overcome and to be dissolved or integrated into structures such as an unclearly defined “ center ” or a “ third way ” ( Third Reich ).

According to Kurt Sontheimer, the scientifically controversial and ideologically contradicting relationship between the Conservative Revolution and National Socialism can only be described if the common roots and differences between the two are taken into account. The internal contradictions of the Conservative Revolution and National Socialism as well as the internal power struggles at the beginning of the National Socialist movement and the “ seizure of power ” should not be overlooked.

Critique of Political Reason

The "new conservatism" is not attached to supposedly "merely historical" or forms and types of political formation. He rejects a purely purposeful , political rational order. In essential parts it is deliberately irrational and instead relies on supposedly eternally valid values ​​and ideals as the basis of society. According to Gustav Steinbömer, it is “oriented towards the eternal 'ordre de cœur' [order of the heart], not towards the changing ideals of reason ”. One of their representatives, Edgar Julius Jung, expressed this in 1932 in the following words:

“We call the conservative revolution the restoration of all those elementary laws and values, without which man loses his connection with nature and with God and cannot establish a true order. In place of equality comes intrinsic value, in place of social sentiment there is fair integration into the tiered society ... "

Hans Mommsen's analysis goes in a similar direction. An anti-bourgeois affect of large parts of the war and post-war generation was expressed in an emotional departure from interest-oriented politics. Ernst von Salomon brought this attitude to the autobiographical formula: “What we recognized as political was determined by fate . Beyond our world, politics was determined by interests. ”This commitment to political irrationalism can also be found in Ernst Jünger's phrase that instinct is superior to intelligence . Both authors are not only representative of neo-conservative currents, but also for members of their age group, because they dismissed the “unheroic daily events” as “political horse-trading” for reasons of ethical belief.

Some authors even recognize that the goals, ideals and ideologies of the Conservative Revolution are strongly alien to politics. Carl von Ossietzky described Moeller's Third Reich as a “political lament of monotonous melancholy”.

conservatism

The term conservatism or conservative initially referred to an attitude in the sense of structural conservatism that wants to preserve an established social order and that relates positively to its constituent values. The conservative revolution is no longer conservative in this classic sense. She does not want to preserve the traditional , but to set new "living values". Arthur Moeller van den Bruck , representative of the Conservative Revolution, writes:

"The conservative person [...] is looking for the place that is the beginning again today. He is now a necessary sustainer and indignant at the same time. It raises the question: what is worth preserving? "

According to revolutionary conservatism, what is “to be preserved” has yet to be achieved. With this in mind, Moeller van den Bruck formulated a new definition that is still used today by conservatives and the New Right: "Conservative is to create things that are worth maintaining."

Indeed, many authors of the Conservative Revolution did not advocate conservative restoration, but a radical renewal of society. Her thoughts were not anti-modern, but aimed at “another, a German modern”. The Conservative Revolution distinguished itself from the old conservatives , considered reactionary , as well as from liberalism . It emerged as a primarily literary-journalistic movement that developed increasing intellectual attraction within a much broader conservative spectrum.

From this self-image, the contradiction between the apparently mutually exclusive terms “conservative” as “preserving” and “revolution” as “change” becomes easier to understand. The French new right Alain de Benoist said in an interview: "As far as the expression 'Conservative Revolution' is concerned, opinions differ on it, mainly because it appears as an oxymoron , a paradoxical or contradicting term”. Its aim is not necessarily, like conventional conservatism, to preserve a current social or cultural status quo that is considered to be good , but rather to preserve or restore a fictitious, supposedly always given "natural ideal state". Since it is based on values ​​established outside of history and on an allegedly existential substance, the ordre de coeur , it can be just as revolutionary and destructive as it is conservative and reactionary. The fact that he saw himself as revolutionary at the time is solely due to what he sees as the “currently filled eternity values”. Writes Gustav STEINBÖMER in 1932:

"In order to maintain the link between the world and a higher order, conservatism must destroy today and can only be revolutionary in relation to the computational and nihilistic perception of values ​​and its political-institutional correspondence in the demo plutocracy [...]."

Relationship to liberalism

The constant rejection of liberalism and the institutions based on it was an essential, but by no means unique, characteristic of nearly all representatives of the Conservative Revolution that they associated with a large part of the population and parties of that time - regardless of their political orientation.

“Liberalism was the whipping boy of the Weimar Republic, from the left as from the right. He was considered the epitome and root of all negative developments and phenomena. Parliamentarism stems from his world of ideas , and with it the establishment of political parties. "

The Conservative Revolution locates the Enlightenment and especially the French Revolution as the historical starting point for what it sees as a “fateful development” . Liberalism and its effects are polemically discredited in the writings of their representatives by equating them with formulations such as “soulless mechanism”, “ atomism ”, “pathological individualism”, “ nihilism ”, “worthlessness” or “cultural decay”. In Das Third Reich , Moeller van den Bruck accuses liberalism of having “undermined cultures, […] destroyed religions , […] destroyed fatherlands . He was the self-dissolution of humanity ”. As a counter-model to a society that would ultimately only be based on a “summation of individual interests”, various community models were propagated as a further development of the model based on Ferdinand Tönnies ( community and society ) .

The criticism dealt with the concrete and current manifestations of parliamentarism as well as with a fundamental and not just ephemeral criticism of its axioms .

So noticed z. For example, Carl Schmitt, who is anti-liberal in his basic principles, states that in principle he is concerned with “meeting the ultimate core of the institution of parliamentarism”. Some of the writings of the time by Ernst Jünger, who saw himself as an “apolitical sensor”, are also characterized by strong anti-liberalism. In 1926, Jünger predicted that the future state would be structured nationally, socially, defensively and authoritatively.

Liberal ideas and democracy were sometimes rejected by representatives of the Conservative Revolution such as the TAT circle in the following words:

“... You look for the forms and designs that liberalism has produced and which are its very own products. You can put a cross on each of them today. It is doomed. "

Ideas arising from the idea of ​​liberalism such as democracy , parliamentarism, representation , parties, etc. a. were either rejected as a simple consequence of liberalism or reinterpreted in a "coring manner". Democratic masterminds like Jean-Jacques Rousseau were arbitrarily reinterpreted by representatives of the Conservative Revolution with vague reference to the Volonté générale .

"Anyone who is an individualist who really wants mechanization and equality can be a democrat, but whoever wants the cultural state, who demands something spiritual from the state, can no longer be a democrat."

In this world of ideas, democracy and dictatorship were not opposites. Moeller van den Bruck did not see democracy as compliance with the relevant constitutional and procedural norms, but only as “the people's participation in their fate”. Thus a dictatorship could also be democratic. Edgar Julius Jung put it quite similarly in his book The Rule of the Inferior : "The call for a democratic dictatorship is understandable because it appears suitable to re-establish contact between the leader and the people."

State thought and social models

The representatives of the Conservative Revolution were not alone in rejecting the modern, democratic concept of the state of the Weimar Republic. Influential thinkers such as Alfred Weber or Carl Schmitt formulated similar criticisms of the theory and practice of state and society.

The Weimar Republic was despised as a weak night watchman state ( deliberately designed by the victorious powers ) without real external sovereignty . He is exposed to the conflicting interests of parties, associations and individuals and will perish. The advance of economic powers into politics was particularly criticized and rejected. He should be relieved of this conflict of interests in order to keep the nation as a powerful authority standing above all parties in discipline and order . The authors of the Conservative Revolution advocated a closed unity of people and state, whereby the latter would be able to develop its power undisturbed. The young conservative journalist Heinrich von Gleichen-Rußwurm put it this way:

“In the Weimar state, the parties' claims to power asserted themselves. An end had to be made here. It was finally understood that a state must be a state; H. for the sake of state sovereignty. "

In particular, the individualistic starting point of the state-theoretical treaty thinking going back to Thomas Hobbes , John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau was rejected as “typically British ”. It would be diametrically opposed to the " German character" and prevent the formation of a true national community . Oswald Spengler expressed this in 1919 in the following words:

“In politics there is no choice; every culture and every single people of a culture conducts its business and fulfill his destiny in forms born with it and the creatures are to unalterable. [...] We need liberation from the forms of Anglo-French democracy. We have our own. "

He saw democracy as “formlessness in every sense as a principle”, parliamentarism as “constitutional anarchy ” and the republic as “denial of any kind of authority ”.

Instead, a strong, authoritarian state that no longer required any inner-worldly or transcendent legitimation from outside was sought. As a result of the Hegelian idea of ​​the state, this becomes almost an end in itself that is at most vaguely a “popular will or well-being” or a “state for its own sake”. Julius Binder described this in 1933 as "an original, autocratic, not derived from the citizens, an authoritarian power," and Friedrich Gogarten said in 1932: "The sovereignty of the state does not need any further sanctions, not even by the church."

Many representatives of the conservative revolution were sized , corporate models pursued as ways of organizing society. These are organic state views that the people the need of emphasizing the inequality - hierarchical order in the - supposedly justified in nature caste system derived ajar medieval levels. Pointing the way for this was Othmar Spann's book The True State from 1921, in which he explains

"That every lower class is spiritually led by the higher according to the spiritual law of life of all community and community connection, subordination of the lower to the higher."

Corporate state ideas therefore have an elite conception that also allows an authoritarian or total state - despite the importance of decentralization and self-administration in the corporate state - and the leader principle to appear to be entirely compatible with and complementary. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that at least the TAT group around Hans Zehrer turned against the attempts to establish an authoritarian state by Franz von Papen as well as the absolute establishment of a party under National Socialism.

National Socialism of the Conservative Revolution

Various representatives of the Conservative Revolution, such as Spengler, Sombart, Niekisch and the Lensch-Cunow-Haenisch group , were also close to socialism and strove for national socialism . An anti-capitalist and anti-bourgeois basic trait related to the Marxist impulse can certainly be seen. Kurt Sontheimer writes:

“Of course, here too the transition from a Marxist-socialist draft of a new economic and social system of the nation to the idea of ​​the national community presented as German socialism, which acts in selfless service for the state, was quite fluid. That is why the dual concept of national socialism, which applies to the anti-capitalist, anti-bourgeois and pronational attitudes, was never given a clear outline. "

The concept of socialism differed from that of the “traditional left” in that the social question took a back seat to the will to create a strong state .

The idea of ​​progress that is indispensable to socialism and the belief in the possibility of a person who, according to Rousseau, is capable of “better and better” and who can be “transformed” through educational efforts, is rather alien to most of the representatives of the Conservative Revolution.

The socialism of the Conservative Revolution also rejects the postulate , which is fundamental to traditional socialism, of an egalitarianism to be striven for in favor of a tiered, “natural hierarchy”, which is e.g. As in corporate or sized 'll realize structures. This is how Othmar Spann sees the demand for equality in The True State as promoting degeneration:

"In so far as the large crowd consistently pulls the higher ones down and dominates them, but in the large crowd again the scum pushes to rule, equality ultimately even pushes towards the rule of the ragged proletariat ."

An essential difference to Marxism and socialism was the constant rejection of internationalism and "foreigners". This can already be seen in the related or newly created terms “national socialism”, “German socialism” and “ Prussian socialism ” (in Spengler).

Another important difference from traditional socialism is the neglect of economic considerations. Exact terms, requirements and analyzes such as For example , one looks in vain for gaining control over the means of production , a fairer distribution of the social product and a theory of class struggle . Socialism is mostly understood as a vague, popular order held together by the authority of the state, in which the individual gives up his selfish interests in favor of the service of the community. Class antagonisms were to be eliminated in a homogeneous national community, and the strengthening of the working class was seen as a means of strengthening the nation.

National Socialism sees itself as a further development or improved further development and overcoming of Marxism. For Moeller van den Bruck, socialism only begins "where Marxism ends". This “German socialism” is called to replace liberalism worldwide. The spectrum of socialist ideas is nevertheless diverse. It ranges from a traditional socialism in a national framework, as in the TAT circle, to the complete reversal of the concept of socialism in the direction of a national unitary state. In doing so, the Conservative Revolution - also because of some content-related points of contact - endeavors to differentiate itself from the then popular national Bolshevik ideas and models. The adoption, reinterpretation and occupation of terms from the socialist labor movement of the 1920s forms a further building block of the conservative revolution.

Racism and anti-semitism

The relationship between representatives of the Conservative Revolution or those closely related to racism and anti-Semitism varies. Many people such as Ernst Jünger , Edgar Julius Jung , Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels , Wilhelm Stapel , Theodor Fritsch , August Winnig , Willibald Hentschel or Carl Schmitt , at least in one phase of their work, more or less openly admitted racist or anti-Semitic ideas and in some cases promoted this also.

Thus Jung wrote in 1930, although he rejected a gradation of civil rights according to racial aspects and criticized anti-Semitism as a policy of resentment , of the "fact of valuable and inferior races", which "contributed to the decline of ancient cultures through racial decomposition", and demanded that To revise the emancipation of Jews as citizens by “raising racially valuable components of the German people” and “preventing inferior influxes”. August Winnig wrote in Liberation 1926 and in Das Reich als Republik 1928: " Blood and soil are the fate of the peoples." Willibald Hentschel developed projects for Aryan breed breeding; Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels spoke of the “pure-bred and transfigured white person of the future” and Carl Schmitt emphasized in 1936:

“Only emotional anti-Semitism is not enough; a cognizant justified security is required. [...] We have to rid the German spirit of all falsifications, falsifications of the term spirit , which enabled Jewish emigrants to describe the great struggle of Gauleiter Julius Streicher as something 'unspiritual'. "

Ernst Jünger distanced himself from racially and biologically based anti-Semitism and helped Jews persecuted on the Eastern Front, but before the war he advocated a political and cultural separation of Germanness and Judaism and in 1930 criticized the existing anti-Semitism as “too ineffective and efficient”. In 1925, Jünger wrote:

“To the same extent, however, as the German will gains in sharpness and shape, even the slightest delusion of being German in Germany will become more incomprehensible for the Jew and he will find himself faced with his last alternative, which is: in Germany either To be Jewish or not to be. "

The status of research on a possibly underground anti-Semitism of Thomas Mann, who, however, only Mohler attributed to the Conservative Revolution, is not clear.

Few of them like Oswald Spengler or Othmar Spann distanced themselves more or less clearly from racism and anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitic discrimination is not required in Spann's theories, and he rejects Nazi racial theories .

Oswald Spengler, who in the years of decision - Germany and the development of world history in 1933 expressly distanced himself from the National Socialist racial ideology, rejected the concept of race as unscientific in Der Untergang des Abendlandes 1918 :

“A fixed division of races, the ambition of all ethnologists , is impossible. The mere attempt already contradicts the essence of the racial, and every conceivable systematic design is an inevitable falsification and misunderstanding of what is important. In contrast to language, race is thoroughly unsystematic. "

The historian Heinrich August Winkler sums up that the authors of the Conservative Revolution were generally anti-Semites, but their hostility to Jews was less central to them than to the National Socialists. It moved within the framework of German "consensus anti-Semitism" and did not assume the character of a "quasi-religion", as was the case with the National Socialists.

Relationship to National Socialism

The Conservative Revolution is treated in political and historical studies as a trailblazer for the rule of National Socialism . The conservative revolutionaries, however, were generally not active National Socialists, but neither did they fundamentally reject National Socialist ideas. Heinrich August Winkler sees the main difference to National Socialism in addition to the different weight that anti-Semitism had in the two movements, in the greater totalitarian consequence of National Socialism and its sharper front position of the Conservative Revolution against liberalism, whereas anti-Marxism was in the foreground with the National Socialists.

According to Mohler, as with other groups, National Socialism also borrowed from the Conservative Revolution - especially from the Volkish and National Revolutionaries - and could thus be seen as a crude attempt to realize their ideas. Other authors like Zeev Sternhell put “Conservative Revolution” and “German Fascism ” together. The historian Rolf Peter Sieferle also sees no fundamental difference between National Socialism and the Conservative Revolution. Rather, National Socialism was a "real conservative revolution".

In a diary note from September 26, 1933, Thomas Mann described National Socialism as the “political reality of that conservative revolution”. National Socialism was welcomed by many representatives of the Conservative Revolution as a development to be welcomed in principle, a development that prepares their ideas and in some cases implements them and which still "needs to be improved" or "has to be overcome". In the spring of 1932, for example, Ernst Forsthoff, in his anthology What we expect from National Socialism, formulated his demand for a total state that would overcome liberalism. In 1933 he enthusiastically agreed to the National Socialist dictatorship. National Socialism was seen as a useful, but later dispensable and self-eliminating tool for the practical implementation of the ideas of the Conservative Revolution. Writes Hans Bogner 1932:

“It doesn't depend on the program, not on the leader; In the case of a vessel of choice and the tool of history, one should not ask about its intrinsic value. But one must not hope that conservative faith will ever grasp such quantities in a better way. The small group of conservative thought that is already struggling to shape post-democratic forms of rule can only take action when it [National Socialism] has prepared the ground for it. "

Other conservative revolutionaries did not feel addressed by the proletarian gesture of the National Socialist mass movement because of the elitist conceit they cultivated. The ambivalence between admiration and “intellectual distance” becomes quite clear in the following text by Edgar Julius Jung:

“The intellectual prerequisites for the German revolution were created outside of National Socialism. To a certain extent, National Socialism took over the “People's Movement Department” in this large group of works. He expanded it magnificently and has become a social power. [...] I respect the primitiveness of a popular movement, the fighting power of victorious Gauleiter and Sturmführer. But their established status does not give them the right to regard themselves as the salt of the earth and disregard the spiritual champion ... "

The classification of representatives of the Conservative Revolution in the resistance against National Socialism , as Mohler undertakes, must be considered especially from the point of view of the relationship between two groups that are close in their worldview and some individual ideas but nevertheless compete with one another. Mohler describes the relationship between the two as that of a “relatively immobile mass party” to a “smaller, more spiritually active group”. In analogy to the Russian Revolution, he characterizes the Conservative Revolution as " Trotskyists of National Socialism" who, after the " seizure of power " by the "Party", are usually subjected to particularly severe persecution as " heretics ". In addition, these people are either only attributed to the Conservative Revolution by Mohler (Niemöller, Schulze-Boysen) or they can only be described as resistanceists to a very limited extent (Niekisch). According to Hans Mommsen , the “national-conservative resistance” was mostly composed of men who initially welcomed the policies of the Nazi regime and were loyal to it. Enlightenment traditions like liberalism were still rejected by them.

The reactions of representatives of the Conservative Revolution to the seizure of power and the regime range from more or less pronounced approval or cooperation to “withdrawal into private life” (Friedrich Hielscher), cautious distancing or passive, covert protest (Spengler, Friedrich Georg Jünger in his poem Der Mohn , Ernst Jünger in his story Auf den Marmorklippen ), emigration (Otto Strasser, Hans Ebeling ) to open resistance (Niekisch, Niemöller, Stauffenberg, Harro Schulze-Boysen, Jung). The repression on the part of National Socialism ranged from hindering the ability to act (Albrecht Erich Günter, Ernst Jünger) to arrest and murder in concentration camps (Niemöller, Othmar Spann, Harro Schulze-Boysen, Albrecht Haushofer and Ernst Niekisch).

Relationship to Christianity

Even if Christianity - especially in its ecclesiastical form and many of its representatives - and conservatism in today's and even more so in the “Weimar” everyday understanding are mostly perceived as closely related in many respects (which is partly justified in view of the “old conservatives” appears), the differences between the fundamental positions of most proponents of the Conservative Revolution and Christianity are nevertheless greater than the similarities.

The completely different conception of “the meaning and aim of history” is to be understood as a fundamental difference. While the conservative revolution understands this mostly as a process "in the process of becoming" accompanied by risks and intermediate stages (sometimes circular as with Spengler) without an exactly foreseeable end result, the Christian view of history rather emphasizes the "linear, upwardly directed" and "predetermined course" the development from the death of Christ to the Last Judgment .

Another fundamental difference is the answer to the question about the “absolute worth of the individual”. Christian teaching emphasizes, also in the writings of many thinkers such as B. Romano Guardini , explicitly the "value and indivisible dignity of the individual" in relation to the interests of any community, society or association.

This Christian “appreciation of the individual” seems incompatible with statements made by some representatives of the Conservative Revolution, who place a collective in whatever form ahead of the individual. An example of the desired "organic community" may be the following quotation from Herbert Ullmann from 1929 in theological style:

“I give for you to give: this is a society based on individualism. I give myself up completely in order to receive my self from the community more intensely: this is the actual inner experience of the community. "

Despite these fundamental differences, it can be stated that some of the people associated with the Conservative Revolution, such as Hermann Ullmann , August Winnig , Martin Niemöller , Friedrich Gogarten , Hans Althaus , with their “efforts to bring young conservative teachings into the vicinity”, were convinced Christians who believed were to be able to bring Christian beliefs into line with the goals of the Conservative Revolution.

Main Groups of the Conservative Revolution

Armin Mohler summarized “National Revolutionaries , Young Conservatives, Völkische , Bündische ” and “ Landvolkbewegung ” as the five main groups of the Conservative Revolution, which, however, did not exist under these collective names during the author's study period, the 1920s and 1930s.

Volkish

The radically anti-Jewish völkisch movement , which dates back to the Wilhelmine era , united the most diverse approaches syncretistically . She referred to terms such as “ race ”, “ Nordic race ”, “ Germanism ” or the contrast between a “bright race of light” and its counterpart. The concept of race is not only biological, but also cultural , e.g. B. as "common language" or "expression of a landscape soul" understood. Christianity was partially, e.g. B. in Germanization of Christianity by Arthur Bonus or in An Aryan Christ? by Jakob Wilhelm Hauer , reinterpreted in the " Aryan sense". The group is also available to various esoteric , spiritualistic and neo-pagan teachings and theories - such as B. the “search for Atlantis ” or teachings of the so-called “theozoology” - close. Some of these were used to underpin the racist ideas. Although individual ethnic organizations and people joined National Socialism in varying degrees and the majority welcomed Hitler's "seizure of power", the ethnic organizations that continued after 1933 quickly lost their importance. The ethnic groups include Theodor Fritsch , Willibald Hentschel , Otto Ammon , Houston Stewart Chamberlain , Guido von List , Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels , Herman Wirth , Ernst Graf zu Reventlow , Erich Ludendorff , Ludwig Woltmann and Jakob Wilhelm Hauer.

On the part of the Völkische Movement, there were less ideological than political-practical and power-political contradictions to National Socialism. The representatives of the Völkische did not develop any social programs comparable to National Socialism (although there were also some Völkisch trade unions such as the German National Sales Aid Association ). Many of their leaders, in competition with Hitler, hoped to become “leaders” of a “German revolution”.

National revolutionaries

The representatives of the National Revolutionary Movement were generally younger and were decisively influenced by the experiences of the First World War and the defeat of 1918. The “revolutionary will” is strongest among them. In contrast, the conservative, preserving element takes a back seat. Of all groups, they were most willing to accept progress and technology to achieve their goals - but not as an end in themselves. Franz Schauwecker wrote in 1931:

“Because this time is only worth destroying. But to destroy them you have to know them first. [...] You had to submit to technology completely by shaping it down to the last. [...] The admiration for the device - that was the dangerous thing. It deserved no admiration, it just had to be used. "

They are the only group with a strong affinity for social issues and socialism. They rejected a division into the usual schemes of “right and left”. A non-capitalist order is desirable from their point of view, but can only be created on the basis of the nation. You are closest to national Bolshevism and view the Soviet attempt with sympathy. According to Mohler, the TAT group around Hans Zehrer stands between national revolutionaries and young conservatives. Representatives of this group include Ernst Jünger , Friedrich Georg Jünger , Friedrich Hielscher , Ernst von Salomon , Hartmut Plaas , Franz Schauwecker , Harro Schulze-Boysen and the circles around Otto Strasser and Ernst Niekisch .

Young Conservatives

The name Young Conservatives has become naturalized for a number of people who formed from 1918 under the spiritual guidance of Moeller van den Bruck. The word component “young” indicates the demarcation from merely conservative or reactionary conservatism . They would differ from the Völkisch and National Revolutionary groups in that the “revolutionary will” appeared to be far less pronounced among them. Their ideas are more specific and emphasize the importance of a clear social structure. Your ideal refers to a supranational form that is most likely to be realized in the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation . The based on a common folk closed nation-state they rejected as too narrow a solution as well as from an imperialist , on different ethnic groups based government entity. Bismarck's draft state , like Hitler's, is therefore rejected. In addition, the young conservatives were the only ones of the five groups to have a clear reference to Christianity in terms of content and personalities. Edgar Julius Jung expressed this in 1933 as follows:

“The concept of the nation state is the transfer of individualistic teachings from the individual to the individual state. Its danger is the extermination of foreign nationalities. [...] State and nationality are only synonymous in national democratic thinking. [...] The superstate (empire) is a form of rule that rises above the nationalities and can therefore leave them untouched. But he must not want to be total, he must recognize autonomy and independence. "

As representatives of the young conservatives, Mohler sees, among others, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck , the early Thomas Mann , Heinrich Freiherr von Gleichen , Edgar Julius Jung , Hans Bogner , August Winnig , Hermann Ullmann , Wilhelm Stapel , Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau , Hans von Seeckt , Friedrich Gogarten , Georg Quabbe , Paul Althaus , Othmar Spann and, with restrictions, Carl Schmitt .

Bündische and rural people

According to Mohler, the two groups of the Bündische Jugend and the rural people movement differ from the other three in that they are more action-oriented and less theory-oriented, and that approaches to their own theories usually synthesize from the thoughts of the other three groups.

Bündische Jugend

In the Bund Youth , which rather than elitist life collar felt, symbolic acts and solemn-mythical forms become important. By 1933, parts of the Bundestag youth had moved so close to National Socialism in their political views that they could see themselves as part of the “national uprising”. These groups were able to develop a temporary effect because many of their representatives took on middle management positions in the Hitler Youth between 1933 and 1935 . Political scientist Gideon Botsch criticizes Mohler's classification of the entire youth movement in the Conservative Revolution as “simplifying”.

Rural people movement

The rural people movement - a political force from Schleswig-Holstein (later also in other areas of the empire) - which towards the end of the 1920s mostly passive resistance in the form of demonstrations, tax boycotts (but also up to attacks) to enforce material and non-material "agricultural interests" made is also attributed to the Conservative Revolution by Mohler.

Classification according to Sieferle

Rolf Peter Sieferle (1995) differentiates between the “völkisch complex”, the “complex of national socialism”, the “complex of revolutionary nationalism”, the “activist-vital complex” and, less pronounced, the “complex of biological naturalism”.

After 1945

After 1945 the term was and is used in an expanded manner. On the one hand, it serves to classify “new right ideas” referring to the conservative revolution. In addition, it is also used in public debates about the formulation of socially controversial statements of individual authors and to characterize various international neoconservative currents.

Conservative Revolution and New Right

Several representatives of the New Right explicitly refer to the thoughts and strategies of the Conservative Revolution. This is how Armin Pfahl-Traughber writes :

“The new right relates directly to the theorists of the Conservative Revolution and can therefore be described as their intellectual heritage in the present. Although she works with similar positions and strategies as her role model, she has not yet been able to develop a similar meaning or a similar effect. "

According to Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse, the New Right represents an “intellectually comparatively demanding current of right-wing extremism , which is based on the example of the conservative revolution of the Weimar Republic and primarily aims at the revaluation of existing values with a metapolitical strategy.” The new right Historian and co-founder of the Institute for State Politics , Karlheinz Weißmann , also emphasizes the connection between the two currents, insofar as “postmodern” ideas of the New Right can already be found in part in the Conservative Revolution.

After the war, the revival of the ideas of the Conservative Revolution did not come from Germany, but from France, where the intellectual group Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilization européenne (GRECE) was formed. This Nouvelle Droite has a strong reference to the German thinkers of the Conservative Revolution. Alain de Benoist wrote a book about Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, called for a “cultural revolution from the right” and since 1990 has published a series of books entitled Conservative Revolution .

The weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit, described by various political scientists as the mouthpiece of the New Right, and some of its authors refer to the tradition of the Conservative Revolution and refer to "the roots of today's intellectual right that is not in a vacuum" . In 1993, the newspaper advertised subscribers with the slogan "Every subscription a conservative revolution" .

Alexander Dobrindt , chairman of the CSU regional group in the German Bundestag , used the term “conservative revolution” in a guest contribution for Die Welt in 2018 . He called for the strengthening of a new bourgeoisie, which in his view represented the majority of the German population. Although there is “no left republic and no left majority in Germany” , left ideas, founded by the 1968 movement , dominated the debate. “The left revolution of the elites” is therefore followed by a “conservative revolution of the citizens”. Volker Weiß is not surprised by Dobrindt's argument inasmuch as Armin Mohler, the promoter of the term “conservative revolution”, had already advised Franz Josef Strauss .

Thinkers of the Russian nationalist right, such as Alexander Dugin , co-founder of the National Bolshevik Party of Russia , also refer to ideas of the Conservative Revolution.

Public discussions

In public discussions about extremely controversial statements by authors such as Peter Sloterdijk ( rules for the human park ) , Ernst Nolte ( historians' dispute ) , Botho Strauss , Peter Handke or Martin Walser , the accusation of repopularization of the conservative revolution is occasionally raised. Thus, Die Berliner Literaturkritik locates some contemporary authors in an irrational, anti-Enlightenment tradition of the Conservative Revolution:

“Walser's steadily growing tendency towards the irrational and towards 'fate' over the past twenty years has repeated, as with Strauss and Handke, well-known motifs of the 'conservative revolution'. Even the scattered actors of this anti-rationalism - which, in addition to genuine obscurantists like Ludwig Klages or Ernst Niekisch, also included Thomas Mann and Gottfried Benn - were tired of 'civilization' and the Enlightenment. "

Another example of this is the criticism of Uwe Tellkamp's novel Der Eisvogel from the Tagesspiegel :

“The kingfisher is the plea for a conservative revolution, for one that Hugo von Hofmannsthal called for in his 1927 Munich speech on 'Literature as the intellectual space of the nation', long before the term was politically occupied by the New Right. "

Use for neoconservative currents

Since the 1980s, various neoconservative endeavors in journalism and occasionally in literature have been referred to as the "Conservative Revolution" (or in some cases with a different definition as the "New Conservative Revolution"). Thatcherism , efforts in the Republican Party around Barry Goldwater , Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush as well as conservative tendencies in France under Nicolas Sarkozy were and are often subsumed under the term "Conservative Revolution" in the press despite all the differences. For example, the Swiss newspaper Le Temps headlined an article about Christoph Blocher with the title La révolution conservatrice.

The sociologist Pierre Bourdieu sees similarities between current neoliberal currents in Germany and the United States and the conservative revolution of the Weimar Republic. Political scientist Claus Leggewie uses the term Conservative Revolution for religious right in the United States:

“The conservative revolution is still on the agenda. [...] The Christian Coalition embodies the rise of the Christian right and is today 'the strongest and most mobile battalion of the conservative revolution'. "

literature

during the Weimar period

• Stefan Breuer : Anatomy of the Conservative Revolution. [1993], 2nd revised and corrected edition. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1995, ISBN 3-534-11802-2 (conceptually critical).
• Stefan Breuer: The radical right in Germany 1871-1945: A political history of ideas . Reclam, Stuttgart 2010, ISBN 978-3-15-018776-0 .
• Louis Dupeux: La révolution conservatrice allemande sous la république de Weimar. Coll. Histoire des idées, théorie politique et recherches en sciences sociales. Kimé, Paris 1992, ISBN 2-908212-18-8 .
• Richard Faber : Roma aeterna. On the criticism of the conservative revolution. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1981.
• Milan Horňáček: Conservative Revolution - A Desideratum of the Sociology of Literature? (PDF; 247 kB) In: LiTheS Zeitschrift für Literatur- und Theateroziologie  2 (2009), pp. 31–53.
• Conservative Revolution Yearbook. Cologne 1994, ISBN 3-928415-15-8 (various articles by today's authors, review Breuer, documentations, extensive bibliography pp. 361–399).
• Klemens von Klemperer , Marianne Schön: Conservative movements between the German Empire and National Socialism. Oldenbourg, Munich 1962.
• Ilse Korotin, Volker Eickhoff (ed.): Longing for fate and depth. The Spirit of the Conservative Revolution , Picus-Verlag, Vienna 1997.
• Armin Mohler : The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. A manual. (1st edition 1950, extended 6th edition, edited by Karlheinz Weißmann ), Leopold Stocker Verlag , Graz 2005, ISBN 3-902475-02-1 (affirmative).
• Kurt Sontheimer : Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. (1st edition 1962), dtv, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-423-04312-1 (the history of ideas and concepts).
• Fritz Stern : Cultural pessimism as a political danger. An analysis of national ideology in Germany. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2005, ISBN 3-608-94136-3 (English first as dissertation : The politics of cultural despair. A study in the rise of the Germanic ideology. University of California Press, Berkeley et al. 1961).

to individual representatives

• Alexander Bahar : Social Revolutionary Nationalism between Conservative Revolution and Socialism: Harro Schulze-Boysen and the "Opponent" Circle. Fölbach 1992, ISBN 3-923532-18-0 .
• Claudia Bruns: Ricarda Huch and the Conservative Revolution. In: WerkstattGeschichte 25. Results Verlag, Hamburg 2000 ( pdf ).
• Christopher Hausmann: August Winnig and the "conservative revolution": a contribution to the debate on the history of ideas about the Weimar Republic. In: International Scientific Correspondence on the History of the German Labor Movement No. 32/1996, pp. 23–46, ISSN  0046-8428 .
• Rolf Peter Sieferle : The Conservative Revolution. Five biographical sketches. Frankfurt a. Main 1995 (biographical approach, five exponents: Lensch, Sombart, Spengler, Jünger, Freyer).
• Michael Thöndl: Oswald Spengler in Italy. Cultural export of political ideas of the “Conservative Revolution”. Leipziger Universitätsverlag, Leipzig 2010.

to the new right

• Siegfried Jäger , Jobst Paul : This right is still part of this world - aspects of a new conservative revolution. Duisburg Institute for Language and Social Research, 2001, ISBN 3-927388-78-5 .
• Helmut Kellershohn : Between Science and Myth. Some remarks on Armin Mohler's "Conservative Revolution". In: Heiko Kauffmann, Helmut Kellershohn, Jobst Paul (eds.): Völkische Bande. Decadence and Rebirth - Analyzes of Right Ideology. Unrast, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-89771-737-9 .
• Armin Pfahl-Traughber : Conservative Revolution and New Right. Right-wing extremist intellectuals against the democratic constitutional state. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, ISBN 3-8100-1888-0 .
• Volker Weiß : The authoritarian revolt. The New Right and the Fall of the West . Klett-Cotta , 2017, ISBN 978-3-608-94907-0 .

Web links

Wikiquote: Conservative Revolution  - Quotes

• "Conservative Revolution" on the website of the German Historical Museum (dhm.de/lemo)
• Stefan Breuer: The “Conservative Revolution” - Critique of a Myth. In: Politische Vierteljahresschrift , Volume 31 (1990), Issue 4, pp. 585–607
• Gregor Kritidis: The intellectual legacy of the conservatives - On the concept of the "conservative revolution". Socialist positions 12/2002  ( page no longer available )

Individual evidence

1. ^ Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels: Speeches at the commemoration in Brussels on February 22, 1848 on the 2nd anniversary of the Cracow uprising of 1846.
2. ^ Thomas Babington Macaulay: The History of England. From The Accession of James II . Vol. 2. New York 1849, p. 616.
3. ^ William Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, Vol. 2. Leipzig 1872, p. 184.
4. ^ John Fiske: The critical period of American History. 1783-1789 . Boston 1888, p. 64.
5. ^ ^{A b} Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. A manual . 3. Edition. Darmstadt 1989, p. 9.
6. ^ Aurelio Buddeus: Russia and the present . 2. Vol. Leipzig 1851, p. III.
7. ↑ Juri Samarin, Fyodor Dmitriev: Революционный консерватизмъ. B. Behr's Buchhandlung, Berlin 1875 ( online ).
8. ↑ Fjodor Michailowitsch Dostojewski: Autobiographische Schriften (= all works, vol. 11), ed. by Arthur Moeller van den Bruck. Munich 1919, p. 156.
9. ↑ Stephen Shenfield: Russian Fascism. Traditions, Tendencies and Movements . Armonk / New York / London 2001, pp. 26-27.
10. ^ Alexander Schweizer: The ecclesiastical rift of 1845 in the canton of Vaud. Shown using the files. Orell, Füssli & Comp, Zurich 1846, p. 17.
11. ↑ Stefan Breuer: Anatomy of the Conservative Revolution . Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1993, p. 25. In France the radical right was composed mainly of the upper middle class, in England, on the other hand, of the traditional nobility and upper middle class. Bernhard Dietz: Was there a “conservative revolution” in Great Britain? Right-wing intellectuals on the margins of the Conservative Party 1929–1933 , in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 54 (2006), p. 613. Hans-Wilhelm Eckert: Conservative Revolution in France? The non-conformists of the Jeune Droite and the Ordre Nouveau in the crisis of the 1930s . R. Oldenbourg Verlag, Munich 2000, p. 20.
12. ↑ Klaus von Beyme: History of political theories in Germany 1300–2000 . Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, p. 459.
13. ↑ Klaus von Beyme: Conservatism. Theories of Conservatism and Right-Wing Extremism in the Age of Ideologies 1789–1945 . Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2013, p. 235. In the founding document of continental conservatism, Edmund Burkes Reflections on the Revolution in France from 1790, the preserving element is shown as a feature of the status quo conservatism: “A state without the means of some change , is without the means of its conservation. " Edmund Burke: Reflections on the Revolution in France . James Dodsley, Pall Mall (London) 1790, p. 29.
14. ^ Ernst Nolte : Fascism in its epoch - Action française, Italian fascism, National Socialism. Piper Verlag, 1964, p. 179.
15. ↑ Original: "En pratique, on ne réussira jamais une Révolution, surtout une Révolution conservatrice, une Restauration, un retour à l'Ordre qu'avec le concours de certains éléments administratifs et militaires." Charles Maurras: Enquête sur la monarchie. Pp. 509-510.
16. ↑ Thomas Mann: Large commented Frankfurt edition. Frankfurt 2002, Volume 15, p. 341.
17. ↑ Thomas Mann: Doktor Faustus, p. 377. Quoted from Stefan Breuer: How devilish is the conservative revolution? On Thomas Mann's political semantics. In: Werner Röcke (Ed.): Thomas Mann. Doctor Faustus 1947–1997. Peter Lang, Bern a. a. 2004, pp. 59-72.
18. ^ Hugo von Hofmannsthal: The literature as a spiritual space of the nation. P. 31.
19. ↑ Walther Killy : Literature Lexicon. Authors and works in the German language, Volume 14: Weimar Republic. Bertelsmann, Gütersloh 1993, pp. 488-499.
20. ↑ Thomas Mann noted in a diary note dated September 26, 1933 that Hofmannsthal had indeed behaved positively towards the “conservative revolution”, “unconcerned about the shape in which the masses of sub-medium-sized businesses that had gone wild would realize them in Germany”. Perhaps it was easier to foresee the reality of this movement in Germany than in Vienna. Presumably Hofmannsthal would also resist. Source: Thomas Mann: Diaries 1933–1934. Frankfurt am Main 1997, edited by Peter de Mendelssohn.
21. ↑ Quoted from Ulrich Weinzierl: Hofmannsthal, sketches for his picture. Scientific Book Society, p. 44.
22. ↑ “We call the conservative revolution the restoration of all those elementary laws and values, without which man loses his connection with nature and with God and cannot establish a true order. In place of equality comes intrinsic value, in place of social sentiment there is equitable integration into the tiered society, in place of mechanical choice there is organic leadership growth, in place of [...] mass happiness the right of national personality ”. From Edgar Julius Jung: Germany and the Conservative Revolution. In: Germans on Germany. The voice of the unknown politician. Munich 1932, p. 380; quoted from Thomas Assheuer and Hans Sarkowicz: Right-wing radicals in Germany. The old and the new right. CH Beck, Munich 1992, p. 149.
23. ↑ Detlev W. Schumann: Thoughts on Hofmannsthal's concept of the 'conservative revolution' . In: Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 54, No. 3 (1939), pp. 853-899.
24. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. A manual. Third edition expanded to include a supplementary volume. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1989, p. 10.
25. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. A manual. Third edition expanded to include a supplementary volume. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1989, p. 10 f.
26. ↑ Bernhard Dietz: Was there a “conservative revolution” in Great Britain? - Right-wing intellectuals on the fringes of the Conservative Party 1929–1933. Cf. Marcello Veneziani: La rivoluzione conservatrice in Italia ; and Armin Mohler: George Sorel - patriarch of the Conservative Revolution. Edition Antaios , 2002.
27. ↑ See for example Hans-Ulrich Thamer : Seduction and violence. Germany 1933–1945 . Siedler, Berlin 1994, p. 56; Hans-Ulrich Wehler : German history of society , Vol. 4: From the beginning of the First World War to the founding of the two German states 1914–1949 CH Beck Verlag, Munich 2003, pp. 486–493; Heinrich August Winkler : The long way to the west , Vol. 1: German history from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic . CH Beck, Munich 2000, p. 464 ff .; Michael Minkenberg : New rights in Europe . In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus , Volume 5: Organizations, Institutions, Movements . De Gruyter Saur, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-598-24078-2 , p. 447 ff. (Accessed via De Gruyter Online).
28. ^ Louis Dupeux: La révolution conservatrice allemande sous la république de Weimar.
29. ↑ Stefan Breuer : The "Conservative Revolution" - Critique of a Myth. In: Politische Vierteljahresschrift , vol. 31, 1990, issue 4, p. 606 ff.
30. ↑ Peter Gay: The Republic of the Outsiders. Spirit and culture in the Weimar period 1918–1933. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1987, p. 112.
31. ↑ Stefan Breuer: Anatomy of the Conservative Revolution. 2nd Edition. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1995, pp. 4, 9 and 191 ff.
32. ↑ Eberhard Kolb, Dirk Schumann: The Weimar Republic (=  Oldenbourg floor plan of history , vol. 16). 8th edition. Oldenbourg, Munich 2013, p. 225.
33. ↑ Volker Weiß: The authoritarian revolt. The New Right and the Fall of the West. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2017, pp. 40–45.
34. ↑ Thomas Assheuer: New Rights: Germanic Thing Circle. In: Die Zeit of March 27, 2018.
35. ↑ Peter Gay: The Republic of Outsiders - Spirit and Culture in the Weimar Period 1918–1933. Pp. 71-93; see. Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany , pp. 73, 132.
36. ^ Armin Mohler, Karlheinz Weissmann: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918-1932 - A Handbook. 6th revised edition. Graz 2005, p. 379 f (Spengler, Mann, Schmitt); P. 467 ff (Jung, Spann); P. 472 (Hans Freyer); P. 479 (Niemöller); P. 62 (Lensch-Cunow-Henisch group); P. 372 (Hofmannsthal, George); P. 470 (Winnig); P. 519ff (Niekisch); Pp. 110 ff, 415 (Quabbe [5th ed. 1999]); P. 465 (stack).
37. ↑ Thomas Mann: Diaries 1933–1934. Edited by Peter de Mendelsohn, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1997, p. 194.
38. ^ Matthias Schloßberger: Ernst Jünger and the "Conservative Revolution" - considerations on the occasion of the edition of his political writings . In: International Archive for Social History of German Literature Online (IASL).
39. ^ Rolf Peter Sieferle: The Conservative Revolution - Five biographical sketches. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt, 1995, pp. 86, 25.
40. ↑ Richard Herzinger: Feldzeichen des Nothing - The philosophy of violence of the Conservative Revolution and the Chiliasmus of German super-modernism. In: Frauke Meyer-Gosau and Wolfgang Emmerich: violence, fascination and fear; Yearbook for literature and politics in Germany 1. Reclam, Leipzig, 1994, pp. 74, 75.
41. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart 1950, p. 90.
42. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, pp. 201–207 and 279 ff.
43. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, pp. 54–63.
44. ^ ^{A b} Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 119.
45. ↑ Gustav Steinbömer: Considerations on the conservatism in German nationality. 1932, p. 26.
46. ↑ Edgar Jung: Germany and the Conservative Revolution. 1932, p. 380.
47. ↑ Quotation from Hans Mommsen: The playful freedom - The way of the republic of Weimar in the downfall 1918 to 1933, The dissolution of the parliamentary system. Propylaea, History of Germany, Berlin 1989, p. 313.
48. ↑ Hans Mommsen: The playful freedom - The way of the republic of Weimar in the downfall 1918 to 1933, The dissolution of the parliamentary system . Propylaea, History of Germany, Berlin 1989, p. 313.
49. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 123.
50. ^ Carl von Ossietzky: Anti-Semites. In: Die Weltbühne from July 19, 1932, p. 89.
51. ↑ Arthur Moeller van den Bruck: The third realm. 3rd ed. By Hans Schwarz, Hamburg 1931, p. 189.
52. ↑ Arthur Moeller van den Bruck: The third realm. 3rd ed. By Hans Schwarz, Hamburg 1931, p. 202.
53. ↑ Interview by Peter Bossdorf with the French writer and philosopher Alain de Benoist on www.zinnober.net  ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) (PDF; 109 kB).
54. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart 1950, pp. 146–151.
55. ↑ Gustav Steinbömer: Considerations on Conservatism . In Deutsches Volkstum 1932, p. 26.
56. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 144.
57. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 142.
58. ^ Keith Bullivant: The Conservative Revolution. In: Anthony Phelan: The Weimar Dilemma - Intellectuals in the Weimar Republic. Manchester University Press, 1985, p. 52; quoted from John King: Writing and Rewriting the First World War - Ernst Jünger and the Crisis of the Conservative Imagination 1914–1925. P. 249, on www.juenger.org ( Memento of July 10, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 2.3 MB).
59. ^ Moeller van den Bruck: The Third Reich. P. 119.
60. ↑ Review of Erwin von Beckerath's essence and becoming of the fascist state (quoted from Positions and Terms, p. 125).
61. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 153.
62. ↑ Harro Segeberg: Ernst Jünger in the 20th century. Pp. 81, 129 ff.
63. ↑ Ernst Jünger: Get together! In: Standarte , 1st year, issue 10 of June 3, 1926, p. 223; quoted from: Tobias Wimbauer: Ernst Jünger - Life and Writing in Dictatorship and Democracy in the 20th Century. At www.studienzentrum-weikersheim.de. ( Memento of October 7, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
64. ↑ Hans Zehrer: The end of the parties. In: Die TAT, 24, p. 68, in 1932.
65. ↑ Othmar Spann: The True State. Pp. 110-118.
66. ↑ Hans-Ulrich Thamer: Seduction and violence. Germany 1933–1945 . Siedler, Berlin 1994, p. 56.
67. ↑ Edgar Julius Jung: The rule of the inferior - their disintegration and their replacement by a new empire. P. 333.
68. ^ Alfred Weber: The Crisis of the Modern State Thought in Europe. Stuttgart 1925.
69. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 193.
70. ↑ Hans-Ulrich Thamer: Seduction and violence. Germany 1933–1945 . Siedler, Berlin 1994, p. 56
71. ^ Heinrich von Gleichen-Rußwurm: Reich and Reichsführung. In: European Review  8, 1932, p. 770.
72. ↑ Oswald Spengler: Prussianism and Socialism . 1919, pp. 56-57, 103.
73. ↑ Oswald Spengler: Years of Decision . 1933, dtv, 1961, p. 52.
74. ^ Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel in Basics of the Philosophy of Law. Natural Law and Political Science : "§ 258 The state, as the reality of the substantial will, which it has in the special self-consciousness raised to its universality, is in and for itself rational. This substantial unity is an absolute unmoved end in itself, in which freedom comes to its highest right, as well as this end end has the highest right against the individual, whose highest duty it is to be members of the state. "
75. ↑ Julius Binder: The authoritarian state. Logos 22, 1933, p. 157.
76. ^ Friedrich Gogarten: Political Ethics. Jena 1932.
77. ↑ Stefan Breuer: Anatomy of the Conservative Revolution. P. 115 ff.
78. ↑ Othmar Spann: The true state - lectures on demolition and rebuilding of the state. 1921, p. 176.
79. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, pp. 201–207.
80. ^ ^{A b} Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 271.
81. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart 1950, p. 148.
82. ↑ Othmar Spann: The true state. Fischer, Jena 1938, p. 44.
83. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 275.
84. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, pp. 276, 277.
85. ^ ^{A b} Moeller van den Bruck: The Third Reich. P. 68.
86. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart 1950, pp. 59–65.
87. ↑ Stefan Breuer: Anatomy of the Conservative Revolution. Darmstadt 1993, p. 59 ff.
88. ↑ Opening sentences of his writings Liberation from 1926 and Das Reich als Republik from 1928.
89. ↑ Judaism in German jurisprudence. Speeches, lectures and results of the conference of the Reichsgruppe Hochschullehrer in the NRSB on October 3rd and 4th 1936, Issue 1, Berlin 1936, p. 29 ff.
90. ↑ Ernst Jünger: Our politicians. In: Die Standarte , September 6, 1925.
91. ↑ http://iasl.uni-muenchen.de/
92. ↑ Klaus-Jörg Siegfried: Universalism and Fascism - The image of society by Othmar Spann. Baulino Verlag GmbH, 1984, p. 72, quoted from - ( Memento of September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) www.contextxxi.at
93. ↑ Oswald Spengler: The fall of the occident. Munich 1963, vol. 2 chap. 2 Section 2.9, p. 711 .
94. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The long way to the west, Vol. 1: German history from the end of the Old Empire to the fall of the Weimar Republic . CH Beck, Munich 2000, p. 466.
95. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 282 f .; Kurt Lenk , Henrique Ricardo Otten, Günter Meuter: Pioneers of the New Right. Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1997, p. 11; Günter Rohrmoser, Michael Grimminger: Germany's tragedy. The spiritual path to National Socialism. Olzog, 2002, p. 86 f .; Hans Joachim Hahn: German Thought and Culture. From the Holy Roman Empire to the Present Day. Manchester University Press, 1995, pp. 126, 196; Jan Herman Brinks: Germay's New Right. In: Jan Herman Brinks, Edward Timms, Stella Rock: National Myths and the modern media. Contested identities in the age of globalization. IB Tauris, 2006, p. 125; Henry Stuart Hughes: Oswald Spengler. Transaction Publishers, 1991, p. 132 f.
96. ^ Thomas Pfeiffer: The New Right in Germany. P. 38; at www.extremismus.com www.extremismus.com. ( Memento from September 28, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
97. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. P. 187.
98. ↑ A Marxist cannot be a nationalist ( Memento from February 20, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
99. ^ Rolf Peter Sieferle: The Conservative Revolution. Five biographical sketches. Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1995, p. 24.
100. ↑ See Friedrich Walz: Ricarda Huch and the "Third Reich". Braunschweig 2014, p. 9.
101. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Anti-democratic thinking in the Weimar Republic. Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, Munich 1962, p. 279 ff.
102. ^ Hans-Ulrich Wehler: German history of society , vol. 4: From the beginning of the First World War to the founding of the two German states 1914–1949 CH Beck Verlag, Munich 2003, p. 492; Ernst Forsthoff: The peculiarity of the concept of leadership . In: Léon Poliakov , Josef Wulf (ed.): The Third Reich and its thinkers . De Gruyter, Berlin / Boston 1978, ISBN 3-11-152212-1 , p. 338 f. (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
103. ↑ Hans Bogner: The end of the enlightened democracy. In: Deutsche Rundschau , 1932, p. 13.
104. ↑ Hans Bogner: The formation of the political elite. Oldenburg, 1932, Writings to the Nation, No. 6, p. 31.
105. ^ Edgar Julius Jung: Revitalization of Weimar? In: Deutsche Rundschau , 1932, p. 153.
106. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. 1950, pp. 12-18.
107. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart 1950, pp. 12, 13.
108. ^ Hans Mommsen: Civil (national conservative) resistance. In Wolfgang Benz, Walter Pehle: Lexicon of German Resistance. Pp. 56, 57.
109. ↑ Heidrun Rotermund-Ehrke, Erwin Rotermund: Zwischenreich und Gegenwelten - Texts and preliminary studies on the "hidden spelling" in the Third Reich. Pp. 513-520.
110. ^ Wolfgang Benz, Walter Pehle: Lexicon of German Resistance, Edgar-Jung circle. Pp. 204-207.
111. ↑ Mohler, pp. 14, 15.
112. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart, 1950, p. 151.
113. ↑ Armin Mohler, p. 152. Cf. Oscar Cullmann: Christ and Time - The early Christian conception of time and history , quoted from Armin Mohler, p. 152.
114. ↑ Herbert Ulmann: The people becoming - against liberalism and reaction. Hamburg 1929, p. 81.
115. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Outline of their world views. Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, Stuttgart 1950, pp. 83, 84, 151.
116. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. A manual . 3. Edition. Darmstadt 1989, pp. 130-131.
117. ^ Georg Schmidt-Rohr: The language as a picture artist. 1932.
118. ↑ Ewald Banse: Landscape and Soul. Munich 1928, p. 469.
119. ↑ Franz Wegener: The atlantidische world view and the integral tradition. National Socialism and the New Right in search of the sunken Atlantis. Kulturförderverein Ruhrgebiet KFVR, Gladbeck 2003, ISBN 3-931300-04-8 , p. 10: The result is a previously unknown line of connection between theosophists, ariosophors, anthroposophists, representatives of the conservative revolution, world ice theory supporters, National Socialists, and the New Right in Germany and France: The popular science implementation of the Atlantis myth in a Nordic-racist variant. 3. heavily revised. Edition ibid. 2014, ISBN 978-1-4936-6866-3 . Available in online bookshops.
120. ↑ Lanz von Liebenfels book Theozoology or the story of the Sodomian saplings and the god electron .
121. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Pp. 166-172.
122. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Pp. 166-172, 81-83.
123. ↑ George L. Mosse: The Volkische Revolution. About the spiritual roots of National Socialism. Frankfurt am Main 1991, ISBN 3-445-04765-0 .
124. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Pp. 176-181.
125. ^ Franz Schauwecker: Germans alone - cut through time. P. 162.
126. ^ Franz Schauwecker: Germans alone - cut through time. P. 276.
127. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Pp. 172-176.
128. ↑ Edgar Julius Jung: Meaning of the German Revolution . In: Schriften an die Nation , Volume 55. Oldenburg 1933, pp. 78, 95; quoted from Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution. P. 174.
129. ↑ Arno Klönne: Youth in the Third Reich - The Hitler Youth and their opponents. Papyrossa Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003, p. 125.
130. ^ Gideon Botsch: German youth movement . In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus, Volume 5: Organizations, Institutions, Movements . De Gruyter Saur, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-598-24078-2 , pp. 152–154 (here the quote) (accessed via De Gruyter Online).
131. ^ Armin Mohler: The Conservative Revolution in Germany 1918–1932. Pp. 198-203.
132. ^ Rolf Peter Sieferle: The Conservative Revolution: Five biographical sketches. 1995, p. 25f.
133. ↑ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: Conservative Revolution and New Right. Right-wing extremist intellectuals against the democratic constitutional state. Leske + Budrich, Opladen 1998, p. 13.
134. ^ Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse: Political Extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany, Volume 1. Cologne 1989, p. 136.
135. ↑ Interview with Karlheinz Weißmann about his latest historical study, about the rights in Germany and about a new right-wing style - "National socialism was a genuinely left-wing idea"; on www.jf-archiv.de.
136. ↑ Armin Pfahl-Traughber: The “New Right” in France and Germany - On the Development of a Right -Wing Extremist Intellectual Scene. ( Memento from December 11, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
137. ↑ Alain de Benoist: Arthur Moeller van den Bruck. In: alaindebenoist.com. Retrieved May 9, 2008 (French). 
138. ↑ New Right: Pioneers in European Self-Discovery - The French philosopher and publicist Alain de Benoist celebrates his 60th birthday. ( Memento from September 28, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
139. ^ Jürgen Hatzenbichler : lateral thinkers - conservative revolutionaries. 1995, p. 13.
140. ↑ Wolfgang Gessenharter: The Schmittism of the weekly newspaper "Junge Freiheit" and its incompatibility with the Basic Law (manuscript for the hearing "Junge Freiheit" on November 17, 2006 of the SPD parliamentary group in the Baden-Württemberg state parliament). At www.hsu-hh.de. ( Memento from September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
141. ↑ Dobrindt railed against “left predominance of opinion”. In: welt.de. January 4, 2018, accessed February 15, 2018 . 
142. ^ "Conservative Revolution" - Dobrindt's new, right choice of words. Interview from heute.de with Volker Weiß. January 5, 2018, accessed June 23, 2018
143. ↑ Alexandre Dougine: Panorama de la "Révolution Conservatrice» en Russie. ( Memento from September 28, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
144. ↑ Michael Schweizer continued this kind of “alarmism” when he compared the author of the “Bocksgesangs” with the collaborators of the Conservative Revolution and approached an anti-democratic right: “Botho Strauss will never be in favor of setting fire to anything either; but if the circumstances suggest the easy exercise for him, [...] he will stand by his poem - not as a failure, but by consistently thinking ahead what he is already advocating. " ; on http://public.univie.ac.at/fileadmin/user_upload/inst_germanistik/tauss.rtf ( Memento from July 18, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
145. ↑ Nadja Thomas: The uprising against the secondary world - Botho Strauss and the "Conservative Revolution". Königshausen & Neumann, 2003.
146. ↑ Detlev Hartmann: Where are the barbarians of the 21st century? - The philosophy is upgrading. (PDF; 72 kB) See www.tu-darmstadt.de. ( Memento from June 5, 2009 in the Internet Archive )
147. ↑ http://www.berlinerliteraturkritik.de/index.cfm?id=548 The "Walser Case" in retrospect - Martin Walser's irrationalistic rollback. At www.berlinerliteraturkritik.de.
148. ↑ Gregor Dotzauer : Kill what you love - longing for a conservative revolution - Uwe Tellkamp's novel "The Kingfisher". In: Tagesspiegel from March 16, 2005; on www.single-generation.de. ( Memento from August 4, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
149. ^ Guy Sorman: La révolution conservatrice américaine. Fayard, Paris 1983.
150. ^ Dominik Geppert: Thatcher's conservative revolution. Oldenburg 2002.
151. ↑ Jordan Mejias: America - How Bush betrays Reagan's conservative legacy. On www.faz.net.
152. ^ Winfried Veit : Conservative Revolution à la française. On the library page of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (PDF; 125 kB).
153. ^ Federal Council elections: "Conservative Revolution". At www.swissinfo.org.
154. ↑ Everything backwards - civilize capitalism at last! Günter Grass in conversation with Pierre Bourdieu.
155. ↑ Claus Leggewie: America first? The case of a conservative revolution. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1997, pp. 286, 211.
156. ↑ deutschlandfunk.de , Andruck - Das Magazin für Politische Literatur , March 20, 2017, Stefan Maas: Old ideas in a new guise (March 22, 2017)
157. ↑ badische-zeitung.de , Literature & Lectures , March 22, 2017, Thomas Steiner: Björn Höckes keyword: The heads of the New Right (March 23, 2017)