Albert Leo Schlageter

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Albert Leo Schlageter in Uniform with Iron Cross 1st and 2nd Class (ca.1918)

Albert Leo Schlageter (born August 12, 1894 in Schönau in the Black Forest ( Baden ), † May 26, 1923 on the Golzheimer Heide , Düsseldorf ) was a soldier in the First World War and a member of various voluntary corps . Schlageter was a member of the NSDAP - front organization large German Workers' Party . During the Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr , he was a militant activist and was sentenced to death and executed by a French military court for espionage and several explosive attacks .

In the Weimar Republic, after his execution, Schlageter was not only elevated to the status of a martyr by right-wing circles, but also enjoyed considerable sympathy “across party lines”. The Nazi propaganda made him the "first soldier of the Third Reich" and founded a "Schlageter cult". After 1945 honors are limited to the far right of the political spectrum. Its current reception in public is determined by “disinterest and disrespect”.

Life

Youth, World War I, studies, deployment to the Baltic States (1919)

Schlageter was born in 1894 as the sixth of eleven children of a Catholic farming family in Schönau in the Black Forest in Wiesental in southern Baden . In Schönau he attended the community school, then in Freiburg im Breisgau the humanistic Berthold grammar school and the humanistic grammar school in Constance . He wanted a Catholic priest be, in his high school years he lived in the Archbishop's seminary Freiburg and Konstanz . At the beginning of the First World War , he graduated from high school in Freiburg and volunteered for the military. He was accepted in December 1914 by the 5th Baden Field Artillery Regiment No. 76 . From the winter semester 1915/16 he enrolled at the University of Freiburg as a theology student (war participant, "K"). Until the end of the war he was deployed on the Western Front, was wounded twice and in 1917 was promoted to lieutenant in the reserve . In April 1918 he received EK I for “particularly risky patrols”.

At the beginning of 1919, shortly before his discharge from the army , he stopped studying theology in Freiburg and enrolled in economics. At the same time he became a member of the Catholic student association KDSt.V. Falkenstein Freiburg im Breisgau in the CV and also entered the Young German Order (Jungdo) . In March 1919 he broke off this study and joined the Freikorps of Captain Walter Eberhard Freiherr von Medem , which was set up in Waldkirch . The imperial government had decided to set up and deploy several voluntary corps for the Latvian War of Independence . The Baltics were given vague promises to receive land from the Latvian government for settlement purposes. Schlageter, the farmer's son, may have planned to purchase the land. As a battery leader, he participated in the conquest of Riga in May 1919. In June he joined the Freikorps Horst von Petersdorff . When the Reich government issued the withdrawal order in October 1919, there was an open mutiny: the Freikorps formed the German Legion , which joined the Russian Western Army together with the Iron Division . Schlageter was one of them, along with around 40,000 other mutinous comrades. The Freikorps troops had to retreat to East Prussia to fight new Latvian-Lithuanian troops. Great atrocities occurred on both sides and scorched earth on the German side . On December 16, 1919, Schlageter's battery is said to have crossed the German border as one of the last units.

The years 1920–1922

From the beginning of 1920, Schlageter and the Petersdorff Freikorps belonged to the von Loewenfeld Marine Brigade , which supported the Kapp Putsch in Breslau and was involved in the suppression of the left-wing March uprising in the Ruhr area. Schlageter took part in street fights in Bottrop , among other things . After the forced dissolution of the brigade at the end of May 1920, he worked as a farm worker, before he took part in actions by the illegal group "Organization Heinz" of the former Freikorpsführer Heinz Hauenstein in Upper Silesia in early 1921 . After a temporary stay in the Baden homeland, he returned to Upper Silesia with the Hauenstein Freikorps ("Sturmbataillon Heinz") on the occasion of the Third Polish Uprising in May and took part again in the ethnic conflicts there. After the end of the fighting, Schlageter tried to infiltrate the Polish underground in Danzig on behalf of Hauenstein . In addition, he offered the Polish secret service the sale of alleged German military secrets, but was soon recognized as a German agent. The secret service let him go, but published photos of Schlageter and offered a reward for his arrest, which made him useless for further secret missions in Poland. In 1922 Schlageter and Hauenstein opened an export-import company in Berlin. There is an assumption in the literature that it served the illegal arms trade.

Partial facsimile of a list of members of the GDAP / NSDAP that has been handed down in full in the Federal Archives , holdings of the NSDAP's main archive, NS 26/33 [sic!].

Hardly any other point in Schlageter's biography is as controversial as the question of whether he was a member of the NSDAP . Hauenstein, Schlageter and Gerhard Roßbach , another Freikorpsführer, had met Adolf Hitler in Munich in August 1922. The Freikorpsführer made the decision to build up the NSDAP in northern Germany, especially in Berlin, and to recruit members there. They had invited to the founding meeting of the North German NSDAP on November 19, 1922. On November 15, 1922, however, the Prussian Interior Minister Carl Severing issued a ban on the NSDAP in accordance with Section 14 (2) of the Republic Protection Act . The founding meeting took place anyway, except that instead of the NSDAP, the Greater German Workers' Party (GDAP) was founded as a cover organization with a relevant right-wing extremist and völkisch - anti-Semitic program. It was therefore also banned after a short time. Since Schlageter was a founding member of the WAEP and in January 1923 the first Nazi Party participated in the Nazi party, he is called a Nazi and Nazi party member.

Against the background that Schlageter was claimed by National Socialism as a “ blood witness ”, his NS party membership has been questioned again and again. Above all, a facsimile of the GDAP / NSDAP list of members in a relevant Nazi publication by Friedrich Glombowski from 1934 was viewed critically because not the complete list, but only an excerpt was facsimile. However, all this criticism ignores the tradition of the full list of GDAP / NSDAP members in the Federal Archives, which has been known at least since 1988 .

Occupation of the Ruhr (1923)

In the "active resistance"

During the occupation of the Ruhr , Schlageter von Hauenstein was activated for the Heinz organization. According to investigations by the political police , it was a chief engineer Haller from the Krupp works who had Hauenstein contacted on January 10, 1923 through an intermediary. Hauenstein was tasked with monitoring the French military, monitoring the French "espionage service" and disrupting the transport of confiscated coal to France by blowing up railway lines. A sabotage group of 20 railway workers from Württemberg had already been formed by the head of the Reichsbahnschutz , Karl Heiges . Hauenstein was supposed to provide blasting experts.

Various police authorities issued false passports to members of the Heinz organization. Schlageter, for example, obtained false passports from Bottrop police headquarters. In total, the command consisted of about 30 men. Schlageter headed the 1st group with initially ten, later seven men, based in Essen.

Hauenstein later stated that he had personally secured the support of the Reichswehr Ministry in Berlin at the end of January 1923 . Joachim von Stülpnagel had told him there that the Reichswehr Ministry had a great interest in the work of the Heinz organization, but was not allowed to deal directly with it. Instead, he was referred to Kurt Jahnke . This involved the Heinz organization in Jahnke's attempt to combine the various sabotage groups in the Ruhr area in a state-licensed, illegal sabotage organization. For this purpose, a command post under the direction of Franz von Pfeffers under the code name “Zentrale Nord” was set up in Münster by private individuals, but with the backing of the Reichswehr .

After Hauenstein's return, Schlageter's group in Essen became particularly active in the “surveillance and prosecution of the French spy service”. For this purpose, the public traffic at the headquarters of the French occupying power in Essen was monitored. Civilians frequenting there were followed to identify "collaborators" and "traitors". The term “betrayal” could mean any kind of contact with the occupation during the Ruhr War. "Spy defense" meant that alleged or actual informers were kidnapped from the occupied area and handed over to the state police. On the German side, government executive measures were transferred to non-governmental organizations such as the Heinz organization, which also operated outside of legality. Vigilante justice and the law of the thumb according to the principle of feme against alleged “traitors” were not only tolerated by the police, but also partly endorsed. According to investigations by the Prussian Political Police, Schlageter acted “in close agreement with the Essen police authority”. The Essen police gave him two submachine guns , allegedly from the security police .

Was determined a Fememord . When the Essen police had to dismiss the alleged spy Synder by order of the French occupation authorities, the Schlageter group arrested him again in front of the police building with the consent of the police and shot him about 100 meters away. According to Hauenstein, the police even gave the Schlageter group some crime stamps for this purpose. Schlageter later stated that he knew nothing about any of this. Hauenstein, meanwhile, claimed that his organization had "eliminated" eight "French informers" by May 1923. The murder was discussed in the Düsseldorf trial against Schlageter, but it was not a charge. Such homicides were not prosecuted by the German side.

Another activity of the Heinz organization was the manufacture of explosive devices that were distributed to other sabotage groups. From March 19 to the end of August, 180 acts of sabotage were committed against train traffic during the battle against the Ruhr. Hauenstein claimed responsibility for 18 attacks for his organization. However, Hauenstein is considered an unreliable witness on his own behalf because at least one of these attacks can be proven to have been carried out by other groups. Schlageter referred to himself in a receipt sent to Hauenstein on April 14, 1923 as the executor or manager of a demolition near Kalkum (March 15) and one at Essen-Hügel train station (March 12). At Kalkum, a railway bridge over the Haarbach was to be blown up on the Cologne – Duisburg railway line between Duisburg and Düsseldorf . The information about the damage caused contradict each other. Some speak of an interruption of the connection for several days, others of only a slight bending of the iron girders. People were not harmed. This was of course not in the interests of Zentrale Nord , as it considered “attacks that only cause material damage” to be pointless and had expressly prohibited them. The Central North under von Pfeffer also pursued other goals than the saboteurs of the railway protection. While the railroad workers' acts of sabotage were supposed to tie up troops and thus increase occupation costs, the former Free Corps leaders and nationalist associations set out to provoke a new war in the hope of defeating the French and eliminating the republic.

The paramilitary saboteurs were extremely unwelcome in the Ruhr area; their activities were rejected by the population because the occupying powers usually responded to acts of sabotage with severe repression and very few people wanted to see the point of such actions. Support in the Rhenish industry also waned. The fact that the Prussian authorities had not only banned the terrorist attacks, but increasingly also arrested terrorists and forwarded arrest warrants to the French, later led nationalist newspapers to accuse the Prussian government of treason against Schlageter.

Even contemporaries rated the effect of active resistance as minor. British historian Conan Fischer concludes that active resistance is marginal and far less than the passive resistance that the unions, and especially the railroad workers, used to defend the Weimar Republic "against foreign imperialism and militarism" was effective. The Schlageter myth was used by the National Socialists to stylize active resistance as the essence of the Ruhr struggle.

Arrest: Treason or Carelessness?

The fact that Schlageter's arrest was the result of betrayal by the Prussian government was only one of several speculations that circulated about it. After the attack at Kalkum, there were testimonies that led to the search for an "Albert Leo Schlagstein or Schapeten" on April 5th. But Schlageter did not behave particularly conspiratorially either. When he stayed in a hotel near Kalkum in Kaiserswerth before the attack , he signed up under his real name, even though he was actually using a forged passport. On the day of his arrest, he stayed at the Union Hotel in Essen under his real name. Here he was arrested on April 7th by officers from the French Sûreté .

Hauenstein later accused two members of his organization of betraying Schlageter on behalf of Gerhard Roßbach . The accused, Alfred Götze and Otto Schneider, therefore led a defamation process against Hauenstein in 1928. Hauenstein was able to summon a witness to confirm that Götze and Schneider had worked for the French occupation forces. A betrayal of Schlageter has not been proven. Instead, it emerged from various concurring statements, including an employee of the Hotel Union, the hotel owner and a city inspector that Schlageter was heavily drunk and was with a woman on the day of his arrest. From the statements it became clear that the woman had noticed a suitcase with explosive devices in Schlageter's hotel room and that she had reported this to the French police after a dispute. In June 1934 the Gestapo re- investigated Götze and Schneider, who had meanwhile advanced to become SS Sturmbannführer , in the "treason case Schlageter" . In 1935 she came to the conclusion that Schlageter had been noticed "by chance with the assistance of an unknown woman" during a routine check. He had shown the French passports with different names, so that his arrest became inevitable. In any case, "Schlageter and his comrades in the Ruhr area often lacked the necessary care", so that Schlageter probably got the French on his track through his own recklessness.

In 1923, nationalist propaganda made completely unfounded accusations that the Prussian Interior Minister Carl Severing was not only responsible for the first arrest warrant of April 5, but also for the imprisonment of Hauenstein on May 12, 1923, who was believed to have taken action to free Schlageter. The police had found Hauenstein's lead when a member of a raid party he had formed was arrested with a submachine gun on the night of May 11th. After Schlageter's arrest, however, the Heinz organization was as good as broken. Only five men remained and their area of ​​operation was limited to the section between Wupper and Ruhr. Friedrich Glombowski claimed in 1934 that plans for the liberation of Schlageter had been drawn up. Hauenstein himself did not claim that. Although he had tried a liberation attempt with members of the Kameradschaft Schill (led by Viktor Lutze and the Wiking group around Erich Koch and Karl Kaufmann ), the men were too untrained and fearful for such an action. The exercise was the raid on the night of May 11th, during which they tried to overpower a French guard. During his interrogation, however, he threatened that preparations for the demolition of the Essen – Paris express train were ready in case Schlageter was to be executed.

Trial and Execution

Schlageter was charged with several accomplices of forming a criminal organization, of espionage with the aim of assassinations and four explosions. On May 9, 1923, a French military court in Düsseldorf sentenced him to death "for espionage and sabotage ". The death sentence and its threatened execution aroused great sympathy and interest from the German public. An appeal hearing, immediately requested by the defense lawyers, took place on May 18 in the absence of the defendants. The appeal was rejected. After that, there was only one request for clemency, which Schlageter refused to make. A pardon from Schlageter's parents to the court was supported by the prison pastor. He turned to the French Army Bishop, the Cardinal of Paris and the Red Cross. The Queen of Sweden, Viktoria von Baden , talked to her mother and promised help. The Foreign Ministry appealed to the Vatican in vain. The French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré did not issue a pardon. Presumably he wanted to impress the French public by cracking down on them and set a chilling example in the occupied territory. On May 26, the sentence was carried out by shooting . The body was buried in church in a row grave on the morning of the execution in the Düsseldorf North Cemetery.

Schlageter is the only assassin from the so-called active resistance who was executed for terrorist activities. Ten other people were first sentenced to death by the occupation authorities, but were then pardoned to longer imprisonment or forced labor and sent to Belgium, France or the French penal colony of Saint-Martin-de-Ré . In one case, Zwicker suspected that France could have no interest in “creating a second martyr”. After the London Agreement of 1924 , which ended the Ruhr struggle, they were released as part of an amnesty.

Political environment, political self-image

A few days after the execution, elementary school teacher Walter Kadow was brutally mistreated and shot in Parchim because he was suspected of being a communist or a French informant. The murderers, including Rudolf Höß and Martin Bormann , were members of the Roßbach organization and thus came from the same right-wing radical milieu of the Freikorps as Schlageter. They justified themselves by saying that their victim had been a traitor to the "German cause". After the Second World War, Hoess claimed in interrogations and in his autobiographical notes that Kadow had been Schlageter's traitor. Corresponding references are not found in the grounds for the judgment of the Parchimer fememord trial or other sources, so that, according to Martin Broszat , it was an "objectively quite unjustified imagination" Höss'. Höß 'further assertion that he fought with Schlageter in the Baltic States, in the Ruhr area and in Upper Silesia can neither be proven nor refuted.

Only a few personal testimonies are available from Schlageter. An edition of letters was obtained in 1934 by the writer and journalist Friedrich Bubendey on the initiative of the publisher Paul Steegemann . Not all existing letters were published in it, however, and those responsible placed their edition clearly in the service of National Socialism. Ernst von Salomon reported in his autobiographical novel Der Questionebogen in 1951 that he had seen letters in Hauenstein's possession in 1935 in which Schlageter sharply criticized the role of the NSDAP in the war against the Ruhr. But Salomon is not always considered a credible witness, and the letters have never appeared anywhere.

Accordingly, there are only a few political statements from Schlageter. He was an opponent of the Weimar democracy and condemned the republic in 1919 as a “new socialist state”. In 1922 he claimed that the "unfortunate peace and our post-war politics leave us completely impoverished and made slaves". “Our heads of state dance like the Entente whistles in every respect,” said Schlageter, and would have “handed over all of our private assets to our enemies”. Manfred Franke reckons Schlageter to be part of the right-wing extremist camp because of such statements. Stefan Zwicker does not see any evidence in Schlageter's statements that he was a “right-wing radical”, but as a Freikorps activist he would like to classify him as “definitely right-wing”. In the overall view of his membership in the far-right Greater German Workers' Party, his career in various free corps and his active membership in the terrorist "Organization Heinz", Schlageter appears as a radical nationalist and National Socialist. Through the “Organization Heinz” he was part of one of the “most important right-wing radical organizations of the early twenties”, the “ Black Reichswehr ”. The “hard core” of the right-wing extremist movement gathered in this typical group milieu and formed one of the most important precursor organizations of National Socialism in Northern Germany.

Posthumous historical classification

Public reactions and first political echoes

The execution sparked a storm of protest in Germany. The Düsseldorf government president Walther Grützner sent a letter to the French city commander Joseph Cyrille Denvignes on May 26th. The German Foreign Ministry submitted a protest note to the French government on May 28. The tenor of the protest was that the French occupying power had no right to bring German citizens before French courts-martial and, moreover, to judge their life and death on illegally occupied German territory - according to German understanding. Schlageter and the assassinations, however, were judged soberly and disparagingly in the Düsseldorf city administration. The President of Baden, Adam Remmele, wrote a letter to Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno on June 15 , in which he fundamentally criticized acts of sabotage and called for them to end.

When the Reich government, at the request of the family, obtained permission from the French authorities to transfer Schlageter's body to Schönau, the Reich authorities staged the transfer as an indictment against the French. On the occasion of the exhumation , the first small memorial service was held on June 7th in the north cemetery , at which merchant Constans Heinersdorff and prison pastor Hermann Faßbender gave memorial speeches. The following day the coffin was transferred to Elberfeld in the unoccupied area and another, much larger, ecumenical memorial service was held with several thousand participants. Faßbender, who was also Schlageter's last confessor , stylized Schlageter as a Catholic national hero. There was almost a scandal when the police chief tried to remove the imperial war flag , which covered Schlageter's coffin under a steel helmet . Schlageter's comrades, including Wilhelm Hügenell, Viktor Lutze, Karl Kaufmann, August Juergens and Karl Koch, refused because the flag had complied with Schlageter's last wish.

The actual transfer by special train became an anti-republican demonstration. At various places on the route to Schönau, the train was awaited by the nationalist bourgeoisie, student and soldier associations, and right-wing extremist associations who demonstrated demonstrative unity. In front of the main train stations in Frankfurt am Main and Gießen, for example, delegations from the NSDAP, the German National Youth Association , the “ Bund Wiking ”, the Young German Order and the SA lined up in military order and laid wreaths. In Donaueschingen , whole school classes were shown to the train station.

The commemoration in Freiburg attracted particular attention. The nationally-minded professors saw Schlageter, who came from the Black Forest, as a symbol of patriotism connected with his home country. Hans Spemann , rector of Schlageter's former university and a declared opponent of the Versailles Treaty , suspended the lectures on June 6 and moved with the deans in full regalia , with representatives of the student body and corporations in a joint funeral procession to the train station , where they met with delegations of the officers from Schlageter's former regiment and the German officers' union and students from Schlageter's former grammar school. After the train arrived, Spemann put down two wreaths, which were stowed in the half-open baggage car that was decorated with flowers and marked with swastikas . To the sound of I had a comrade , the crowd swore Schlageter's motto "Heil, Sieg und Vache".

In Freiburg's national conservative press it was said that people of all classes had gathered at the coffin, which would change society. The Social Democratic People's Watch, however, saw the event as a provocation and asked whether it was "a nationalist hype or political myopia". It had, the Volkswacht finally to act "a nationalist and anti-Republican demonstration" says had in probably the "laughing up his sleeve swastika, accompanied the corpse." The identification with the stylized Schlageter, according to the historian Ute Scherb , was based on a feeling of being at the mercy of the victorious powers, while criticism of democracy was widespread at universities. The enemies of the republic knew how to use this.

In the presence of the city's dignitaries, a government official and student delegations and the Free Corps commanders Hubertus von Aulock and Walter Eberhard von Medem , Schlageter was buried on June 10, 1923 in an honorary grave at the Schönau cemetery. On the day of the funeral, commemorations were held across the country, and Munich also had its own commemorative event with the participation of the NSDAP, at which Erich Ludendorff , Hermann Kriebel and Adolf Hitler spoke. The Benedictine - Abt Alban Schachleiter preached the final worship. In Schönau, the Young German Order, to which Medem as well as Schlageter's father and brother belonged, held commemorations in the years that followed. The annual commemoration on May 26, 1924 was initially banned by the Baden state government. Finally, a funeral service was permitted at the grave, but it was accompanied by armed gendarmerie . In 1926 the order inaugurated a Schlageter monument in Schönau, the cornerstone of which had been laid a year earlier. From 1925 onwards, the Freiburg University refused to officially participate in the commemorations in Schönau, but continued to donate wreaths. The Catholic CV , Schlageter's former student union, to which Wilhelm Cuno and Faßbender also belonged , also made a special effort to preserve Schlageter's memory . In 1923, the CV organized commemorations in Augsburg, Berlin, Erlangen, Würzburg, Nuremberg, Vienna and Innsbruck.

The demonstrations also led to a political debate about the meaning and purpose of sabotage in the Ruhr War. On the occasion of the budget debates in the Prussian state parliament in mid-June 1923, the DNVP picked up on the rumors that Severing was responsible for Schlageter's arrest. The SPD responded by vigorously protesting Schlageter's execution on the one hand and criticizing the DNVP for having abused the transfer to nationalist demonstrations and agitation against Interior Minister Severing on the other. The German Center Party proclaimed Schlageter as a national hero, but defended Severing and warned against switching to active resistance. MP Richard Hauschildt from the MSPD also called the execution legally untenable and cruel and warned that it would only feed revenge and nationalism in Germany.

Shortly thereafter, a speech made by Karl Radek on June 20, 1923 at the 3rd plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (EKKI) caused a stir . In it he called Schlageter a “martyr of German nationalism” and spoke - referring to the title of a novel by Friedrich Freksa - of Schlageter as a “wanderer into nowhere” if the “nationalist petty-bourgeois masses” do not fight together with the communist workers against capital wanted to. With this, Radek represented a new line of the KPD, which in 1923 sought, with strong reference to patriotic issues, to win over "the proletarian middle class". This new policy is also referred to as the “Schlageter Line” because of the speech. According to the French historian Louis Dupeux , Radek and the leadership of the KPD developed the “Schlageter Line”, a large-scale strategy to win the middle class and thus finally a large majority for the revolution beyond the united front. The new policy of the KPD led to a discussion with nationalists (such as Ernst Graf zu Reventlow and Arthur Moeller van den Bruck ) in the press, public confrontations and appeals, but only very rarely to real cooperation. It was also, as recent research shows, highly controversial within the party and was fought fiercely, above all, by the “Berlin opposition” on the left wing of the party. The strategy was therefore abandoned in September 1923.

Mythization in the "Schlageter cult"

Call for a celebration of the NSDAP local group in Schöppenstedt

With his death, Schlageter was “ stylized up to a national hero” by the political right and called “ the [emphasis]. i. Orig.] Integration figure ”is used. In this part of the political spectrum in the Weimar Republic, a “Schlageter cult” developed, which led to numerous publications and, not infrequently, to general public events for right-wing parties. National Socialists played an important role in this from the start.

In the spring of 1923 , a “Schlageter company” was established within the Munich SA regiment that took part in the Hitler-Ludendorff putsch a few months later .

In 1923/1924 an underground group was established that traded as the “Colombia Hiking Club” but internally referred to itself as the “Schlageter Company” and promoted entry into the Reichswehr among the unemployed in the Ruhr area. Its members swore in a solemn ritual "iron discipline and punishment for all traitors". The group carried the swastika as a symbol.

A first publication on Schlageter appeared in 1923 by Franz-Eher-Verlag , the party publisher of the NSDAP. As early as 1926, local initiatives set up the first Schlageter memorials, such as the Schlageter memorial on the Höllenberg near Visselhövede in Lower Saxony. The swastika was used in its design. In addition to National Socialists - at the inauguration of a Schlageter memorial at the place of execution in Düsseldorf in 1931 - delegations from Stahlhelm , Jungdo, war clubs, student corporations and speakers from the DNVP were regular participants at Schlageter commemorations.

The political right has since glorified Schlageter as a national martyr who fell victim to betrayal by his political opponents. The National Socialists and their immediate predecessors played a particularly active role. The "alleged heroic deeds of Schlageter and his like-minded people (created) the basis of a propaganda with which the Third Reich hoped to educate its youth in a similar way over a decade later." This is what the Nazi poet Hanns Johst did in his 1929-1932 “Schlageter” his title hero for the “first soldier of the Third Reich”: He mythologized Schlageter's end with the pathetic appeal “Germany !!! Wake up Flame !!! ”for the“ blood sacrifice ”for the German people. Johst's “Prototype of the National Socialist Drama” was celebrated by the National Socialists as the strongest “poetic shaping of the sentiments and attitudes of our new Germany” and performed in more than 1000 German cities in 1933.

Many Schlageter monuments and groves arose within the borders of the empire before, across the board after 1933, the Schlageter settlement of the combatants in Berlin. On the occasion of the celebration of the ten-year anniversary of Schlageter's death on May 26, 1933, the rector-designate of the University of Freiburg, Martin Heidegger , who joined the NSDAP on May 1, 1933, heroized the executed man, who was not allowed to evade “his fate”, “by the heaviest and greatest To die of hard will and a clear heart. "

As voices of the republican-democratic forces, Die Weltbühne or Das Andere Deutschland spoke of the "Schlageter-Rummel" (Weltbühne, 1924) and of the "hype" about "a mercenary nature, an adventurer who did not enter civil life after the war could find back ”(The Other Germany, 1931). The world stage characterized him as the head of a "group of terrorists".

Current perception

As early as 1956, the German lawyer and historian Erich Eyck , who exiled in 1937, came to the conclusion in his History of the Weimar Republic , published in Switzerland, that “one cannot doubt that every other court martial, especially every German court martial, will render the same verdict in an analogous situation would have carried out. "

For contemporary history research, Schlageter is a secondary topic. According to a regional historical judgment, it is "personally quite insignificant". Insofar as contemporary historians perceive him at all, they largely attribute him to the early Nazi movement and emphasize his heroization as a “martyr” of the “political right” in the “Schlageter cult”.

Schlageter's honors are limited to the far right of the political spectrum. The neo-Nazi association "Albert Leo Schlageter", which existed in the 1970s, is an example of this. In 1977 he tried to build on an honor from 1933 by putting a plaque in a kind of runic script at the location of a Schlageter cross near Passau. At the end of the 1970s there was a “Wehrsportgruppe Schlageter” in southwest Germany, which was in contact with the “ Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann ” and whose leader had “personal relationships with the alleged Oktoberfest assassin Gundolf Köhler ”.

When in 1977 a hit-critical play was performed by students in Uelzen, Lower Saxony, a serious tumult broke out, headed by a group led by right-wing extremist Manfred Roeder , leader of the " German Action Group ". Letters to the editor spoke of a “disparagement of Schlageter”, of his “heroism”, “idealism” and “sacrifice”. In 1980 the NPD held a memorial event at his birthplace. During the 1990s, Schlageter was almost forgotten in right-wing extremist circles. At the beginning of the 21st century, the day of Schlageter's death became a day of remembrance in neo-Nazi circles.

Even with fraternities there is an occasional appreciation for Schlageter. In 1993, the Marburg Burschenschaft Rheinfranken created a leaflet in which the 70th anniversary of Schlageter's death was remembered ("Role model of the German youth", "in the sign of sacrifice for his fatherland, the national community, for values ​​that seem long forgotten"). In 2001, the Danubia Munich fraternity included a lecture "Albert Leo Schlageter - Life and Death of a German Hero" by its member Alexander von Webenau, who was temporarily chairman of the National Democratic University Association (NHB) of the NPD, in its semester program.

In addition to the scientific publications (listed in the literature list), there are apologetic biographical publications that appeared in the extreme right of the associated publishers. There Schlageter is portrayed as a "freedom and resistance fighter", as in the depictions from the 1920s to 1940s. So far, these writings have not been received in any way in research.

Monuments and name sponsorships

Former Schlageter stone at the Hanskühnenburg in the Harz Mountains, the stone was removed in summer 2013.

Around 100 Schlageter monuments were built during the Weimar Republic and National Socialism , of which around 20 still exist, at least in remnants. In close proximity to Schlageter's execution site in 1931, the Schlageter National Monument in Düsseldorf, which was demolished in 1946, became the most famous of its kind . Schlageter also gave its name to various streets, places and organizations all over Germany, most of which have since been renamed. The VfR Aalen venue at that time was renamed Schlageter-Kampfbahn in 1939 .

literature

  • Jay W. Baird: The Martyrdom of Albert Leo Schlageter . In: To Die for Germany: Heroes in the Nazi Pantheon. Indiana University Press, 1992, ISBN 0-253-20757-6 , pp. 13-40.
  • Manfred Franke : Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Prometh, Cologne 1980, ISBN 3-922009-38-7 .
  • Ralf Hoffrogge : The Summer of National Bolshevism? The position of the KPD left on the Ruhrkampf and its criticism of the “Schlageter course” of 1923 , in: Sozial.Geschichte Online, No. 20/2017.
  • Ludwig Hügen: Was Albert Leo Schlageter in the wrong direction in March 1923? In: Home book of the district of Viersen. Volume 48. Ed. Oberkreisdirektor Viersen. Viersen 1997, pp. 206-210.
  • Johannes Hürter:  Schlageter, Albert Leo. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 23, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-428-11204-3 , p. 23 ( digitized version ).
  • Friedrich Georg Jünger , Albert Leo Schlageter. In: Ernst Jünger (Ed.): The Unforgotten . Munich 1928, pp. 302–311 (in the holdings of the German Literature Archive )
  • Michael Knauff: The Schlageter National Monument on the Golzheimer Heide in Düsseldorf. In: History in the West. Volume 2, 1995, pp. 198ff.
  • Joachim Kuropka: Schlageter and the Oldenburger Münsterland 1923/1933. A milestone on the way to the nihilism revolution. In: Yearbook for the Oldenburger Münsterland. 1984, pp. 85-98.
  • Klaus Pabst: The Ruhr War. In: Walter Först (Hrsg.): Between Ruhr struggle and reconstruction. (= Contributions to the modern history of the Rhineland and Westphalia. Volume 5). Cologne / Berlin 1972, pp. 11–50. (Special edition for the State Center for Political Education of North Rhine-Westphalia)
  • Matthias Sprenger: Landsknechte on the way to the Third Reich? On the genesis and change of the Freikorps myth . Schöningh, Paderborn u. a. 2008, ISBN 978-3-506-76518-5 .
  • Stefan Zwicker: Albert Leo Schlageter - a symbolic figure of German nationalism between the world wars. In: Bernard Linek (ed.): Nacjonalizm a tożsamość narodowa w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w XiX i XX w. Opole 2000, pp. 199-214. ( Anthology in full text on Eastern Europe documents online)
  • Stefan Zwicker: “National Martyrs”: Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. (= Schöningh Collection on Past and Present) Schöningh, Paderborn 2006, ISBN 3-506-72936-5 . ( Full text on Eastern Europe documents online)
  • Paul Rothmund: Albert Leo Schlageter 1923–1983. In: The Markgräflerland. Issue 2/1983, pp. 3-36.
  • Markus Pohl: Albert Leo Schlageter (1894–1923). Soldier, CVer, myth . Once and Now, Yearbook of the Association for Corporate Student History Research, Vol. 64 (2019), pp. 321–336.

Web links

Commons : Albert Leo Schlageter  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ (“Despekt”: “Contempt”) in: Stefan Zwicker: “National Martyrs”: Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. Paderborn 2006, p. 309.
  2. ↑ Zwicker, p. 34.
  3. ↑ Zwicker, pp. 34–35.
  4. ↑ Zwicker, pp. 37-38.
  5. ↑ Zwicker, pp. 38–42.
  6. ^ Stefan Zwicker: "National Martyrs": Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. P. 45.
  7. ^ A b Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero . Cologne 1980, p. 37f.
  8. ↑ Baird, p. 20.
  9. ↑ Jay W. Baird: “To Die for Germany”. Heroes in the Nazi Pantheon . Indiana University Press, p. 20.
  10. ^ A b Bernd Kruppa: Right-wing radicalism in Berlin 1918–1928 . Overall, Berlin 1988, pp. 198-204.
  11. ↑ Martin Schuster: The SA in the National Socialist seizure of power in Berlin and Brandenburg 1926–1934 . Diss. Phil. TU Berlin 2005, p. 22. On the GDAP, cf. Dieter Fricke u. a. (Ed.): Lexicon on the history of parties. The bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties and associations in Germany (1789–1945) . Volume 1, Cologne 1983, pp. 553f.
  12. ^ Bernhard Sauer, Black Reichswehr and Fememorde. A milieu study on right-wing radicalism in the Weimar Republic . Metropol Verlag, Berlin 2004, p. 47.
  13. ↑ Hans Mommsen: Rise and Fall of the Republic of Weimar. 1918-1933 . Berlin 1997, p. 172; Heinrich August Winkler, The Long Way West. Volume 1, German history from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic . Munich 2002, 4th edition, p. 436; Ursula Büttner: Weimar - the overwhelmed republic. 1918-1933. In: Wolfgang Benz u. Ursula Büttner (Ed.): The departure into modernity - the 20th century. Weimar - the overwhelmed republic. 1918-1933 . Handbook of German History , 10th edition. Volume 18, Stuttgart 2010, p. 390.
  14. ↑ Most recently by Stefan Zwicker, who considers "membership in the NSDAP or its affiliated party not proven, [...] but quite conceivable". Stefan Zwicker, “National Martyrs”. Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fucík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. Paderborn 2006, p. 53.
  15. ^ Thomas Friedrich, The abused capital: Hitler and Berlin . Propylaea, Berlin 2007, p. 82.
  16. ^ Report of the detective inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 34 f.
  17. ↑ a b Report by Detective Inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 35f.
  18. ↑ a b c Gerd Krüger: Surveillance of the population and “punishment” of non-conforming behavior during and after the occupation of the Ruhr (1923–1926). In: Yearbook of the Institute for Cultural Studies. 1997/98, pp. 266-269.
  19. ^ Report of the detective inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 37.
  20. ↑ Hannsjoachim W. Koch: The German Civil War. A History of the German and Austrian Freikorps 1918–1923. Ullstein, Berlin 1978, p. 339.
  21. ↑ Gerd Krüger: Active and passive resistance in the Ruhr fight 1923. In: Günther Kronenbitter, Markus Pöhlmann , Dierk Walter (Ed.): Besatzung. Function and form of foreign military rule from antiquity to the 20th century . Schöningh, Paderborn 2006, pp. 125–129.
  22. ^ Report of the detective inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 38.
  23. ↑ The victim is also referred to as Synder and Snyder. The Communist Red Tribune claimed in May 1923 that Sinder was a member of the USPD . Stefan Zwicker: “National Martyrs”: Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. P. 55 f .; Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 40; Gerd Krüger: “We watch and punish!” Violence in the battle against the Ruhr in 1923. In: Gerd Krumeich u. Joachim Schröder (Ed.): The shadow of the world war. The occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 . Klartext, Essen 2004, p. 242; Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic politics 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 37f.
  24. ↑ Wolfgang Sternstein: The Ruhrkampf of 1923. In: Adam Roberts (Ed.): Civilian Resistance as a National Defense. Non-Violent Action against Aggression . Stackpole, London 1968, p. 124.
  25. ^ Report of the detective inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 39; Zwicker, "National Martyrs". P.56.
  26. ^ Zwicker: "National Martyrs". P. 56 f.
  27. ↑ a b Gerd Krüger: Active and passive resistance in the Ruhr fight 1923. In: Günther Kronenbitter, Markus Pöhlmann, Dierk Walter (Ed.): Occupation. Function and form of foreign military rule from antiquity to the 20th century . Schöningh, Paderborn 2006, p. 121 f.
  28. ^ Conan Fischer: The 1923 Ruhr Crises. The Limits of Active Resistance . In: Frank Biess et al. (Ed.): Conflict, Catastrophe and Continuity. Essays on Modern German History. Berghahn, NY 2007, p. 52f.
  29. ↑ See, for example, the assessment of Paul Wentzcke , who writes in this context: “One scattered the forces in individual rallies.” Quoted from Franke, Schlageter. P. 104.
  30. ^ Conan Fischer: The 1923 Ruhr Crises. The Limits of Active Resistance. In: Frank Biess et al. (Ed.): Conflict, Catastrophe and Continuity. Essays on Modern German History. Berghahn, NY 2007, p. 55, limited preview in Google Book search.
  31. ^ Zwicker: "National Martyrs". P. 57.
  32. ↑ Jay W. Baird: To Die for Germany. Heroes in the Nazi Pantheon. Indiana UP, Bloomington 1990, p. 29; Franke, Schlageter. Pp. 119-124.
  33. ^ Zwicker: "National Martyrs". P. 59.
  34. ^ Franke: Schlageter. P. 54f.
  35. ^ Zwicker: "National Martyrs". P. 57f.
  36. ^ Report of the detective inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 39.
  37. ↑ Hannsjoachim W. Koch: The German Civil War. A History of the German and Austrian Freikorps 1918–1923. Ullstein, Berlin 1978, p. 341.
  38. ^ Report of the detective inspector Weitzel on the activities of the Hauenstein organization in the occupied area. May 25, 1923. In: Heinz Hürten: The crisis year 1923. Military and domestic policy 1922–1924. Droste, Düsseldorf 1980, p. 39; Franke, Schlageter. Pp. 128f., 41.
  39. ↑ For the date and text of the judgment, see: Stefan Zwicker: “National Martyrs”: Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. P. 63.
  40. ↑ Zwicker p. 64, Baird p. 23-24.
  41. ↑ Zwicker p. 64.
  42. ^ A b Stefan Zwicker: "National Martyrs": Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. P. 65.
  43. ^ Heinrich August Winkler, Weimar. 1918–1933, Munich 1993, p. 194.
  44. ^ Franke: Schlageter. P. 78.
  45. ↑ Horst Möller: The Weimar Republic . Munich 2006, 8th edition, p. 164.
  46. ↑ Zwicker, p. 73.
  47. ↑ Klaus Pabst, Der Ruhrkampf, in: Walter Först (Ed.), Between Ruhrkampf and Reconstruction (Contributions to the Modern History of the Rhineland and Westphalia, Volume 5), Cologne / Berlin 1972 (special edition for the State Center for Political Education of the State of North Rhine- Westphalia), p. 27 ff.
  48. ↑ Karin Orth: The Concentration Camp SS. Social structural analyzes and biographical studies. Göttingen 2000, p. 110ff.
  49. ^ Commander in Auschwitz. Autobiographical notes by Rudolf Höß . Introduced u. commented by Martin Broszat. DVA, Stuttgart 1958, p. 36 f., Cited above. 37.
  50. ^ Stefan Zwicker: "National Martyrs": Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. P. 60.
  51. ^ Stefan Zwicker: "National Martyrs": Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. Pp. 130-133.
  52. ↑ Including the Schlageter quotations see: Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 105.
  53. ^ Stefan Zwicker: "National Martyrs": Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance. P. 52.
  54. ↑ See Heinrich August Winkler: Weimar, 1918–1933. The history of the first German democracy. 4th edition. Munich 2005, p. 194; Klaus Hildebrand: The past realm. German foreign policy from Bismarck to Hitler. 3. Edition. Munich 2008, p. 436.
  55. ^ Bernhard Sauer: Black Reichswehr and Fememorde. A milieu study on right-wing radicalism in the Weimar Republic. Metropol, Berlin 2004, pp. 8f., 45–47.
  56. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: Weimar 1918–1933. The history of the first German democracy. 4th edition. Munich 2005, p. 194.
  57. ↑ Alfred E. Cornbise: The Weimar in Crisis. Cuno's Germany and tbe Ruhr Occupation . University Press of America, Washington DC 1977, pp. 252f.
  58. ^ Peter Hüttenberger: Düsseldorf. History from the origins to the 20th century . Volume 3. The industrial and administrative city (20th century) . Düsseldorf 1989, p. 331.
  59. ↑ Cornbise: Weimar Crises. P. 255 f.
  60. ^ Peter Hüttenberger: Düsseldorf. History from the origins to the 20th century . Volume 3. The industrial and administrative city (20th century) . Düsseldorf 1989, p. 330.
  61. ^ Zwicker: "National Martyrs". P. 69; Franke, Schlageter. Pp. 82-85.
  62. ↑ Eberhard Schön: The emergence of National Socialism in Hesse. Anton Hain, Meisenheim am Glain 1972, p. 48.
  63. ^ Gerhard Kaller: Baden in the Weimar Republic. In: Meinrad Schaab , Hansmartin Schwarzmaier (ed.) U. a .: Handbook of Baden-Württemberg History . Volume 4: Die Länder since 1918. Edited on behalf of the Commission for Historical Regional Studies in Baden-Württemberg . Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2003, ISBN 3-608-91468-4 , p. 50.
  64. ^ A b Ute Scherb: “To the Freiburg student Alb. Leo Schlageter from Schönau in the Black Forest ”. Hero worship at the University of Freiburg. In: Freiburg University Gazette. 38, No. 145 1999, pp. 145-148.
  65. ↑ Ute Scherb: “To the Freiburg student Alb. Leo Schlageter from Schönau in the Black Forest ”. Hero worship at the University of Freiburg. In: Freiburg University Gazette. 38, No. 145 1999, p. 148f.
  66. ^ Zwicker: "National Martyrs". Pp. 70, 122.
  67. ↑ Heinrich Wolf: The Young German Order in its middle years 1922-1925. Munich 1972, pp. 34f., 54f.
  68. ^ Scherb: Freiburg students. P. 150.
  69. ^ Zwicker: National Martyrs. Pp. 108-110.
  70. ^ Siegfried Heimann: The Prussian Landtag 1899-1947. A political story. Ch. Links, Berlin 2011, p. 293; Cornbise, The Weimar in Crises. P. 254 f .; Zwicker: National Martyrs. P. 72.
  71. ^ Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Prometh Verlag, Cologne 1980, ISBN 3-922009-38-7 , p. 88 ff.
  72. ↑ Louis Dupeux: "National Bolshevism" in Germany 1919-1933. Communist strategy and conservative dynamics. Munich 1985, pp. 178-205, cit. 186 f.
  73. ↑ Louis Dupeux: "National Bolshevism" in Germany 1919-1933. Communist strategy and conservative dynamics. Munich 1985, pp. 178-205, esp. 178, 185-189.
  74. ↑ Cf. Ralf Hoffrogge : The Summer of National Bolshevism? The position of the KPD left on the Ruhrkampf and its criticism of the “Schlageter course” of 1923 , in: Sozial.Geschichte Online, No. 20/2017.
  75. ^ Klaus Pabst: The Ruhr War. In: Walter Först (Ed.): Between Ruhr War and Reconstruction [Contributions to the recent history of the Rhineland and Westphalia, Volume 5]. Cologne / Berlin 1972 [special edition for the state center for political education of the state of North Rhine-Westphalia], p. 28.
  76. ^ Matthias Sprenger: Landsknechte on the way to the Third Reich? On the genesis and change of the Freikorps myth . Paderborn 2008, p. 48.
  77. ^ Helge Dvorak: Biographical Lexicon of the German Burschenschaft. Volume I: Politicians. Sub-Volume 5: R – S. Winter, Heidelberg 2002, ISBN 3-8253-1256-9 , p. 330.
  78. ↑ a b Klaus Pabst: The Ruhr War. In: Walter Först (Hrsg.): Between Ruhr struggle and reconstruction (contributions to the recent history of the Rhineland and Westphalia, Volume 5). Cologne / Berlin 1972 (special edition for the State Center for Political Education of the State of North Rhine-Westphalia), p. 29.
  79. ↑ William Hügenell: Schlageter . Munich 1923.
  80. ↑ Past times. Retrieved June 29, 2018 (German).
  81. ^ Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 98 f.
  82. ^ Hans Mommsen: Rise and Fall of the Republic of Weimar 1918–1933 . Berlin 1997, p. 172.
  83. ^ Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 139.
  84. ^ Klaus Pabst: The Ruhr War. In: Walter Först (Hrsg.): Between Ruhr struggle and reconstruction (contributions to the recent history of the Rhineland and Westphalia, Volume 5). Cologne / Berlin 1972 (special edition for the state center for political education of the state of North Rhine-Westphalia), p. 29f.
  85. ↑ "We boys who stand by Schlageter, we stand by him not because he is the last soldier of the World War, but because he is the first soldier of the Third Reich !!!" Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 106. See also: Rolf Düsterberg , Hanns Johst: The Bard of the SS - Careers of a German Poet . Paderborn 2004. In a sub-chapter, Düsterberg documents, among other things, the history of reception and performance of Schlageter in detail.
  86. ^ Johannes G. Pankau (editor): Johst, Hanns. In: Lexicon of authors and works. Killy Literature Lexicon, CD-ROM Digital Library Volume 9, Directmedia, 2nd edition. Berlin 2000, pp. 9564-9569 (9567f.) Cf. Literaturlexikon. Authors and works in the German language (Volume 6). Edited by Walther Killy, Gütersloh / Munich, p. 126f.
  87. ↑ Bernd Martin, The University of Freiburg im Breisgau in 1933. A review of Heidegger's rectorate , In: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins 136 (1988), p. [445] - 477, here: p. 460 f.
  88. ↑ cf. Victor Farías: Heidegger and National Socialism . S. Fischer, Frankfurt a. M., p. 137.
  89. ^ Martin Heidegger: Schlageterfeier der Freiburg University. In: Guido Schneeberger: Gleanings on Heidegger . Bern 1962, p. 49.
  90. ^ Stefan Zwicker: National Martyrs - Albert Leo Schlageter and Julius Fučík. Hero cult, propaganda and culture of remembrance . (Schöningh Collection on Past and Present) Schöningh, Paderborn 2006, p. 117f.
  91. ↑ The world stage . The Schaubühne XXIII. Year. Weekly for politics-art-economy. 23rd year. 1st and 2nd half of 1927, p. 874 (ND Königstein 1978).
  92. ↑ Erich Eyck: History of the Weimar Republic . 1. Vol., Erlenbach-Zurich 1956, p. 319.
  93. ↑ Kurt Hirsch: The Conservatives and Franz Josef Strauss . Munich 1979, p. 229 - names in a list as groups of this type "Bund Albert Leo Schlageter", "SA-Sturm 8. Mai" and "Kampfgruppe Großdeutschland"
  94. ↑ Heritage lives. In: Der Spiegel. No. 36, August 29, 1977, p. 52.
  95. ↑ Neo-Nazis in the Middle East - betrayed and set up. In: Der Spiegel. No. 27, June 29, 1981, p. 30, and terrorists. Analysis changed. In: Der Spiegel. No. 41, October 7, 1985, p. 46.
  96. ^ Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 16ff.
  97. ^ Manfred Franke: Albert Leo Schlageter. The first soldier of the 3rd Reich. The demythologization of a hero. Cologne 1980, p. 7.
  98. ^ Anton Maegerle: Right-wing extremist symbolism. In: grandstand. 45 2006, p. 116.
  99. ^ Dietrich Heither : Allied men. The German Burschenschaft - Weltanschauung, Politics and Customs . Cologne 2000, p. 365.
  100. ↑ Alexander Hüsing: Burschenschaften. Connections court rights . Spiegel Online - Unispiegel, June 14, 2001.
  101. ^ Karl Höffkes , Uwe Sauermann: Albert Leo Schlageter. Freedom, you restless friend . Kiel 1983, and Wolfram Mallebrein von Preuß: Albert Leo Schlageter. The forgotten German freedom fighter . Prussian-Oldendorf 1990.
personal data
SURNAME Schlageter, Albert Leo
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Free corps member
DATE OF BIRTH August 12, 1894
PLACE OF BIRTH Schönau in the Black Forest , ( Baden )
DATE OF DEATH May 26, 1923
Place of death Golzheimer Heide , Düsseldorf